Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.2017224
Leon Mwamba Tshimpaka, C. Nshimbi
ABSTRACT This article argues that Roman Catholic bishops in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Zambia provide an arena for ordinary people to participate in politics and demand government accountability. The article analyses the bishops’ engagement with the populace as well as with the state through two dimensions of democratic quality: participation and accountability. The research design for the article is qualitative, and it is based on a literature review and listed sources. The article is also informed by an examination of the sociopolitical activities of the Roman Catholic Church’s faith-based organisation (FBO), the Conference of Catholic Bishops, as recorded in public pronouncements, communiques, and media reports. This FBO has long helped shape domestic politics in the DRC and Zambia. The article demonstrates various ways in which the Roman Catholic Church’s FBO-based pursuit of justice and truth in the DRC and Zambia results in substantially strengthened democratic accountability and participation.
本文认为，刚果民主共和国(DRC)和赞比亚的罗马天主教主教为普通人参与政治和要求政府问责提供了一个舞台。本文通过民主质量的两个维度:参与和问责来分析主教与民众以及与国家的接触。本文的研究设计是定性的，它是基于文献综述和列出的来源。本文还考察了罗马天主教的信仰组织(FBO)——天主教主教会议(Conference of Catholic Bishops)的社会政治活动，这些活动记录在公开声明、公报和媒体报道中。这个反馈一直帮助形成国内政治在刚果民主共和国和赞比亚。本文展示了罗马天主教会在刚果民主共和国和赞比亚以fbo为基础追求正义和真理的各种方式，这些方式大大加强了民主问责制和参与。
{"title":"Scaffolding the state: faith-based organisations and application of democratic principles in the DRC and Zambia","authors":"Leon Mwamba Tshimpaka, C. Nshimbi","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.2017224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.2017224","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article argues that Roman Catholic bishops in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Zambia provide an arena for ordinary people to participate in politics and demand government accountability. The article analyses the bishops’ engagement with the populace as well as with the state through two dimensions of democratic quality: participation and accountability. The research design for the article is qualitative, and it is based on a literature review and listed sources. The article is also informed by an examination of the sociopolitical activities of the Roman Catholic Church’s faith-based organisation (FBO), the Conference of Catholic Bishops, as recorded in public pronouncements, communiques, and media reports. This FBO has long helped shape domestic politics in the DRC and Zambia. The article demonstrates various ways in which the Roman Catholic Church’s FBO-based pursuit of justice and truth in the DRC and Zambia results in substantially strengthened democratic accountability and participation.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"121 1","pages":"76 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81786287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1971039
E. Muratova
ABSTRACT The article addresses changing gender roles and Muslim female activism in post-2014 Crimea. It focuses on the civil society organisation Crimean Solidarity (Krymskaia solidarnost’), which appeared in 2016 as a result of the Russian authorities’ criminalisation of Hizb ut-Tahrir (The Party of Islamic Liberation). At the time the study was conducted, August–November 2019, 70 male members of Hizb ut-Tahrir were in prison. Crimean Solidarity unites the families of arrested men, their lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and other sympathisers. The article is based on interviews with the women of Crimean Solidarity and analysis of their public speeches during the organisation’s monthly meetings. I argue that the 2014 ‘Crimean crisis’ contributed to a change in gender roles in the families of arrested party members and opened up space for women activists of Hizb ut-Tahrir in public spheres previously occupied mainly by men. This study contributes to the ongoing academic discussions on gender roles, women’s agency, and empowerment in conflict zones. It also sheds light on the contemporary situation of the Crimean Tatar people in post-2014 Crimea.
