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Ah Bartleby! Study, learning, and pedagogy in Occupy Wall Street 阿巴特比!占领华尔街的研究、学习和教学法
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2079967
D. Webb
Abstract On October 26, 2011, a post appeared on the Occupy Wall Street Library blog titled “I would prefer not to.” The constant refrain of Herman Melville’s Bartleby, the Scrivener became one of Occupy’s defining mottos, appearing on placards, T-shirts, and tote bags. The phrase became so symbolic that it was used on the posters promoting the general strike called for May 2012. Bartleby’s mode of passive resistance has been theorized extensively. His appropriation by OWS has been the source of much theorizing too. What I want to do in this paper is use Bartleby as a useful analogy for exploring the educational logic of Occupy Wall Street. While some read a dangerous and threatening “Bartlebyan inscrutability” into OWS’s various refusals (the refusal to issue demands, to address questions of political ontology, to specify conditions of success), I argue instead that the performativity of Bartleby’s refusal helps cast light on the need for pedagogical intervention in moments and movements of utopian rupture. The very indeterminacy of study as a mode of educational being within OWS—of “preferring not to” actualize potential, adopt a political subjectivity, elucidate any determinate ends—created a vacuum that precluded the movement from learning from itself. The oscillating state of permanent suspension, in which the utopian possibilities contained within the movement were held im-potential, led to paralysis and neglect. In contrast to the “weak” utopianism ascribed to OWS by Tyson Lewis, I conclude the paper by calling for a “strong” utopianism conceived as a collective endeavor and iterative process but one within which pedagogical organization plays a crucial facilitating role.
2011年10月26日,占领华尔街图书馆的博客上出现了一篇题为“我宁愿不去”的文章。赫尔曼·梅尔维尔(Herman Melville)的《巴特比》(Bartleby)中反复出现的“抄写员”(Scrivener)成为占领运动的标志性口号之一,出现在标语牌、t恤和手提袋上。这句话变得如此具有象征意义,以至于它被用在宣传2012年5月总罢工的海报上。巴特比的被动抵抗模式已经被广泛地理论化了。占领华尔街运动对他的挪用也成为许多理论化的来源。在这篇论文中,我想用巴特利比作为一个有用的类比来探索占领华尔街的教育逻辑。虽然有些人把占领华尔街运动的各种拒绝(拒绝提出要求、拒绝解决政治本体论问题、拒绝明确成功的条件)解读为一种危险的、威胁性的“巴特利比式的不可知性”,但我认为,巴特利比的拒绝的表现性,有助于阐明在乌托邦破裂的时刻和运动中,教学干预的必要性。在占领华尔街运动中,学习作为一种教育存在模式的不确定性——“倾向于不”实现潜力,采取政治主体性,阐明任何确定的目标——创造了一个真空,阻碍了运动从自身学习。运动中所包含的乌托邦可能性被认为是不可能的,这种永久停滞的振荡状态导致了瘫痪和忽视。与泰森·刘易斯(Tyson Lewis)赋予占领运动的“弱”乌托邦主义相反,我在论文的最后呼吁一种“强”乌托邦主义,它被设想为一种集体努力和迭代过程,但在这种过程中,教学组织起着至关重要的促进作用。
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引用次数: 0
Narcissus in three acts 那西塞斯有三幕
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-03 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2066394
Brad Evans, Chantal Meza
Abstract This essay will address the narcissism of techno-nihilism into which life is being thrown. Written by a political theorist and artist, it looks specifically at the way technology is colonizing the political and artistic imagination. The essay is written over three acts, which traverse the logics of space and time. Act 1 is written by Brad Evans and situated in the year 2038. Based in Zacatecas, Mexico, he imagines a world where the university is now fully digitalized and governed by the world’s tech-giants, whose reach also includes control over all the leading cultural centers. It offers a futurist critique of the role technology is having on the life of an academic and how he imagines it impacted on the broader cultural and political terrains into which life has become fully immersed. Act 2, written by Chantal Meza from the present moment, deals with the impending catastrophe technology promises for art and creative styles for living. Central here is the colonization of art and the poetic sensibility by the desiring machine, notably the arrival of the smart gallery and the artificial intelligence artist who has become key in the battle in denying the exceptionalism of art, leading to the evisceration of what it means to be human. The final act appears in a non-located space and time, which drawing the above analysis together and through mediating on the prevailing myths of the so-called technological revolution—including their flawed literal and theoretical assumptions, asks whether we can even imagine breaking free from this dystopian novella?
