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State of injury: liberal multiculturalism and the Muslim subject after prison 受伤状态:自由多元文化主义与入狱后的穆斯林主体
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1994847
Ryan Williams
ABSTRACT The liberal political project has come under scrutiny for its unfulfilled promises of freedom and equality for those at the margins of society. This contribution approaches the critical analysis of state-citizen relations through inquiring into how liberal secular governance enables, limits, and reshapes moral and ethical potentialities. It draws on a study of Muslim men under probation supervision in East London and their relationships with their empathetic probation officers to show how the state can direct Muslim-citizen subjects in virtuous and restorative ways but also in ways that mark ‘injury’, directing subjectivities towards cooperation with exclusionary state practices. Taking an intersectional approach and through attention to pain, this contribution argues that the state is intimately invested in subject formation, but its effects are uneven and polarised according to its own sovereignty and governing logics. The uneven subjectivities reflect the ‘precarity’ of governing Muslims at the margins directed towards inclusion and exclusion, assisting and controlling, care and punishment.
自由主义政治计划因其未能兑现对社会边缘人群的自由和平等承诺而受到审视。这一贡献通过探究自由的世俗治理如何实现、限制和重塑道德和伦理潜力,对国家与公民关系进行了批判性分析。它借鉴了对东伦敦缓刑监督下的穆斯林男子的研究,以及他们与富有同情心的缓刑官员的关系,以展示国家如何以道德和恢复的方式指导穆斯林公民主体,但也以标志“伤害”的方式,引导主体性与排他性的国家做法合作。通过对痛苦的关注,采用交叉的方法,这篇文章认为,国家密切地投资于主体的形成,但根据其自身的主权和治理逻辑,其影响是不平衡和两极分化的。这种不平衡的主体性反映了统治边缘穆斯林的“不稳定性”,包括包容和排斥,帮助和控制,关心和惩罚。
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引用次数: 1
Orthodox churches and politics in Southeastern Europe: nationalism, conservativism, and intolerance 东南欧的东正教和政治:民族主义、保守主义和不宽容
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1995177
Vasilios N. Makrides
another, and thus in turn produce and reproduce the particular ways religious diversity circulates in public discourse? The text contends with a number of ‘linguistic dilemmas’ – successfully on some points, less so on others, and on yet others one might say ‘the jury is still out’. The perennial problem of consistency and accuracy in the uses of ‘ity’, ‘ism’, and ‘isation’, which dogs the field of sociology of religion generally, is one point of vulnerability in this text. One example is in the use of the term ‘religious diversity’, endowed by Burchardt with a normativity because of the ways it ‘is turning into an increasingly prominent tool in order to render populations legible for governmental and administrative purposes’ (3); it may or may not be overly pedantic to suggest that good old-fashioned ‘pluralism’ and ‘anti-pluralism’ could serve the purpose equally well without contributing to the prevalent conceptual confusion between diversity and pluralism. Another example may be found in the uses of ‘secular’, ‘secularism’, ‘secularity’, and ‘secularisation’. Perhaps more substantially though, one might question the overall limitation of the book’s focus, as indicated in its subtitle, on the ‘secular West’. Besides not offering a definition of the ‘secular West’, Burchardt also does not entirely do justice to his previous work on ‘multiple secularities’ in thus limiting the scope to the ‘secular West’: many contestations of religion akin to those he describes in his second chapter, and to those he elaborates further through examples of urban administration and debates around head and face coverings (chapters 3 and 4), as well as iterations of heritage religion (chapter 5) may be found in not-so-post-secular contexts, across the globe. The extent to which migration-driven diversity is a necessary catalyst for all the above may also be questioned in a globalised world in which societies may be torn by passionate debates over issues not (yet, or possibly ever) directly relevant to them, in an empirical sense at least. Burchardt’s Regulating Difference is an excellent resource for students and scholars of religious diversity, of the relationship between religion and national identity, and of secularism and secularity. It is path-breaking, insightful, and a delight to read, and the field of religious diversity studies will be enriched if many do indeed read it.