{"title":"Gender roles and Muslim women’s activism in post-2014 Crimea","authors":"E. Muratova","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1971039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1971039","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article addresses changing gender roles and Muslim female activism in post-2014 Crimea. It focuses on the civil society organisation Crimean Solidarity (Krymskaia solidarnost’), which appeared in 2016 as a result of the Russian authorities’ criminalisation of Hizb ut-Tahrir (The Party of Islamic Liberation). At the time the study was conducted, August–November 2019, 70 male members of Hizb ut-Tahrir were in prison. Crimean Solidarity unites the families of arrested men, their lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and other sympathisers. The article is based on interviews with the women of Crimean Solidarity and analysis of their public speeches during the organisation’s monthly meetings. I argue that the 2014 ‘Crimean crisis’ contributed to a change in gender roles in the families of arrested party members and opened up space for women activists of Hizb ut-Tahrir in public spheres previously occupied mainly by men. This study contributes to the ongoing academic discussions on gender roles, women’s agency, and empowerment in conflict zones. It also sheds light on the contemporary situation of the Crimean Tatar people in post-2014 Crimea.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"7 1","pages":"60 - 75"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90032220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.2020539
Marat S. Shterin, Daniel Nilsson Dehanas
This is the first issue of the fiftieth volume of Religion, State & Society. These 50 volumes represent the continuity between two manifestations of our journal, which was first issued as Religion in Communist Lands in 1973 and has been published as Religion, State & Society since 1992. These 50 volumes also point to the changes in the journal’s focus, scope, and context. Philip Walters, the editor who led the journal’s transformation into RSS, reminds us in his interview with Zoe Knox in this issue that the people behind RCL were motivated by both moral concerns and academic inquisitiveness. They wanted to alert the ‘free world’ to the vitality of religion in ‘communist lands’ and raise awareness of the predicament facing religious believers on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Indeed, the founding editor of RCL Michael Bourdeaux considered it his mission to be the ‘voice and speak’ for persecuted believers (2019, 87). In doing so, the RCL team in its early years performed a great service to the academic community by publishing a wealth of primary source material and exploring the relationship between religion and the communist system. Moreover, RCL was the brainchild of people associated with the Centre for the Study of Religion and Communism, which eventually developed into Keston College with its important ‘counter-archive’ (Luehrmann 2015). The two book reviews in this issue, written by scholars deeply engaged with Keston’s archive (now at Baylor University in Texas, USA), further illuminate this history of Keston College and the marginalised voices it sought to amplify. Ironically, or perhaps prophetically, the journal was founded at a time when secularisation theory reigned supreme in western academia, and religion was seen more widely as withering away and unworthy of attention. The idea of RCL, perhaps inadvertently, defied that view. It implied that focusing on religion under communism would enable us to better understand both the operation of an oppressive political system and the workings of religion itself. With the benefit of hindsight one might question, as Sonja Luehrmann did, whether the vitality of religion under communism in the 1970s and 1980s was perhaps exaggerated (see e.g. Luehrmann 2013). Even so, the palimpsest for this journal had been established: the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union may have disappeared, but the journal’s moral concerns and academic inquisitiveness have outlived them, as we continue to seek to uncover new facets of the relationships between religion, state, and society. The founders, editors, and readers of RCL were concerned about the suppression of religion and the oppression of religious believers by communist regimes using brutal means such as imprisonment, confinement in psychiatric asylums, and the prohibition of religious observance. While five decades later this kind of state control persists in parts of the world, academic research and public attention have focused i
{"title":"Editors’ introduction","authors":"Marat S. Shterin, Daniel Nilsson Dehanas","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.2020539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.2020539","url":null,"abstract":"This is the first issue of the fiftieth volume of Religion, State & Society. These 50 volumes represent the continuity between two manifestations of our journal, which was first issued as Religion in Communist Lands in 1973 and has been published as Religion, State & Society since 1992. These 50 volumes also point to the changes in the journal’s focus, scope, and context. Philip Walters, the editor who led the journal’s transformation into RSS, reminds us in his interview with Zoe Knox in this issue that the people behind RCL were motivated by both moral concerns and academic inquisitiveness. They wanted to alert the ‘free world’ to the vitality of religion in ‘communist lands’ and raise awareness of the predicament facing religious believers on the other side of the Iron Curtain. Indeed, the founding editor of RCL Michael Bourdeaux considered it his mission to be the ‘voice and speak’ for persecuted believers (2019, 87). In doing so, the RCL team in its early years performed a great service to the academic community by publishing a wealth of primary source material and exploring the relationship between religion and the communist system. Moreover, RCL was the brainchild of people associated with the Centre for the Study of Religion and Communism, which eventually developed into Keston College with its important ‘counter-archive’ (Luehrmann 2015). The two book reviews in this issue, written by scholars deeply engaged with Keston’s archive (now at Baylor University in Texas, USA), further illuminate this history of Keston College and the marginalised voices it sought to amplify. Ironically, or perhaps prophetically, the journal was founded at a time when secularisation theory reigned supreme in western academia, and religion was seen more widely as withering away and unworthy of attention. The idea of RCL, perhaps inadvertently, defied that view. It implied that focusing on religion under communism would enable us to better understand both the operation of an oppressive political system and the workings of religion itself. With the benefit of hindsight one might question, as Sonja Luehrmann did, whether the vitality of religion under communism in the 1970s and 1980s was perhaps exaggerated (see e.g. Luehrmann 2013). Even so, the palimpsest for this journal had been established: the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union may have disappeared, but the journal’s moral concerns and academic inquisitiveness have outlived them, as we continue to seek to uncover new facets of the relationships between religion, state, and society. The founders, editors, and readers of RCL were concerned about the suppression of religion and the oppression of religious believers by communist regimes using brutal means such as imprisonment, confinement in psychiatric asylums, and the prohibition of religious observance. While five decades later this kind of state control persists in parts of the world, academic research and public attention have focused i","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"7 1","pages":"1 - 4"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87832895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1995273
Erica Weiss
ABSTRACT In this article, I examine how the Israeli legal system grapples with cases involving the spiritual world. Many Israelis do not separate the natural from the supernatural in their understanding of causation or in their attribution of responsibility and culpability, and as a result, they expect the legal system to regulate social life in the spiritual world as well as the natural one. This article examines the ways in which the Israeli legal system confronts three cases culled from the lives of religious Israeli Jews: claims of domestic abuse; ceremonial curses conducted in public; and political parties' appeals to voters with promises of religious salvation and/or threats of damnation. This article raises significant questions regarding legal equality for those citizens whose understandings of justice extend into the spiritual world, when the law fails to follow.
