Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x19000051
{"title":"SAP volume 33 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x19000051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000051","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"f1 - f3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0898588x19000051","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44355418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x1900004x
S. Usselman, Tracey A Deutsch, Helen Shapiro, S. Tolliday, E. Scarpellini, S. Murphy
In recent years, there has been a resurgence of scholarly interest in the role played by business in American politics—interest flowing not only from the subfield of American political development but many other precincts of academia as well. The questions that motivate scholars are as diverse as they are numerous, but a number of core concerns recur. How politically powerful is business? What is the source of its power? How should its policy preferences be characterized, and how are they represented in the political process? How should scholars go about identifying these policy preferences? Does the political power of business ultimately distort the quality of democratic representation in the United States? If so, how? The first four articles in this issue of Studies make up a special SAPD Forum that addresses these and other important questions. Our point of departure is an important article by Peter Swenson recently appearing in these pages. Readers familiar with Swenson’s article, “Misrepresented Interests,” will remember that it takes up and contributes to a long-standing discussion about whether and how organized business shaped the passage and design of health care policy in the United States. One of Swenson’s central arguments is that business should not be presumptively regarded as opposing the establishment and expansion of social programs. In his reading of the literature on the formation of the American welfare state, scholars across several disciplines are said to share the implicit “belief that there is a pervasive and enduring antagonism between business and the welfare state” (p. 1, all parenthetical page references in the introduction are citing Swenson, “Misrepresented Interests,” unless otherwise indicated). Even when employers, owners, or their organizational representatives are observed explicitly voicing their support for social legislation, such statements are sometimes interpreted as a strategic accommodation to larger political realities that limit what is possible. Swenson argues that expressions of support for a policy are not the only form of strategic accommodation practiced by sophisticated political actors such as business—so are expressions of opposition to a policy (p. 3). What is needed to distinguish various kinds of strategically motivated position taking from actual preferences is a clear and precise sense of the economic interests in play. When information about economic interests is weighed and considered, he argues, it becomes evident that business stances toward the welfare state are variable, and there are indeed circumstances in which it is not only imaginable but perhaps even likely that selected segments of the business community sincerely support particular incarnations of the welfare state (pp. 3–4). Swenson substantiates his argument through a look at the political development of health care policy in the United States, focusing especially on the passage and design of Medicare in 1965. A leading per
{"title":"Editor's Introduction","authors":"S. Usselman, Tracey A Deutsch, Helen Shapiro, S. Tolliday, E. Scarpellini, S. Murphy","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x1900004x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x1900004x","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, there has been a resurgence of scholarly interest in the role played by business in American politics—interest flowing not only from the subfield of American political development but many other precincts of academia as well. The questions that motivate scholars are as diverse as they are numerous, but a number of core concerns recur. How politically powerful is business? What is the source of its power? How should its policy preferences be characterized, and how are they represented in the political process? How should scholars go about identifying these policy preferences? Does the political power of business ultimately distort the quality of democratic representation in the United States? If so, how? The first four articles in this issue of Studies make up a special SAPD Forum that addresses these and other important questions. Our point of departure is an important article by Peter Swenson recently appearing in these pages. Readers familiar with Swenson’s article, “Misrepresented Interests,” will remember that it takes up and contributes to a long-standing discussion about whether and how organized business shaped the passage and design of health care policy in the United States. One of Swenson’s central arguments is that business should not be presumptively regarded as opposing the establishment and expansion of social programs. In his reading of the literature on the formation of the American welfare state, scholars across several disciplines are said to share the implicit “belief that there is a pervasive and enduring antagonism between business and the welfare state” (p. 1, all parenthetical page references in the introduction are citing Swenson, “Misrepresented Interests,” unless otherwise indicated). Even when employers, owners, or their organizational representatives are observed explicitly voicing their support for social legislation, such statements are sometimes interpreted as a strategic accommodation to larger political realities that limit what is possible. Swenson argues that expressions of support for a policy are not the only form of strategic accommodation practiced by sophisticated political actors such as business—so are expressions of opposition to a policy (p. 3). What is needed to distinguish various kinds of strategically motivated position taking from actual preferences is a clear and precise sense of the economic interests in play. When information about economic interests is weighed and considered, he argues, it becomes evident that business stances toward the welfare state are variable, and there are indeed circumstances in which it is not only imaginable but perhaps even likely that selected segments of the business community sincerely support particular incarnations of the welfare state (pp. 3–4). Swenson substantiates his argument through a look at the political development of health care policy in the United States, focusing especially on the passage and design of Medicare in 1965. A leading per","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"1 - 3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0898588x1900004x","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42557077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X19000026
Peter A. Swenson
Before addressing the commentators for their thoughtful input on “Misrepresented Interests,” let me first thank the editors of Studies in American Political Development for providing a forum for an enduring debate about the power of capitalists in capitalist democracies like the United States. As a comparativist, I ventured into that complicated territory after extensive research in Sweden, where I discovered to my great surprise that the Social Democrat labor movement was kicking at open doors as it introduced each piece of Sweden's famous system of industrial relations and social insurance. Sweden's undeniably powerful employers stood contentedly aside and had no interest in closing the doors afterward. I was able to come to that conclusion with confidence only because the Swedish Employers’ Confederation had allowed me extraordinary access to their entire archives, confidential minutes, internal and external correspondence, and the diaries of a former chief executive.
