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Rational Judicial Behavior: A Statistical Study 理性司法行为:一个统计研究
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-08-28 DOI: 10.1093/JLA/1.2.775
W. Landes, R. Posner
This paper analyzes the connection between ideology and voting of judges using a large sample of court of appeals cases decided since 1925 and Supreme Court cases decided since 1937. The ideological classifications of votes (e.g., liberal or conservative) are dependent variables in our empirical analysis and the independent variables include the party of the appointing President, the relative number of Republican and Democratic Senators at the time of the judge‘s confirmation, the appointment year, characteristics of the judge (e.g., gender, race and prior experience), and the ideological make-up of the judges on the court in which the judge sits as measured by the relative number of judges appointed by Republican and Democratic Presidents. We have a number of interesting results, including how a judge‘s voting‘s is affected by the voting of the other judges he serves with. We find a political-polarization effect among Justices appointed by Democratic but not by Republican Presidents; that is, the fewer the judges appointed by Democratic Presidents, the more liberally they vote. With regard to court of appeals judges, we find a conformity effect: if the number of judges appointed by Republican Presidents increases (decreases) relative to the number appointed by Democratic Presidents, all judges in the circuit tend to vote more conservatively (more liberally).
本文以1925年以来的上诉法院案件和1937年以来的最高法院案件为样本,分析了意识形态与法官投票之间的关系。在我们的实证分析中,选票的意识形态分类(如自由派或保守派)是因变量,自变量包括任命总统的政党、法官确认时共和党和民主党参议员的相对人数、任命年份、法官的特征(如性别、种族和先前经验)、以及法院法官的意识形态构成,以共和党和民主党总统任命的法官的相对数量来衡量。我们有一些有趣的结果,包括法官的投票是如何受到与他一起服务的其他法官的投票的影响的。我们发现,在民主党总统任命的法官中存在政治极化效应,而在共和党总统任命的法官中则没有;也就是说,民主党总统任命的法官越少,他们的投票就越自由。关于上诉法院的法官,我们发现了一种从众效应:如果共和党总统任命的法官数量相对于民主党总统任命的法官数量增加(减少),那么巡回法院的所有法官都倾向于更保守(更自由)地投票。
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引用次数: 91
The Prisoners’ (Plea Bargain) Dilemma 囚犯(辩诉交易)困境
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-08-28 DOI: 10.1093/JLA/1.2.737
O. Bar‐Gill, O. Ben‐Shahar
How can a prosecutor, who has only limited resources, credibly threaten so many defendants with costly and risky trials and extract plea bargains involving harsh sentences? Had defendants refused to settle, many of them would not have been charged or would have escaped with lenient sanctions. But such collective stonewalling requires coordination among defendants, which is difficult if not impossible to attain. Moreover, the prosecutor, by strategically timing and targeting her plea offers, can create conflicts of interest among defendants, frustrating any attempt at coordination. The substantial bargaining power of the resource-constrained prosecutor is therefore the product of the collective action problem that plagues defendants. This conclusion suggests that, despite the common view to the contrary, the institution of plea bargains may not improve the well-being of defendants. Absent the plea bargain option, many defendants would not have been charged in the first place. Thus, we can no longer count on the fact that plea bargains are entered voluntarily to argue that they are desirable for all parties involved.
一个资源有限的检察官,怎么能可信地用昂贵而有风险的审判来威胁这么多被告,并要求进行涉及严厉判决的辩诉交易呢?如果被告拒绝和解,他们中的许多人就不会受到指控,或者只会受到较轻的制裁。但这种集体阻挠需要被告之间的协调,这即使不是不可能,也是很难做到的。此外,检察官通过战略性地选择时机和目标来提出认罪,可能会在被告之间造成利益冲突,挫败任何协调的努力。因此,资源有限的检察官的实质性议价能力是困扰被告的集体行动问题的产物。这一结论表明,尽管普遍的观点与之相反,辩诉交易制度可能不会改善被告的福祉。如果没有辩诉交易选项,许多被告一开始就不会被起诉。因此,我们不能再指望辩诉交易是自愿达成的事实来证明它们对所有当事人都是可取的。
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引用次数: 40
Bonham's Case, Judicial Review, and the Law of Nature 博纳姆案,司法审查和自然法
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-01-21 DOI: 10.4159/JLA.V1I1.5
R. Helmholz
Bonham's Case (1610) as reported by Sir Edward Coke has often been regarded as an early instance of judicial review of legislation. Lawyers, particularly in the United States, have taken it as a common law precedent for permitting judges to strike down unconstitutional statutes. Using contemporary evidence from English and Continental legal works, this article contends that Bonham's Case actually rested upon then commonly accepted principles of the law of nature, and that those principles stopped short of embracing judicial review in the modern sense. The argument depends on establishing four points: first, that Coke accepted the existence of natural law and used it in his own writings; second, that the facts of Bonham's Case lent themselves naturally to application of the law of nature to a parliamentary act; third, that as understood at the time, natural law did not permit judicial invalidation of statutes; and fourth, that other contemporary evidence supports this more restrained understanding of Coke's statements in Bonham's Case. In its contemporary setting, the case was therefore compatible with Parliamentary supremacy. It well illustrates, however, one way in which the law of nature was applied in actual litigation.