这篇文章将讨论技术虚无主义的自恋,生活正被抛入其中。这本书由一位政治理论家和艺术家撰写,专门探讨了技术如何殖民政治和艺术想象。这篇文章分为三幕,贯穿了空间和时间的逻辑。第一幕由布拉德·埃文斯编剧,故事发生在2038年。他在墨西哥的萨卡特卡斯(Zacatecas)设想了这样一个世界:大学现在完全数字化,由世界科技巨头管理,他们的影响力还包括控制所有主要的文化中心。它提供了一种未来主义的批判,批判技术在一个学者的生活中所扮演的角色,以及他如何想象它对更广泛的文化和政治领域的影响,而生活已经完全浸入其中。第二幕是由Chantal Meza从现在开始写的,讲述了技术对艺术和创造性生活方式所带来的即将到来的灾难。这里的核心是欲望机器对艺术和诗意感性的殖民,尤其是智能画廊和人工智能艺术家的到来,他们已经成为否认艺术例外论的关键,导致人类的意义被摘除。最后一幕出现在一个不确定的空间和时间,将上述分析结合在一起,并通过调解所谓的技术革命的流行神话-包括他们有缺陷的文字和理论假设,问我们是否可以想象从这个反乌托邦的中篇小说中解脱出来?
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引用次数: 0
Asian American racialization, racial capitalism, and the threat of the model minority 亚裔美国人的种族化、种族资本主义和模范少数族裔的威胁
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2084326
W. Au
Abstract This paper argues for an Asian American racialization that takes seriously the political economy of racial capitalism. To do so, it first discusses the racial category of Asian American, and then take up the myth of the Model Minority as the defining form of Asian American racialization in education. This paper then connects the Model Minority to the tropes of Yellow Peril and Orientalism, arguing that our shortcomings of understanding Asian American racialization generally, and in education specifically, require us to develop a different theory of Asian American racialization that is not wholly confined within the boundaries of the United States. Following the racial political economy of Day (2016), this paper then discusses a conceptualization of Asian American racialization as that of abstract and efficient alien labor, and points to the ways this explains how Asian Americans have been used within racial dynamics in the U.S. This paper concludes with a discussion of the implications this reconceptualization of Asian American racialization for the construction of the Model Minority in education.
摘要本文认为亚裔美国人的种族化应该重视种族资本主义的政治经济学。为此,本文首先讨论了亚裔美国人的种族类别,然后将模范少数族裔的神话作为亚裔美国人在教育中的种族化的定义形式。然后,本文将模范少数民族与黄祸和东方主义的比喻联系起来,认为我们对亚裔美国人种族化的普遍理解,特别是在教育方面的理解存在缺陷,这要求我们发展一种不完全局限于美国边界的亚裔美国人种族化的不同理论。在Day(2016)的种族政治经济学之后,本文接着讨论了亚裔美国人种族化的概念,即抽象而有效的外来劳动力,并指出这解释了亚裔美国人如何在美国的种族动态中被使用。本文最后讨论了亚裔美国人种族化的重新概念化对教育中模范少数民族建设的影响。
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引用次数: 5
Statement of retraction: The political-educational praxis of Luis Emilio Recabarren (1904–1924) 撤回声明:路易斯·埃米利奥·雷卡巴伦(1904-1924)的政治教育实践
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-27 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2047362
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引用次数: 0
Insurrections in the age of counter-revolutions: Rethinking cultural politics and political education 反革命时代的起义:文化政治与政治教育的再思考
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2044706
Henry A. Giroux
Abstract The United States is at a turning point in its history. Insurrection has become a dominant motif describing a country torn between the promises and ideals of democracy and an emergent authoritarianism that trades in lies, lawlessness, and a rebranded fascist politics. In this article, I analyze the contrasting visions, politics, and role of education that are central to both notions of insurrection. In the first instance, I argue that insurrectional authoritarianism is wedded to a fascist legacy that calls for racial purity, militarism, ultra-nationalism, and state terrorism. In the second instance, I analyze insurrectional democracy as a mode of resistance that has a long legacy in the battle for racial justice, economic equality, and a politics of inclusion. The article explores how both positions are motivated by particular understandings of education, agency, and the future. Within this distinctive historical moment, both participate in a landscape in which images, the social media, and the Internet play a decisive role in merging political education, power, and cultural politics. Both notions of insurrection infuse cultural politics with a specific language that narrate their visions and work to produce particular modes of agency, identifications, and social relations. At the core of the article is an analysis of how each narrative uses language and cultural politics to define their different notions of insurrection and how education and politics merge to create militarized identities operating in a warring environment in which the very categories of politics, education and democracy are on trial. I conclude that insurrectional authoritarianism has created the context for a civil war marked by a number of counter-revolutionary interventions in which ideas are married to violence and present a threat to democracy. I conclude with a call for an insurrectional democracy that makes education central to politics in order to produce an anti-capitalist consciousness as the basis for a mass movement in defense of socialist democracy.