{"title":"Health Care Business and Historiographical Exchange","authors":"Peter A. Swenson","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X19000026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X19000026","url":null,"abstract":"Before addressing the commentators for their thoughtful input on “Misrepresented Interests,” let me first thank the editors of Studies in American Political Development for providing a forum for an enduring debate about the power of capitalists in capitalist democracies like the United States. As a comparativist, I ventured into that complicated territory after extensive research in Sweden, where I discovered to my great surprise that the Social Democrat labor movement was kicking at open doors as it introduced each piece of Sweden's famous system of industrial relations and social insurance. Sweden's undeniably powerful employers stood contentedly aside and had no interest in closing the doors afterward. I was able to come to that conclusion with confidence only because the Swedish Employers’ Confederation had allowed me extraordinary access to their entire archives, confidential minutes, internal and external correspondence, and the diaries of a former chief executive.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"36 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X19000026","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42181211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X19000038
Daniel J. Galvin
Over the past several decades, a new kind of labor politics has emerged in new venues (state and local levels), focusing on new governing institutions (employment laws), involving new strategies by labor unions, and featuring new organizational forms (“alt-labor”). The timing, form, and content of these developments have been powerfully shaped by the persistence of the increasingly outmoded but still authoritative national labor law, which has constrained and channeled the efforts of workers and their advocates to respond to growing problems. While the new institutions and organizations provide new substantive rights for workers and alternative vehicles for voice and collective action, the layering of these new forms alongside the old—without displacing the latter—has generated new problems without solving the problems produced by the ossification of labor law in the first place. Using novel empirical data and analysis, this article documents these changes, explores their causes, and considers their consequences for the changing politics of workers’ rights.
{"title":"From Labor Law to Employment Law: The Changing Politics of Workers’ Rights","authors":"Daniel J. Galvin","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X19000038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X19000038","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past several decades, a new kind of labor politics has emerged in new venues (state and local levels), focusing on new governing institutions (employment laws), involving new strategies by labor unions, and featuring new organizational forms (“alt-labor”). The timing, form, and content of these developments have been powerfully shaped by the persistence of the increasingly outmoded but still authoritative national labor law, which has constrained and channeled the efforts of workers and their advocates to respond to growing problems. While the new institutions and organizations provide new substantive rights for workers and alternative vehicles for voice and collective action, the layering of these new forms alongside the old—without displacing the latter—has generated new problems without solving the problems produced by the ossification of labor law in the first place. Using novel empirical data and analysis, this article documents these changes, explores their causes, and considers their consequences for the changing politics of workers’ rights.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"50 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X19000038","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43652934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x19000063
{"title":"SAP volume 33 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0898588x19000063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000063","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"b1 - b2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0898588x19000063","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45967733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-26DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X18000196
David E. Broockman
Medicare is one of the largest social programs in the world. Did organized industry favor Medicare's passage in 1965? If it did, this would represent powerful evidence in favor of the theory that social programs typically require cross-class alliances to pass, such as alliances between business and labor. However, in a previous article in this journal, I argued that answering questions about political actors’ preferences—such as whether organized industry favored Medicare's passage—can be surprisingly difficult due to the “problem of preferences”; that is, political actors might misrepresent their true policy preferences for many reasons. For example, when their ideal proposals are not politically feasible, political actors may wish to bolster support for a more politically viable alternative to a disliked proposal—even if they do not truly support this alternative to the status quo. To better understand political actors’ true policy preferences, I argued, scholars should trace how those actors’ expressed preferences change as a function of their strategic context—just as scholars seeking to understand the impact of any other variable trace the effects of changes in it.