据爱德华·科克爵士(Sir Edward Coke)报道,博纳姆案(1610)通常被视为立法司法审查的早期案例。律师们,尤其是美国的律师们,已经将其作为允许法官推翻违宪法规的普通法先例。本文利用来自英国和大陆法律著作的当代证据,认为博纳姆案实际上建立在当时普遍接受的自然法原则之上,而这些原则没有包括现代意义上的司法审查。这个论点建立在四点基础之上:第一,科克接受自然法则的存在,并将其运用到自己的作品中;第二,伯纳姆案的事实自然适合于将自然法应用于议会行为;第三,按照当时的理解,自然法不允许在司法上宣告成文法无效;第四,其他当代证据支持对可口可乐在博纳姆案中的陈述的更克制的理解。因此,在当时的背景下,这一案件与议会至上是相容的。然而,它很好地说明了自然法则在实际诉讼中的一种应用方式。
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引用次数: 13
Equality in Criminal Law: The Two Divergent Western Roads 刑法平等:西方两条截然不同的道路
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-01-21 DOI: 10.4159/JLA.V1I1.8
James Q. Whitman
Every western society embraces the ideal of equality before the criminal law. However, as this Article observes, that ideal is understood differently in the United States and Continental Europe. American law generally demands that all citizens face an equal threat of punishment, while continental European law generally demands that all citizens face an equal threat of investigation and prosecution. This contrast raises a sharp normative challenge: Is it better to think of equality before the criminal law as pre-conviction equality or post-conviction equality? The Article makes the case that pre-conviction of the Continental kind is normatively superior. It then asks why American law has opted for what seems a normatively inferior solution, identifying a variety of factors in American culture and the common law tradition that have encouraged the belief that true equality lies in the equal threat of punishment rather than in the equal threat of prosecution.
每个西方社会都信奉刑法面前人人平等的理想。然而,正如本文所观察到的,这种理想在美国和欧洲大陆有着不同的理解。美国法律一般要求所有公民面临同等的惩罚威胁,而欧洲大陆法律一般要求所有公民面临同等的调查和起诉威胁。这种对比提出了一个尖锐的规范挑战:将刑法前的平等视为定罪前的平等还是定罪后的平等更好?本文论证了大陆式预判在规范上的优越性。接着,文章提出了一个问题:为什么美国法律选择了一种从规范上看似乎是低劣的解决方案,并指出了美国文化和普通法传统中的各种因素,这些因素鼓励人们相信,真正的平等在于惩罚的同等威胁,而不是起诉的同等威胁。
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引用次数: 18
Many-Minds Arguments in Legal Theory 法理中的多心论证
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2009-01-01 DOI: 10.4159/JLA.V1I1.7
Adrian Vermeule
Many-minds arguments are flooding into legal theory. Such arguments claim that in some way or another, many heads are better than one; the genus includes many species, such as arguments about how legal and political institutions aggregate information, evolutionary analyses of those institutions, claims about the benefits of tradition as a source of law, and analyses of the virtues and vices of deliberation. This essay offers grounds for skepticism about many-minds arguments. I provide an intellectual zoology of such arguments and suggest that they are of low utility for legal theory. Four general and recurring problems with many-minds arguments are as follows: (1) Whose minds?: The group or population whose minds are at issue is often equivocal or ill-defined. (2) Many minds, worse minds: The quality of minds is not independent of their number; rather, number endogenously influences quality, often for the worse. More minds can be systematically worse than fewer because of selection effects, incentives for epistemic free-riding, and emotional and social influences. (3) Epistemic bottlenecks: In the legal system, the epistemic benefits of many minds are often diluted or eliminated because the structure of institutions funnels decisions through an individual decisionmaker, or a small group of decisionmakers, who occupy a kind of epistemic bottleneck or chokepoint. (4) Many minds vs. many minds: The insight that many heads can be better than one gets little purchase on the institutional comparisons that pervade legal theory, which are typically many-to-many comparisons rather than one-to-many.
法律理论中充斥着各种各样的观点。这些论点声称,在某种程度上,诸葛亮胜过诸葛亮;该属包括许多种类,例如关于法律和政治制度如何聚集信息的争论,对这些制度的进化分析,关于传统作为法律来源的好处的主张,以及对审议的优点和缺点的分析。这篇文章提供了对多心论持怀疑态度的理由。我提供了这类争论的知识生态,并提出它们对法律理论的效用很低。多心论证的四个普遍和反复出现的问题如下:(1)谁的心?思想有争议的群体或人群通常是模棱两可或不明确的。头脑多,头脑差:头脑的质量与数量无关;相反,数量会内在地影响质量,而且往往会变得更糟。由于选择效应、认知搭便车的动机以及情感和社会影响,智力多的人在系统上可能比智力少的人更糟糕。(3)认知瓶颈:在法律体系中,由于制度结构通过单个决策者或一小群决策者来引导决策,他们占据了一种认知瓶颈或阻塞点,因此许多人的认知利益往往被稀释或消除。(4)多智vs.多智:法律理论中普遍存在的制度比较,通常是多对多的比较,而不是一对多的比较,“多智比一人强”的观点几乎没有什么价值。
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引用次数: 20
期刊
Journal of Legal Analysis
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