美国正处在一个历史的转折点上。起义已经成为描述一个国家的主要主题,这个国家在民主的承诺和理想与新兴的威权主义之间徘徊,后者以谎言、无法无天和重新命名的法西斯政治为交易。在这篇文章中,我分析了不同的观点、政治和教育的作用,这些都是两种起义概念的核心。首先,我认为,反叛的威权主义与法西斯主义的遗产密不可分,后者呼吁种族纯洁、军国主义、极端民族主义和国家恐怖主义。在第二个例子中,我分析了反叛民主作为一种抵抗模式,它在争取种族正义、经济平等和包容政治的斗争中有着悠久的历史。本文探讨了这两种立场是如何受到对教育、代理和未来的特定理解的驱动的。在这个独特的历史时刻,两者都参与了图像,社交媒体和互联网在融合政治教育,权力和文化政治方面发挥决定性作用的景观。这两种起义的概念都为文化政治注入了一种特定的语言,这种语言叙述了他们的愿景,并努力产生特定的代理、身份和社会关系模式。文章的核心是分析每一种叙述如何使用语言和文化政治来定义他们对起义的不同概念,以及教育和政治如何融合在一起,在政治、教育和民主的类别受到考验的交战环境中创造军事化的身份。我的结论是,造反的威权主义为一场内战创造了条件,这场内战以一系列反革命干预为标志,其中思想与暴力结合在一起,对民主构成了威胁。最后,我呼吁建立一种使教育成为政治中心的反叛民主,以产生反资本主义意识,作为捍卫社会主义民主的群众运动的基础。
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引用次数: 2
Cultural studies, education, and the apocalyptic threat of war (Vol. 44, No. 2) 文化研究、教育和战争的末日威胁(第44卷第2期)
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2066385
A. Means, Graham B. Slater
The influence of militarism and war on education has long been a significant concern for Review of Education, Pedagogy, and Cultural Studies (REPCS), especially in the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, which saw waning Cold War imperial imaginaries revivified and repurposed for the “war on terror.” During the two decades since 9/11, a militarized culture has infiltrated education, not only through formal schooling, but bellicose public pedagogies as well. As Henry Giroux, former editor-inchief of REPCS, has illuminated at length in his work, there is a fundamental contradiction between war and militarism, on one hand, and democratic life, on the other. Given the journal’s historical role in publishing critical scholarship concerned with the relationship between militarism, war, and education, we take the editorial stance that understanding the role of education in struggles over war and peace, imperialism and militarism, and the global prospect of democracy, equality, and justice, is crucial for cultural studies. Beyond Giroux’s extensive work on the matter, REPCS authors have addressed the important intersections of many related topics, including the gendered implications of militarism, such as the role of masculinity in its expansion, as well as the fundamental threat militarism poses to women (Armato et al., 2013; Goodman, 2010; Hammer, 2003; Kellner, 2013); the impact of militarism on universities, schools, and youth (Armitage, 2005; Lewis, 2003); the integration of militarism and war with education policy and reform movements (Mookerjea, 2009; Nguyen, 2013; Saltman, 2006; Tamatea, 2008); and the manner in which war and militarism degrade academic freedom, higher education, and university cultures (Ivie, 2005; Ternes, 2016). There is little to suggest that the relevance of such concerns has decreased in any significant way. In fact, there have been historical developments, such as deepening crises of global capitalism, rising geopolitical conflicts, resurgent authoritarianism, further ecological ruin, and nuclear proliferation that, we would argue, heighten the stakes and the need for scholarship that addresses militarized culture, education, and the catastrophic dangers of war in our time. Moreover, education and pedagogy remain central to building capacities to understand these developments and to foster opposition to perpetual war and the existential threat it poses today. It is no coincidence that we write this editorial just over a month into the horrific Russian invasion of Ukraine, a mid-sized country, but with no fewer than fifteen nuclear reactors, all of which are vulnerable to military incursion and indiscriminate bombing. There have been reports of fires at nuclear facilities, such as at the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia plants. Russia has also put its nuclear forces on alert and has made the use of tactical nuclear weapons part of its military doctrine. Cities have been leveled. Millions have already been displaced, mai