{"title":"Ascertaining Business's Interests and Political Preferences","authors":"David E. Broockman","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X18000196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X18000196","url":null,"abstract":"Medicare is one of the largest social programs in the world. Did organized industry favor Medicare's passage in 1965? If it did, this would represent powerful evidence in favor of the theory that social programs typically require cross-class alliances to pass, such as alliances between business and labor. However, in a previous article in this journal, I argued that answering questions about political actors’ preferences—such as whether organized industry favored Medicare's passage—can be surprisingly difficult due to the “problem of preferences”; that is, political actors might misrepresent their true policy preferences for many reasons. For example, when their ideal proposals are not politically feasible, political actors may wish to bolster support for a more politically viable alternative to a disliked proposal—even if they do not truly support this alternative to the status quo. To better understand political actors’ true policy preferences, I argued, scholars should trace how those actors’ expressed preferences change as a function of their strategic context—just as scholars seeking to understand the impact of any other variable trace the effects of changes in it.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"26 - 35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X18000196","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43480410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-18DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X18000184
M. Mizruchi
One of the most widely held views about American political life is that business is hostile to the welfare state. In the 1970s, David Vogel asked why American businessmen “distrusted their state.” Kim Phillips-Fein has written of the “businessmen's crusade against the New Deal.” Jane Mayer and Nancy MacLean have recounted the efforts of the Koch Brothers and their wealthy allies to remake American politics in a more conservative direction. What could be more uncontroversial than the view that American business is broadly opposed to government social policies?
{"title":"Corporations and the American Welfare State: Adversaries or Allies?","authors":"M. Mizruchi","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X18000184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X18000184","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most widely held views about American political life is that business is hostile to the welfare state. In the 1970s, David Vogel asked why American businessmen “distrusted their state.” Kim Phillips-Fein has written of the “businessmen's crusade against the New Deal.” Jane Mayer and Nancy MacLean have recounted the efforts of the Koch Brothers and their wealthy allies to remake American politics in a more conservative direction. What could be more uncontroversial than the view that American business is broadly opposed to government social policies?","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"17 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X18000184","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43510144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-18DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X18000172
Jennifer L. Erkulwater
In contemporary America, identifying as a person with a disability is one of the many ways in which people acknowledge, even celebrate, who they are. Yet several decades ago, few persons with disabilities saw their condition as an identity to be embraced, let alone to serve as the basis for affinity and collective mobilization. The transformation of disability from unmitigated tragedy to a collective and politicized identity emerged in national politics, not in the 1960s or 1970s, as is commonly thought, but in the 1940s. During those years, the National Federation of the Blind (NFB) set out to galvanize the nation's blind men and women, most of them poor and unemployed, to demand the economic security and opportunity enjoyed by sighted Americans. This aspiration for equal citizenship led the NFB into protracted contests with the Social Security Administration (SSA) over aid to the poor and sharpened the organization's resolve to represent the nation's civilian blind. Long before disability rights activists declared “nothing about us, without us,” the NFB insisted that only the blind, not sighted social workers or experts in blindness, were entitled to speak on behalf of the blind. Pioneering an organizing strategy and a critique of American liberalism later embraced by activists of the Left, the NFB rose to become one of the most effective civil rights and antipoverty organizations of its time. Today, however, its story has been largely forgotten.