另一个,从而反过来产生和再现宗教多样性在公共话语中传播的特殊方式?这篇文章讨论了许多“语言困境”——在某些方面成功了,在另一些方面就不那么成功了,而在另一些方面,人们可能会说“尚无定论”。在使用“城市”、“主义”和“化”的一致性和准确性方面的长期问题,通常困扰着宗教社会学领域,是本文的一个弱点。一个例子是“宗教多样性”一词的使用,伯查特赋予了它规范性,因为它“正在成为一种日益突出的工具,以便为政府和行政目的提供清晰的人口”(3);老式的“多元主义”和“反多元主义”同样可以达到目的,而不会造成多样性和多元主义之间普遍存在的概念混淆,这种说法可能过于迂腐,也可能不太迂腐。另一个例子是“世俗的”、“世俗主义”、“世俗主义”和“世俗化”的用法。也许更重要的是,正如副标题所示,人们可能会质疑这本书关注的整体局限性,即“世俗西方”。除了没有给出“世俗西方”的定义之外,Burchardt也没有完全公正地对待他之前关于“多重世俗”的工作,从而将范围限制在“世俗西方”上:许多类似于他在第二章中描述的宗教争论,以及他通过城市管理和围绕头巾和面罩的辩论(第3章和第4章)的例子进一步阐述的宗教争论,以及传统宗教的迭代(第5章),可以在全球范围内的非后世俗背景中找到。在一个全球化的世界里,移民驱动的多样性在多大程度上是上述所有问题的必要催化剂,也可能受到质疑。在这个世界里,社会可能会因为与(尚未,或可能永远)与他们没有直接关系的问题(至少在经验意义上)的激烈辩论而四分五裂。伯查特的《调节差异》是研究宗教多样性、宗教与国家认同、世俗主义与世俗主义关系的学生和学者的优秀资源。这本书具有开创性,见解深刻,读起来令人愉悦,如果许多人真的读了它,宗教多样性研究领域将会丰富起来。
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引用次数: 11
The golden cage: heritage, (ethnic) Muslimness, and the place of Islam in post-Soviet Tatarstan 金笼子:遗产,(少数民族)穆斯林,以及伊斯兰教在后苏联鞑靼斯坦的地位
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1994846
M. Benussi
ABSTRACT Through the Weber-inspired metaphor of the ‘golden cage’, this contribution discusses the dual process by which both Islamic heritage and secularity are produced in Russia’s Muslim-majority Tatarstan Republic: on the one hand (‘gold’), Islam is given visibility/legitimacy as an element of Russia’s civilisational makeup; on the other (‘cage’), the region’s Islamic past is shaped by the state while ‘excessive’ manifestations of piety are marginalised. The contribution focuses on actors and dynamics at two heritage sites in post-Soviet Tatarstan – Kazan’s kremlin and Qol Şärif mosque, and Şaxri Bolğar. The ‘golden caging’ of Islam, encapsulated in these two intensely cherished heritage projects, resonates with a significant number of Tatars who, owing in part to the republic’s history of governmentalisation and populist mobilisation, embrace (or accept) a ‘secular’ model of ethnic, moral, and civic personhood.