长期以来,军国主义和战争对教育的影响一直是《教育、教育学与文化研究评论》(REPCS)关注的一个重要问题,尤其是在2001年9月11日事件之后,人们看到冷战帝国的幻想重新复苏,并被重新定位为“反恐战争”。自9/11以来的二十年里,军事化文化渗透到教育中,不仅通过正规学校,而且通过好战的公共教育方式。正如《REPCS》前主编亨利·吉鲁在他的著作中详细阐述的那样,在战争和军国主义与民主生活之间存在着根本的矛盾。鉴于该杂志在发表有关军国主义、战争和教育之间关系的批判性学术研究方面的历史作用,我们的编辑立场是,了解教育在战争与和平、帝国主义与军国主义以及全球民主、平等和正义前景的斗争中的作用,对文化研究至关重要。除了吉鲁在这个问题上的广泛工作之外,REPCS的作者们还讨论了许多相关主题的重要交叉点,包括军国主义的性别含义,比如男性气质在其扩张中的作用,以及军国主义对女性构成的根本威胁(armatto等人,2013;古德曼,2010;锤,2003;科尔纳,2013);军国主义对大学、学校和青年的影响(阿米蒂奇,2005;刘易斯,2003);军国主义和战争与教育政策和改革运动的整合(Mookerjea, 2009;阮,2013;索特曼,2006;Tamatea, 2008);以及战争和军国主义削弱学术自由、高等教育和大学文化的方式(Ivie, 2005;燕鸥,2016)。几乎没有迹象表明,这些担忧的相关性已经显著下降。事实上,我们认为,全球资本主义危机的加深、地缘政治冲突的加剧、威权主义的复兴、生态破坏的进一步加剧以及核扩散等历史发展,都加大了对研究军事化文化、教育和我们这个时代战争灾难性危险的学术的风险和需求。此外,教育和教育学仍然是建设能力的核心,以理解这些发展,并促进反对永久战争及其今天构成的生存威胁。这篇社论是在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的一个多月后写的,这并非巧合。乌克兰是一个中等规模的国家,但拥有不少于十五个核反应堆,所有这些反应堆都很容易受到军事入侵和滥杀滥伤的轰炸。有报道称核设施发生了火灾,比如切尔诺贝利核电站和其他核电站。俄罗斯也将其核力量置于警戒状态,并将战术核武器的使用纳入其军事学说。城市被夷为平地。数百万人已经流离失所,致残或死亡。农业
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引用次数: 0
Sick at school: Teachers’ memories and the affective challenges that bodies present to constructions of childhood innocence, normalcy, and ignorance 在学校生病:教师的记忆和身体对童年纯真、正常和无知的建构的情感挑战
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-10 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2031693
D. Sonu, Lisa Farley, Sandra Chang-Kredl, Julie C. Garlen
Abstract Longstanding impressions of children as innocent to human frailty, alongside the emphasis on efficiency and management in schools, play undeniable roles in the way teachers engage with children experiencing death and illness. This paper draws from a larger study of 116 written childhood memories from prospective teachers and practitioners enrolled across four universities in Canada and the United States and focuses on the 12 memories that specifically reference childhood experiences with death or illness. Bearing witness to death evoked a range of participant responses, including guilt and shame, a sense of childhood immaturity, or the need to “grow up” in the face of mortality. In contrast, memories of illness almost always occurred in school, featuring a neglectful teacher or adult figure with anxiety about disrupting normalcy and order. Drawing on affect studies and psychoanalysis, our examination surfaces three repeating motifs: 1) the management of the bodily ‘normal’ in school, 2) the appeal to childhood innocence as a refusal of affective experience, and 3) the abjection of illness as an opening to thinking about vulnerability in education. Although these memories account for a small portion of the overall collection, they linger in our minds as significant, made even more so by the current context of COVID-19. For educators, the challenge may be how to engage with children as they attempt to make sense of the turmoil they are living, all of which may require teachers to support a wide range of childhood experiences unburdened by the ideal of innocence. A study of these tropes demonstrate the affective challenges that bodies pose to education, and open critical ways to think about the relationship between illness, childhood, and education as the ethical ground to reimagine post-pandemic schooling.