{"title":"Constructive Welfare: The Social Security Act, the Blind, and the Origins of Political Identity among People with Disabilities, 1935–1950","authors":"Jennifer L. Erkulwater","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X18000172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X18000172","url":null,"abstract":"In contemporary America, identifying as a person with a disability is one of the many ways in which people acknowledge, even celebrate, who they are. Yet several decades ago, few persons with disabilities saw their condition as an identity to be embraced, let alone to serve as the basis for affinity and collective mobilization. The transformation of disability from unmitigated tragedy to a collective and politicized identity emerged in national politics, not in the 1960s or 1970s, as is commonly thought, but in the 1940s. During those years, the National Federation of the Blind (NFB) set out to galvanize the nation's blind men and women, most of them poor and unemployed, to demand the economic security and opportunity enjoyed by sighted Americans. This aspiration for equal citizenship led the NFB into protracted contests with the Social Security Administration (SSA) over aid to the poor and sharpened the organization's resolve to represent the nation's civilian blind. Long before disability rights activists declared “nothing about us, without us,” the NFB insisted that only the blind, not sighted social workers or experts in blindness, were entitled to speak on behalf of the blind. Pioneering an organizing strategy and a critique of American liberalism later embraced by activists of the Left, the NFB rose to become one of the most effective civil rights and antipoverty organizations of its time. Today, however, its story has been largely forgotten.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"6 1","pages":"110 - 138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X18000172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41293363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-18DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X19000014
Adam Hilton
American politics has been transformed by the emergence of the advocacy party—a form of organization in which extraparty interest groups, advocacy organizations, and social movements substitute for the diminished institutional capacity and popular legitimacy of the formal party apparatus. Many scholars have rightly pointed to the presidential nomination reforms made by the Democratic Party's post-1968 Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection (known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission) as a key contributor to polarization by increasing the influence of ideological activists. However, I argue that polarization is not the direct result of the actions of McGovern-Fraser reformers, but rather the outcome of their pitched battle with intraparty opponents of reform, who, while failing to prevent changes to presidential nominations, were ultimately successful in defeating the party-building dimension of the reformers’ project of party reconstruction. The product of their intraparty struggle was a hybrid institutional amalgam that layered new participatory arrangements over a hollow party structure, thus setting the Democratic Party on a path toward the advocacy party and its polarizing politics.
{"title":"The Path to Polarization: McGovern-Fraser, Counter-Reformers, and the Rise of the Advocacy Party","authors":"Adam Hilton","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X19000014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X19000014","url":null,"abstract":"American politics has been transformed by the emergence of the advocacy party—a form of organization in which extraparty interest groups, advocacy organizations, and social movements substitute for the diminished institutional capacity and popular legitimacy of the formal party apparatus. Many scholars have rightly pointed to the presidential nomination reforms made by the Democratic Party's post-1968 Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection (known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission) as a key contributor to polarization by increasing the influence of ideological activists. However, I argue that polarization is not the direct result of the actions of McGovern-Fraser reformers, but rather the outcome of their pitched battle with intraparty opponents of reform, who, while failing to prevent changes to presidential nominations, were ultimately successful in defeating the party-building dimension of the reformers’ project of party reconstruction. The product of their intraparty struggle was a hybrid institutional amalgam that layered new participatory arrangements over a hollow party structure, thus setting the Democratic Party on a path toward the advocacy party and its polarizing politics.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"87 - 109"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X19000014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42388344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-18DOI: 10.1017/S0898588X18000202
C. F. Chapin
Peter Swenson's excellent article is a welcome correction to the consensus argument so often found in welfare state literature. That interpretation depicts a never-ending, dualistic struggle between capitalists and “the people,” as represented by welfare reformers. Swenson sorts through the evidence surrounding post-1960 health care debates, particularly Medicare, to demonstrate that “business” is not a fixed, homogeneous group that conforms neatly to class-based analysis. He finds significant business backing for federal programming and also shows that where trade associations took conservative, anti-reform stands, they often did so without strong member support.
{"title":"Business Interests and the Shape of the U.S. Welfare State: From the Insurance Company Model to Comprehensive Reform","authors":"C. F. Chapin","doi":"10.1017/S0898588X18000202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0898588X18000202","url":null,"abstract":"Peter Swenson's excellent article is a welcome correction to the consensus argument so often found in welfare state literature. That interpretation depicts a never-ending, dualistic struggle between capitalists and “the people,” as represented by welfare reformers. Swenson sorts through the evidence surrounding post-1960 health care debates, particularly Medicare, to demonstrate that “business” is not a fixed, homogeneous group that conforms neatly to class-based analysis. He finds significant business backing for federal programming and also shows that where trade associations took conservative, anti-reform stands, they often did so without strong member support.","PeriodicalId":45195,"journal":{"name":"Studies in American Political Development","volume":"33 1","pages":"4 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0898588X18000202","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49257968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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