通过网络中“金笼子”的隐喻,本文讨论了伊斯兰遗产和世俗性在俄罗斯穆斯林占多数的鞑靼斯坦共和国产生的双重过程:一方面(“黄金”),伊斯兰教作为俄罗斯文明构成的一个元素被赋予了可见性/合法性;另一方面(“笼子”),该地区的伊斯兰历史由国家塑造,而“过度”的虔诚表现被边缘化。这篇文章的重点是后苏联鞑靼斯坦的两个遗产地——喀山克里姆林宫和Qol Şärif清真寺和Şaxri Bolğar的行动者和动态。伊斯兰教的“金笼”,在这两个备受珍视的遗产项目中得到了体现,与大量鞑靼人产生了共鸣,部分原因是由于共和国的政府化和民粹主义动员的历史,他们拥抱(或接受)了一种“世俗”的种族、道德和公民人格模式。
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引用次数: 2
Democratization in Christian Orthodox Europe: comparing Greece, Serbia and Russia 东正教欧洲的民主化:比较希腊、塞尔维亚和俄罗斯
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1994791
G. Trantas
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引用次数: 0
Regulating difference: religious diversity and nationhood in the secular West 调节差异:世俗西方的宗教多样性和国家地位
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1989908
Effie Fokas
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引用次数: 12
Muslims and mosques in France: navigating the ‘cultural/religious’ dichotomy through God’s witnessing and the holism of Islam 法国的穆斯林和清真寺:通过真主的见证和伊斯兰教的整体论来导航“文化/宗教”的二分法
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1999124
Amin El-Yousfi
ABSTRACT The French state’s laïcité is characterised by a paradox of neutrality: the state claims neutrality while constantly intervening in the religious field, including in the definition of religion in relationship to categories like culture. How do Muslims navigate this paradoxical secular governmentality in relation to the legal and social representation of mosques’ activities as either religious or cultural? Muslims have been able to register new mosques in France either as ‘cultural’ (based on the 1901 law of associations) or ‘religious’ (based on the 1905 law of separation) associations. However, in recent years (particularly after the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks) state representatives have pushed local mosque leaders to adopt the ‘religious’ status. This contribution not only discusses the secular nature of the cultural/religious dichotomy and its role in the process of establishing mosques in France since the 1926 creation of the Grand Mosque of Paris, but also analyses how Muslim pieties centred around God’s witnessing (shāhidiyya) and the holism (jamʿiya) of Islam encounter and operate through a central component of the French secular governmentality of mosques, the cultural/religious distinction.
法国政府laïcité的特点是一个中立的悖论:国家声称中立,同时不断干预宗教领域,包括宗教与文化等类别的关系的定义。穆斯林如何驾驭这种矛盾的世俗治理,以及清真寺作为宗教或文化活动的法律和社会代表?在法国,穆斯林可以将新的清真寺注册为“文化”(基于1901年的结社法)或“宗教”(基于1905年的分离法)协会。然而,近年来(特别是在2015年巴黎恐怖袭击之后),各州代表敦促当地清真寺领导人采取“宗教”地位。这篇文章不仅讨论了文化/宗教二分法的世俗本质及其自1926年巴黎大清真寺创建以来在法国建立清真寺的过程中所起的作用,而且还分析了以真主见证为中心的穆斯林虔诚(shāhidiyya)和伊斯兰教的整体论(jam ā iya)是如何通过法国世俗清真寺治理的核心组成部分——文化/宗教区别——相遇和运作的。
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引用次数: 1
Lale’s un/veiling trajectory: shifting contours of pious citizenship in contemporary Turkey 拉尔的面纱轨迹:当代土耳其虔诚公民身份的变化
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1996179
Ida Hartmann
ABSTRACT Based on long-term fieldwork among members of the formerly influential Sunni Muslim Hizmet community in Istanbul in 2015, this contribution traces the ‘un/veiling trajectory’ of a woman called Lale, referring to her shifting engagement with the headscarf over a period of almost three decades. Rather than exemplifying a fragmented religiosity, these shifts are understood as articulations of Lale’s aspiration to align her Islamic commitment with the secular boundary for public religiosity, which is defined – and frequently redefined – by the Turkish state. Drawing on the notion of ‘pious citizenship’, Lale’s un/veiling trajectory constitutes the ethnographic ground for unravelling how, in Turkey, the secular boundary for public religiosity has reshaped Islamic ethical practice in three different ways: through state-imposed restrictions, as citizenly self-discipline, and by animating contestation between different religious Muslim groups. The contribution thus argues that Lale’s shifting engagement with the headscarf articulates a mode of Islamic commitment that is intimately, yet uneasily, intertwined with secular discourses, aesthetics, and sensitivities. In so doing, it brings forth an interplay between Islam and secularism that is much more intricate than the image of a binary opposition allows.