长期以来,人们一直认为儿童对人类的脆弱是无辜的,同时学校也强调效率和管理,这在教师与经历死亡和疾病的儿童互动的方式中发挥了不可否认的作用。这篇论文取材于一项规模更大的研究,研究对象是来自加拿大和美国四所大学的116名未来教师和从业人员的书面童年记忆,并将重点放在了12个具体涉及死亡或疾病的童年经历的记忆上。目睹死亡引起了参与者的一系列反应,包括内疚和羞耻,童年不成熟的感觉,或者面对死亡需要“成长”。相比之下,疾病的记忆几乎总是发生在学校,以疏忽大意的老师或成年人为特征,担心扰乱正常和秩序。借助情感研究和精神分析,我们的研究揭示了三个重复的主题:1)在学校中对身体“正常”的管理,2)对童年纯真的呼吁,作为对情感体验的拒绝,3)对疾病的沮丧,作为对教育脆弱性思考的开放。虽然这些记忆只占整个收藏的一小部分,但它们在我们的脑海中挥之不去,意义重大,在COVID-19的当前背景下更加重要。对于教育工作者来说,挑战可能是如何与孩子们接触,因为他们试图理解他们所生活的混乱,所有这些都可能要求教师支持各种各样的童年经历,而不受天真理想的影响。对这些比喻的研究表明了身体对教育构成的情感挑战,并为思考疾病、童年和教育之间的关系开辟了批判性的途径,作为重新构想大流行后学校教育的伦理基础。
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引用次数: 3
Reaching back to reach forward: Using culturally responsive frameworks to enhance critical action amongst educators 回溯向前:使用文化响应框架来加强教育工作者之间的批判行动
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2021.2009748
Ashley L. White
Abstract In this paper, I draw upon salient literature and collective discussions to map a conceptual framework that focuses on foundational understandings and practices needed to prepare majority white preservice teachers for educating the nation’s increasingly diverse student population. The presentation of framework in this piece reflects enhancements through the consideration of language choice and my individual application of Freire and Carlson et al.’s work. I introduce this topic with a brief explanation of culturally responsive practice and its importance in grounding the teaching profession in a concept and exercise to increase equitable outcomes for all students. Secondly, I provide a brief review of the foundational literature considered in mapping the conceptual framework as well as a rationale for the development of the proposed framework. I also employ Freire’s scholarship of consciousness and Carlson et al.’s extension on reflection to underscore the necessity of these abilities in ensuring equitable learning experiences and outcomes for students. Finally, I explore the notion and practice of othering and implications for the design’s use.
在本文中,我借鉴了突出的文献和集体讨论,绘制了一个概念框架,该框架侧重于为教育国家日益多样化的学生群体准备大多数白人职前教师所需的基本理解和实践。这篇文章中框架的呈现反映了通过考虑语言选择和我对Freire和Carlson等人的工作的个人应用而得到的增强。在介绍这个话题时,我简要解释了文化响应实践及其在为所有学生增加公平结果的概念和实践中为教学专业奠定基础的重要性。其次,我简要回顾了在绘制概念框架时所考虑的基础文献,以及所提议框架发展的基本原理。我还引用了Freire关于意识的研究和Carlson等人关于反思的延伸来强调这些能力在确保学生公平的学习经验和结果方面的必要性。最后,我探讨了他人的概念和实践,以及对设计使用的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Future histories of education, pedagogy, and cultural studies: An editorial introduction 教育、教育学和文化研究的未来史:编辑导言
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2022.2031750
A. Means, Graham B. Slater
In serious, critical intellectual work, there are no ‘absolute beginnings’ and few unbroken continuities. Neither the endless unwinding of ‘tradition’, so beloved on the History of Ideas, nor the absolutism of the ‘epistemological rupture’, punctuating Thought into its ‘false’ and ‘correct’ parts, once favoured by the Althussereans, will do. What we find, instead, is an untidy but characteristic unevenness of development. What is important are the significant breaks—where old lines of thought are disrupted, older constellations displaced, and elements, old and new, are regrouped around a different set of premises and themes. Changes in a problematic do significantly transform the nature of the questions asked, the forms in which they are proposed, and the manner in which they can be adequately answered. Such shifts in perspective reflect, not only the results of an intellectual labor, but the manner in which real historical developments and transformations are appropriated in thought, and provide Thought, not with its guarantee of ‘correctness’ but with its fundamental orientations, its conditions of existence. It is because of this complex articulation between thinking and historical reality, reflected in the social categories of thought, and the continuous dialectic between ‘knowledge’ and ‘power’, that the breaks are worth recording. (p. 57)