{"title":"Adjudicating the spiritual world in Israeli courts: dilemmas of equality of justice","authors":"Erica Weiss","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1995273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1995273","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, I examine how the Israeli legal system grapples with cases involving the spiritual world. Many Israelis do not separate the natural from the supernatural in their understanding of causation or in their attribution of responsibility and culpability, and as a result, they expect the legal system to regulate social life in the spiritual world as well as the natural one. This article examines the ways in which the Israeli legal system confronts three cases culled from the lives of religious Israeli Jews: claims of domestic abuse; ceremonial curses conducted in public; and political parties' appeals to voters with promises of religious salvation and/or threats of damnation. This article raises significant questions regarding legal equality for those citizens whose understandings of justice extend into the spiritual world, when the law fails to follow.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"110 1","pages":"5 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79277918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1961451
Z. Knox
{"title":"Hidden galleries: material religion in the secret police archives in Central and Eastern Europe","authors":"Z. Knox","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1961451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1961451","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"131 1","pages":"130 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83741101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1995274
D. Pettinato
ABSTRACT In the early 2010s the then Conservative-led coalition UK government implemented its ‘Big Society’ agenda for the neoliberal renegotiation of the relationship between the state, civil society, and individual citizens. More or less inadvertently, Big Society opened up spaces for everyday ethical agency and postsecular rapprochement. In this environment, faith-based organisations enjoyed a renewed role in the British public sphere, presenting both areas of resonance where neoliberal forms have been co-constituted; and areas of dissonance where neoliberal forms have been resisted. This contribution presents how the youth-led British Muslim charity Muslim Action for Development and the Environment (MADE) inserted itself at the intersection of these spaces, by articulating and trying to enlist young British Muslims into a project of ethical ‘Muslim lifestyle’ – that is, one where everyday ethical agency and pious self-cultivation are mutually integrated and shaped through a constant engagement with, and commitment to, the Islamic tradition. At one level, MADE’s discourse and practices replicated technologies of agency and ‘ideal citizen’ subjectivities constructed by Big Society. However, MADE also resisted this mode of governmentality (and wider neoliberal forms) by explicitly grounding its motivations, values, and norms within an Islamic ethical framework that it self-confidently mobilised as a hopeful counternarrative.
{"title":"Living an ethical ‘Muslim lifestyle’ within and beyond neoliberal governmentalities: discourse and practice of a youth-led British Muslim charity","authors":"D. Pettinato","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1995274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1995274","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the early 2010s the then Conservative-led coalition UK government implemented its ‘Big Society’ agenda for the neoliberal renegotiation of the relationship between the state, civil society, and individual citizens. More or less inadvertently, Big Society opened up spaces for everyday ethical agency and postsecular rapprochement. In this environment, faith-based organisations enjoyed a renewed role in the British public sphere, presenting both areas of resonance where neoliberal forms have been co-constituted; and areas of dissonance where neoliberal forms have been resisted. This contribution presents how the youth-led British Muslim charity Muslim Action for Development and the Environment (MADE) inserted itself at the intersection of these spaces, by articulating and trying to enlist young British Muslims into a project of ethical ‘Muslim lifestyle’ – that is, one where everyday ethical agency and pious self-cultivation are mutually integrated and shaped through a constant engagement with, and commitment to, the Islamic tradition. At one level, MADE’s discourse and practices replicated technologies of agency and ‘ideal citizen’ subjectivities constructed by Big Society. However, MADE also resisted this mode of governmentality (and wider neoliberal forms) by explicitly grounding its motivations, values, and norms within an Islamic ethical framework that it self-confidently mobilised as a hopeful counternarrative.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"6 1","pages":"368 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78276417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1996178
Mieke Groeninck
ABSTRACT This contribution focuses on the specific Islamic authority figures that have been incorporated as ‘key figures’ in Belgian deradicalisation policies since 2015, in order to formulate a theological counter discourse. It asks firstly how these Muslim authority figures differentiate their position as ‘non-state’ actors manoeuvring a space of negotiation in secular power structures. Secondly, the contribution reflects on how they negotiate what Talal Asad has called ‘the secular episteme’ in their formulation of a theological counternarrative, as well as on how this relates to processes of ethical self-making and ‘apt’ authority formation. Rather than considering them as docile agents of the secular sovereign state, the concept of ‘border thinking’ is used to value the inter- and intra-traditional situatedness from where they attempt to renegotiate the horizons of expectations subscribed in hegemonic secularism.