2015年,作者对伊斯坦布尔曾经颇具影响力的逊尼派穆斯林“真主党”(Hizmet)社区成员进行了长期的实地调查,追踪了一位名叫Lale的女性的“面纱轨迹”,指的是她在近30年的时间里对头巾的改变。这些转变并不是一个支离破碎的宗教信仰的例证,而是被理解为Lale渴望将她的伊斯兰信仰与公共宗教信仰的世俗边界结合起来的表达,而世俗宗教信仰是由土耳其政府定义的,并且经常被重新定义。利用“虔诚公民”的概念,Lale的面纱轨迹构成了民族志基础,揭示了在土耳其,公共宗教的世俗边界如何以三种不同的方式重塑伊斯兰伦理实践:通过国家强加的限制,作为公民自律,以及通过激发不同宗教穆斯林团体之间的争论。因此,这篇文章认为,拉勒对头巾的转变表达了一种伊斯兰信仰的模式,这种模式与世俗话语、美学和敏感性紧密相连,但又令人不安。在这样做的过程中,它带来了伊斯兰教和世俗主义之间的相互作用,这比二元对立的形象所允许的要复杂得多。
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引用次数: 0
Finding a ‘Shi’a voice’ in Europe: minority representation and the unsettling of secular humanitarianism in the discourse of ‘Shi’a rights’ 在欧洲寻找“什叶派的声音”:少数派代表和“什叶派权利”话语中世俗人道主义的不安
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1995275
Emanuelle Degli Esposti
ABSTRACT In contemporary Europe, where the hegemony of modern secular governance remains largely uncontested, how do minority religious communities – especially Muslims – negotiate the tension between religious duty and forms of secularised civic belonging? This contribution takes Twelver Shi’a Muslim activism in Europe as a starting place to interrogate the encounter between Islamic and secular values. In particular, I examine the emergence of what I call the discourse of ‘Shi’a rights’, through which Shi’a Muslims are seeking to gain minority recognition within the European context. Combining elements of Shi’a Islamic ethics with the language of secular humanitarianism, the discourse of ‘Shi’a rights’ is emancipatory and outward-facing while simultaneously being exclusionary and particularistic in the way it promotes specific understandings of what it means to be ‘Shi’a’. Crucially, I argue that this ambivalent nature of ‘Shi’a rights’ is a product of the encounter with secular liberal governance, especially the secular ideal of religious equality. Rather than representing a natural division between religion and society, contemporary secularism cultivates particular ethical attachments that ultimately serve to problematise the status of religious minorities. A focus on ‘Shi’a rights’ in Europe thus serves to illuminate the fractures and fissures that contemporary secular discourse seeks to hide.
