Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212
Gibrán Cruz-Martínez
Abstract Is universal social assistance unaffordable? Targeting social policy has been praised as a magic solution to select the ‘deserving poor’ and efficiently use the scarce resources in the Global South. The article tests the unaffordability hypothesis using five counterfactual analyses based on expenditure redirection (military expenditure, energy subsidies, and the potential illegal/odious external debt servicing) and increasing tax revenues (income and trade tax) in up to thirty-three countries. The article shows the revenue-generating potential of taxes and reprioritising expenditures from unproductive to productive areas to finance – totally or partly- basic universal social pensions in large part of Latin America and the Caribbean; therefore, dispelling the unaffordability myth.
{"title":"Universal Social Pensions Are Unaffordable … Not! Testing the Unaffordability Hypothesis in Latin America and the Caribbean","authors":"Gibrán Cruz-Martínez","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998212","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Is universal social assistance unaffordable? Targeting social policy has been praised as a magic solution to select the ‘deserving poor’ and efficiently use the scarce resources in the Global South. The article tests the unaffordability hypothesis using five counterfactual analyses based on expenditure redirection (military expenditure, energy subsidies, and the potential illegal/odious external debt servicing) and increasing tax revenues (income and trade tax) in up to thirty-three countries. The article shows the revenue-generating potential of taxes and reprioritising expenditures from unproductive to productive areas to finance – totally or partly- basic universal social pensions in large part of Latin America and the Caribbean; therefore, dispelling the unaffordability myth.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44175611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-08DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305
Yonas Tesema
Abstract In this article, I explore some of the implications of state land policy as an approach to analyzing the double dispossession – land and labor dispossessions. Despite a growing interest in the study of land dispossession in the global South, especially after the post-2008 financial crisis, examining the complexities between the land policy, land and labor dispossessions have relatively been overlooked. I discuss how the state’s land policy contributes to coercive land dispossession and how this aspect of dispossession becomes the precondition for the second dispossession – labor. The people who lost their land to investments concurrently lost their employment, and a new class of landless and jobless farmers is emerging.
{"title":"Interrogating Dispossession for Development in Ethiopia","authors":"Yonas Tesema","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1984305","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 In this article, I explore some of the implications of state land policy as an approach to analyzing the double dispossession – land and labor dispossessions. Despite a growing interest in the study of land dispossession in the global South, especially after the post-2008 financial crisis, examining the complexities between the land policy, land and labor dispossessions have relatively been overlooked. I discuss how the state’s land policy contributes to coercive land dispossession and how this aspect of dispossession becomes the precondition for the second dispossession – labor. The people who lost their land to investments concurrently lost their employment, and a new class of landless and jobless farmers is emerging.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44697576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214
E. Sanches, Nádia Margarida Armando Júlio
Abstract In 2012 the Mozambican government announced the revision of the mining and petroleum laws in consultation with civil society organizations (CSOs). This followed the discovery of world class gas reserves in the Rovuma Basin, and growing demands for transparency, fair sharing of revenues and protection of national interests, from all quadrants. Given this, what was the role played by CSOs? Did they influence the process at all, or did the consultation serve as a tool to strengthen the regime’s interests and legitimacy? Building on Gramsci and African scholarship that conceptualizes the state and civil society as relational social forces that co-influence each other through shifting power balances, the study reveals that CSOs influenced the development of the mining and petroleum laws by performing four essential roles: expertise, agenda-setting, representative and monitoring. The government accommodated some of CSOs demands, even though the consultation process was not fully open. The findings build on a mix of interviews with members of CSOs and other qualitative sources (laws, news and reports) and underline the need to analyse state and civil society beyond dichotomous and homogenizing categories. They also contribute to a flourishing literature on the role of civil society in competitive authoritarian regimes.