{"title":"Difference and negotiation from the borders: Islamic religious actors providing theological counternarratives for deradicalisation in Belgium","authors":"Mieke Groeninck","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1996178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1996178","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This contribution focuses on the specific Islamic authority figures that have been incorporated as ‘key figures’ in Belgian deradicalisation policies since 2015, in order to formulate a theological counter discourse. It asks firstly how these Muslim authority figures differentiate their position as ‘non-state’ actors manoeuvring a space of negotiation in secular power structures. Secondly, the contribution reflects on how they negotiate what Talal Asad has called ‘the secular episteme’ in their formulation of a theological counternarrative, as well as on how this relates to processes of ethical self-making and ‘apt’ authority formation. Rather than considering them as docile agents of the secular sovereign state, the concept of ‘border thinking’ is used to value the inter- and intra-traditional situatedness from where they attempt to renegotiate the horizons of expectations subscribed in hegemonic secularism.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"15 1","pages":"331 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86674450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.2002626
H. Iqtidar
ABSTRACT Prompted by the contributions to this collection, this afterword reflects on questions about how Europe is imagined and inhabited. Talal Asad once claimed that ‘Muslims are present in Europe and yet absent from it’. He suggests that this paradox arises from the ways in which Europe is imagined such that Muslims are excluded in profound manner from its history and development. Not recognising their historical and long-running presence in Europe, albeit in varying numbers over time, means that they are not seen as an integral part of it, only as an additive extra. The contributions collected here explore the implications of this erasure of Muslims as Europeans from the European public imagination, while also shedding light on the ways in which continued Muslim presence and commitment to ethical self-making contests and engages with modes of governance suspicious of Muslims.
{"title":"Afterword: Muslim ethical self-making and secular governmentality in Europe","authors":"H. Iqtidar","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.2002626","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.2002626","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Prompted by the contributions to this collection, this afterword reflects on questions about how Europe is imagined and inhabited. Talal Asad once claimed that ‘Muslims are present in Europe and yet absent from it’. He suggests that this paradox arises from the ways in which Europe is imagined such that Muslims are excluded in profound manner from its history and development. Not recognising their historical and long-running presence in Europe, albeit in varying numbers over time, means that they are not seen as an integral part of it, only as an additive extra. The contributions collected here explore the implications of this erasure of Muslims as Europeans from the European public imagination, while also shedding light on the ways in which continued Muslim presence and commitment to ethical self-making contests and engages with modes of governance suspicious of Muslims.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"22 1","pages":"418 - 421"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81830514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-20DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1994847
Ryan Williams
ABSTRACT The liberal political project has come under scrutiny for its unfulfilled promises of freedom and equality for those at the margins of society. This contribution approaches the critical analysis of state-citizen relations through inquiring into how liberal secular governance enables, limits, and reshapes moral and ethical potentialities. It draws on a study of Muslim men under probation supervision in East London and their relationships with their empathetic probation officers to show how the state can direct Muslim-citizen subjects in virtuous and restorative ways but also in ways that mark ‘injury’, directing subjectivities towards cooperation with exclusionary state practices. Taking an intersectional approach and through attention to pain, this contribution argues that the state is intimately invested in subject formation, but its effects are uneven and polarised according to its own sovereignty and governing logics. The uneven subjectivities reflect the ‘precarity’ of governing Muslims at the margins directed towards inclusion and exclusion, assisting and controlling, care and punishment.
{"title":"State of injury: liberal multiculturalism and the Muslim subject after prison","authors":"Ryan Williams","doi":"10.1080/09637494.2021.1994847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2021.1994847","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The liberal political project has come under scrutiny for its unfulfilled promises of freedom and equality for those at the margins of society. This contribution approaches the critical analysis of state-citizen relations through inquiring into how liberal secular governance enables, limits, and reshapes moral and ethical potentialities. It draws on a study of Muslim men under probation supervision in East London and their relationships with their empathetic probation officers to show how the state can direct Muslim-citizen subjects in virtuous and restorative ways but also in ways that mark ‘injury’, directing subjectivities towards cooperation with exclusionary state practices. Taking an intersectional approach and through attention to pain, this contribution argues that the state is intimately invested in subject formation, but its effects are uneven and polarised according to its own sovereignty and governing logics. The uneven subjectivities reflect the ‘precarity’ of governing Muslims at the margins directed towards inclusion and exclusion, assisting and controlling, care and punishment.","PeriodicalId":45069,"journal":{"name":"Religion State & Society","volume":"17 1","pages":"350 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85640471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：