在当代欧洲,现代世俗治理的霸权在很大程度上仍然是没有争议的,少数宗教团体——尤其是穆斯林——如何在宗教义务和世俗公民归属之间的紧张关系中进行谈判?这篇文章以欧洲的12个什叶派穆斯林激进主义为起点,对伊斯兰和世俗价值观之间的相遇进行了质疑。特别是,我研究了我所谓的“什叶派权利”话语的出现,通过这种话语,什叶派穆斯林正在寻求在欧洲背景下获得少数民族的认可。将什叶派伊斯兰伦理的元素与世俗人道主义的语言相结合,“什叶派权利”的话语是解放的和面向外部的,同时在促进对“什叶派”意味着什么的具体理解的方式上是排他性的和特殊的。至关重要的是,我认为“什叶派权利”的这种矛盾本质是与世俗自由主义治理,特别是宗教平等的世俗理想相遇的产物。当代世俗主义并没有代表宗教与社会之间的自然分离,而是培养了特定的伦理依恋,最终使宗教少数群体的地位成为问题。因此,对欧洲“什叶派权利”的关注有助于阐明当代世俗话语试图隐藏的裂痕和裂痕。
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引用次数: 3
Muslim ethical self-making and secular governmentality in Europe: an introduction 欧洲的穆斯林伦理自立与世俗治理:导论
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.2000261
Zubair Ahmad, Amin El-Yousfi
ABSTRACT In recent years, scholarship on Islam in Europe has highlighted the many attempts to govern Muslims and Islam. Concerned with discussions about secularism, security, integration, or national sentiments more generally, Muslims and Islam have become a target of governmental power. However, the effects of such governmental discourses, practices, or strategies are rarely analysed. In filling this lacuna, we turn to the scholarship on Muslim ethical self-making and specifically ask how configurations of a liberal-secular paradigm govern Muslim subjects in Europe. Focusing upon the nexus of governmentality and the (re-)making of an ethical self, we make visible the ways Islamic ethical and moral commitments are contested, negotiated, or even restructured through the liberal-secular powers of the modern state, its institutions, and its agents in different European contexts.
近年来,欧洲关于伊斯兰教的学术研究强调了许多治理穆斯林和伊斯兰教的尝试。在有关世俗主义、安全、融合或更普遍的民族情感的讨论中,穆斯林和伊斯兰教已成为政府权力的目标。然而,这种政府话语、实践或策略的影响很少被分析。为了填补这一空白,我们转向关于穆斯林伦理自我创造的学术研究,并特别询问自由-世俗范式的配置如何管理欧洲的穆斯林主体。聚焦于治理和伦理自我的(重新)构建之间的联系,我们可以看到,在不同的欧洲背景下,通过现代国家、其机构及其代理人的自由世俗权力,伊斯兰伦理和道德承诺是如何受到质疑、谈判甚至重构的。
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引用次数: 0
Respect, freedom, citizenship: Muslim women’s secularities and perspectives on wellbeing 尊重、自由、公民身份:穆斯林妇女的世俗性和对幸福的看法
IF 1 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/09637494.2021.1971038
Fernande W. Pool
ABSTRACT The religiosity of people migrating into secular European countries has posed many questions for policymakers and scholars alike, particularly where it concerns Islam. Rather than opposing migrants’ religious identities with secular values, this article examines shifts and tensions between the ‘multiple secularities’ of Muslim women and integration policy alike, through an ethnography of wellbeing. Set in the Netherlands, it demonstrates that Muslim women of Pakistani background embrace a secularity characterised by respect and religious liberty but that despite a ‘modernisation’ of values, their religion remains the source of their secularity. Dutch integration policy, however, has shifted from a secularity accommodating religious diversity to one characterised by individual liberty (placed in opposition to religion), and, increasingly, towards the progress of a culturally homogeneous nation. By thus failing to recognise religious sources and alternative social dimensions of human wellbeing, Dutch policy risks undermining secular values generally and alienating Dutch Muslims specifically.
移民到世俗欧洲国家的人们的宗教信仰给政策制定者和学者们提出了许多问题,尤其是涉及到伊斯兰教的问题。本文不是用世俗价值观来反对移民的宗教认同,而是通过一种幸福的民族志来研究穆斯林妇女的“多重世俗”和融合政策之间的变化和紧张关系。这部电影以荷兰为背景,展示了巴基斯坦背景的穆斯林妇女信奉以尊重和宗教自由为特征的世俗主义,但是尽管价值观“现代化”,她们的宗教仍然是她们世俗主义的来源。然而,荷兰的一体化政策已从包容宗教多样性的世俗主义转变为以个人自由为特征的政策(与宗教相对立),并日益转向文化同质国家的进步。因此,由于未能认识到宗教来源和人类福祉的其他社会层面,荷兰的政策可能会普遍破坏世俗价值观,特别是疏远荷兰穆斯林。
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引用次数: 2
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Religion State & Society
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