{"title":"Shifting Power Dynamics? The Role of Civil Society Organizations in the Policymaking for Mozambique’s Extractive Sector","authors":"E. Sanches, Nádia Margarida Armando Júlio","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998214","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In 2012 the Mozambican government announced the revision of the mining and petroleum laws in consultation with civil society organizations (CSOs). This followed the discovery of world class gas reserves in the Rovuma Basin, and growing demands for transparency, fair sharing of revenues and protection of national interests, from all quadrants. Given this, what was the role played by CSOs? Did they influence the process at all, or did the consultation serve as a tool to strengthen the regime’s interests and legitimacy? Building on Gramsci and African scholarship that conceptualizes the state and civil society as relational social forces that co-influence each other through shifting power balances, the study reveals that CSOs influenced the development of the mining and petroleum laws by performing four essential roles: expertise, agenda-setting, representative and monitoring. The government accommodated some of CSOs demands, even though the consultation process was not fully open. The findings build on a mix of interviews with members of CSOs and other qualitative sources (laws, news and reports) and underline the need to analyse state and civil society beyond dichotomous and homogenizing categories. They also contribute to a flourishing literature on the role of civil society in competitive authoritarian regimes.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48339153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215
Søren Jeppesen, P. Kragelund
ABSTRACT The ‘Africa rising’ narrative sparked a lively discussion of the powers of orthodox economic policies to ensure good economic governance and attract private investments to further stimulate economic growth. The 2014 commodity bust and the Covid-19 pandemic effectively ended this discussion and triggered a critical examination of the fundamentals of the narrative. This study investigates how orthodox economic policies have affected the strive for structural transformation in a resource-rich economy like Zambia. It argues that there is a mismatch between the mostly orthodox policies that have driven policy formulation and the needs of the domestic private sector. Therefore, it makes a case for setting domestic market formation as a guiding principle for future economic policies, specifically by focusing industrial policy on business climate, rather than investment climate, and by focusing on capacity building, upgrading, and growth in consumer and inter-sectoral demand, rather than only liberalisation and good economic governance.
{"title":"Beyond ‘Africa rising’: Development Policies and Domestic Market Formation in Zambia","authors":"Søren Jeppesen, P. Kragelund","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1998215","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The ‘Africa rising’ narrative sparked a lively discussion of the powers of orthodox economic policies to ensure good economic governance and attract private investments to further stimulate economic growth. The 2014 commodity bust and the Covid-19 pandemic effectively ended this discussion and triggered a critical examination of the fundamentals of the narrative. This study investigates how orthodox economic policies have affected the strive for structural transformation in a resource-rich economy like Zambia. It argues that there is a mismatch between the mostly orthodox policies that have driven policy formulation and the needs of the domestic private sector. Therefore, it makes a case for setting domestic market formation as a guiding principle for future economic policies, specifically by focusing industrial policy on business climate, rather than investment climate, and by focusing on capacity building, upgrading, and growth in consumer and inter-sectoral demand, rather than only liberalisation and good economic governance.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48754336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304
J. Asomah
Abstract Corruption poses a substantial danger to human rights, political stability, and development, particularly in developing countries like Ghana. Despite the supposed fight against corruption in most developing countries, including Ghana, little success has been achieved in arresting the problem. This article's objective is to examine what can be done to address Ghana's corruption. Based on primary data from in-depth interviews with Ghanaians, the article focuses on a key question: What can be done to address corruption in Ghana? The findings indicate that unless corruption offences become high-risk crimes through strict implementation of laws to punish offenders regardless of their identities, power, or wealth, the Ghanaian anti-corruption work will likely be a lost battle. The study also shows the need for state anti-corruption agencies to be well-resourced and de-politicized to function independently. This article makes useful contributions to the literature on corruption by investigating and documenting citizens’ perspectives, which can inform anti-corruption policies and practices.
{"title":"What Can Be Done to Address Corruption in Ghana? Understanding Citizens’ Perspectives","authors":"J. Asomah","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1984304","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Corruption poses a substantial danger to human rights, political stability, and development, particularly in developing countries like Ghana. Despite the supposed fight against corruption in most developing countries, including Ghana, little success has been achieved in arresting the problem. This article's objective is to examine what can be done to address Ghana's corruption. Based on primary data from in-depth interviews with Ghanaians, the article focuses on a key question: What can be done to address corruption in Ghana? The findings indicate that unless corruption offences become high-risk crimes through strict implementation of laws to punish offenders regardless of their identities, power, or wealth, the Ghanaian anti-corruption work will likely be a lost battle. The study also shows the need for state anti-corruption agencies to be well-resourced and de-politicized to function independently. This article makes useful contributions to the literature on corruption by investigating and documenting citizens’ perspectives, which can inform anti-corruption policies and practices.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49607029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1984303
Bright James Nyarkoh, Vicki Banham, Ann-Claire Larsen
ABSTRACT The 1992 Constitution of the republic of Ghana obligates the state to guarantee that all citizens have access to social and economic livelihood. As a consequence, the government implemented the ongoing Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme in 2008 to sustain development in these areas. Although Ghana has achieved progress in reducing extreme poverty and hunger, there is considerable evidence of poverty and widening inequality across the country. This study draws on the theoretical lens of the human rights-based approach (HRBA) to poverty reduction to examine how the implementation of the LEAP programme aligns with beneficiaries’ human rights entitlements. The findings suggest that the LEAP programme has led to some positive outcomes for beneficiaries, including enhanced self-esteem and happiness, household cohesion, social interaction and increased community involvement for beneficiaries. Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that the implementation of the LEAP programme only partially aligns with the HRBA to poverty reduction, which potentially undermines efforts to eradicate poverty and sustain development in Ghana.