在严肃的、批判性的智力工作中,没有“绝对的开端”,也很少有不间断的连续性。既不能象思想史上那样,把“传统”无限地拆解,也不能象阿尔都塞林那样,把思想分成“正确的”和“错误的”两部分,以认识论的决裂为绝对主义。相反,我们发现的是一种不整齐但具有特色的发展不平衡。重要的是重大的突破——旧的思路被打乱,旧的星座被取代,新旧元素围绕着一套不同的前提和主题重新组合。问题的变化确实显著地改变了所问问题的性质,提出问题的形式,以及充分回答问题的方式。这种观点的转变不仅反映了智力劳动的结果,而且反映了思想如何适应真实的历史发展和变化,并为思想提供了基本的方向,即存在的条件,而不是它的“正确性”的保证。正是由于思维与历史现实之间的这种复杂的衔接,反映在思想的社会范畴中,以及“知识”与“权力”之间的持续辩证法,这些断裂才值得记录下来。(57页)
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引用次数: 0
Plurilingualism within the global village: A comparative analysis of California and Catalonia attempts for linguistic equity 地球村中的多语制:加利福尼亚和加泰罗尼亚争取语言平等的比较分析
IF 0.5 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/10714413.2021.1999142
Jordi Solsona-Puig, Clara Sansó Galiay, Fernando Rodríguez-Valls, Judit Janés Carulla
It is estimated that two-thirds of the world’s children are brought up in bilingual communities (Bhatia & Ritchie, 2008). If we accept this estimation, bilingualism becomes the norm rather than the exception. From a Constructivist approach to education, languages are primordial tools in schools to facilitate the teaching-learning process (Jones & Brader-Araje, 2002). Among other functions, language is used to deliver not only the academic content but also to convey the culture that shapes the identity of students (Nunan & Choi, 2010). In line with that sociolinguistic assertion, literature on bilingualism mostly supports the idea that early instruction in the native language seems to be beneficial and provide academic benefits (Marian et al., 2013). Furthermore, from the linguistic approach, logic would say that an heteroglossic approach in education would be more recommended; mastering more languages equals possessing more diversified tools to create meaningful knowledge, using the unique approach of each language to reality and the possibility to interact and learn in a multilingual society. However, monoglossic approaches to instruction are the rule around the world: when it comes to language and cultural recognition in education, embracing positive/enrichment bilingual policies does not appear to have been the prevalent option. Schooling takes place in monoglossic spheres, using the language of power in a nation-state, leaving underserved those minority students with a different language (Cummins, 2000; Garc ıa & Torres-Guevara, 2010). This included regions with a long history of bilingualism such as the objects of this article: California and Catalonia. Professedly, educational policies have a key role in changing this monoglossic approach. More than 50 years after the passing of the Bilingual Education Act (1968) in the U.S, there is no doubt that it emerged as a great milestone for American civil rights in general, and for English Learners or Emergent Bilinguals -EL/EBin particular. Many ideas from this original piece of
据估计,世界上三分之二的儿童是在双语社区长大的(Bhatia & Ritchie, 2008)。如果我们接受这种估计,双语就会成为常态,而不是例外。从建构主义的教育方法来看,语言是学校促进教与学过程的基本工具(Jones & Brader-Araje, 2002)。在其他功能中,语言不仅用于传递学术内容,还用于传达塑造学生身份的文化(Nunan & Choi, 2010)。与社会语言学的断言一致,关于双语的文献大多支持这样一种观点,即早期的母语教学似乎是有益的,并能提供学术上的好处(Marian et al., 2013)。此外,从语言学的角度来看,从逻辑上讲,在教育中采用异质语的方法更值得推荐;掌握更多的语言,就等于拥有更多样化的工具来创造有意义的知识,利用每种语言的独特方法来面对现实,并在多语言社会中进行互动和学习。然而,单语教学方法是世界各地的规则:当涉及到教育中的语言和文化认知时,采用积极/丰富的双语政策似乎并不是普遍的选择。学校教育是在单一语言领域进行的,使用民族国家的权力语言,让那些缺乏服务的少数民族学生使用不同的语言(康明斯,2000;Garc ıa & Torres-Guevara, 2010)。这包括具有悠久双语历史的地区,如本文的对象:加利福尼亚和加泰罗尼亚。从专业上讲,教育政策在改变这种单一的做法方面起着关键作用。双语教育法(1968)在美国通过50多年后,毫无疑问,它成为美国公民权利的一个伟大里程碑,特别是对于英语学习者或新兴双语者(el /EBin)。很多想法来自于这个原创作品
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引用次数: 2
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Review of Education Pedagogy and Cultural Studies
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