{"title":"Rights-Based Approach To Poverty Reduction: The Ghanaian Experience","authors":"Bright James Nyarkoh, Vicki Banham, Ann-Claire Larsen","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1984303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1984303","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 The 1992 Constitution of the republic of Ghana obligates the state to guarantee that all citizens have access to social and economic livelihood. As a consequence, the government implemented the ongoing Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme in 2008 to sustain development in these areas. Although Ghana has achieved progress in reducing extreme poverty and hunger, there is considerable evidence of poverty and widening inequality across the country. This study draws on the theoretical lens of the human rights-based approach (HRBA) to poverty reduction to examine how the implementation of the LEAP programme aligns with beneficiaries’ human rights entitlements. The findings suggest that the LEAP programme has led to some positive outcomes for beneficiaries, including enhanced self-esteem and happiness, household cohesion, social interaction and increased community involvement for beneficiaries. Nevertheless, the evidence suggests that the implementation of the LEAP programme only partially aligns with the HRBA to poverty reduction, which potentially undermines efforts to eradicate poverty and sustain development in Ghana.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41549206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-10DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1947362
R. Martin
Abstract Contract and trust are the two main governance mechanisms that influence actors’ integration into value chains. Nevertheless, most studies treat trust as a complement to formal contract, paying less attention on the circumstances in which trust becomes a sole mechanism of governance. The aim of this article is to examine how trust shapes integration in the non-industrial timber value chain in the Southern Highlands of Tanzania. Timber, which is the pillar of the districts’ revenue in the area, contributes significantly to the income of smallholder households. The study adopted an exploratory cross-sectional study design whereby data were collected mainly through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with actors of the timber value chain. The findings showed that spot market and relational governance were the two main linkages in the timber value chain. Spot market linkage is characterized by absence or little trust, while some trust is present in relational linkage. In relational linkage, trust helps integration of actors in the value chain through enabling them access market information, capital in the form of credit, technology for processing timber, and coordination and collaboration among the actors. However, trust is associated with some challenges and to some actors, it plays an exclusionary role. The study recommends for the promotion of trust along with other social control mechanisms such as social knowledge in order to address these challenges.
{"title":"Integrative and Exclusionary Roles of Trust in Timber Value Chain in the Southern Highlands of Tanzania","authors":"R. Martin","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1947362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947362","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Contract and trust are the two main governance mechanisms that influence actors’ integration into value chains. Nevertheless, most studies treat trust as a complement to formal contract, paying less attention on the circumstances in which trust becomes a sole mechanism of governance. The aim of this article is to examine how trust shapes integration in the non-industrial timber value chain in the Southern Highlands of Tanzania. Timber, which is the pillar of the districts’ revenue in the area, contributes significantly to the income of smallholder households. The study adopted an exploratory cross-sectional study design whereby data were collected mainly through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with actors of the timber value chain. The findings showed that spot market and relational governance were the two main linkages in the timber value chain. Spot market linkage is characterized by absence or little trust, while some trust is present in relational linkage. In relational linkage, trust helps integration of actors in the value chain through enabling them access market information, capital in the form of credit, technology for processing timber, and coordination and collaboration among the actors. However, trust is associated with some challenges and to some actors, it plays an exclusionary role. The study recommends for the promotion of trust along with other social control mechanisms such as social knowledge in order to address these challenges.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45128936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1947366
K. Havnevik
Abstract This article looks at some of the central strategies and activities of the WFP to combat hunger as well as identifying funding sources and beneficiaries. It also addresses some important areas and aspects where the WFP is not present – but where it ought to be present – in order to address the root causes of world hunger and its associated conflicts. In particular, this discussion is related to the conditions of agricultural smallholders and rural people. On this basis, an attempt is made to assess whether the WFP was worthy of the Nobel Prize for Peace that it received in 2020.
{"title":"The World Food Programme and the Nobel Peace Prize 2020","authors":"K. Havnevik","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1947366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947366","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article looks at some of the central strategies and activities of the WFP to combat hunger as well as identifying funding sources and beneficiaries. It also addresses some important areas and aspects where the WFP is not present – but where it ought to be present – in order to address the root causes of world hunger and its associated conflicts. In particular, this discussion is related to the conditions of agricultural smallholders and rural people. On this basis, an attempt is made to assess whether the WFP was worthy of the Nobel Prize for Peace that it received in 2020.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947366","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43531070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-11DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1947363
Peter Walters, A. H. M. Kamrul Ahsan, M. Adil Khan
Abstract We highlight how the intentions of a government to improve services and transparency across a city, by providing an enhanced right to the city for the urban poor can be futile when political gatekeeping is not relinquished at the grassroots level and the poor are not mobilised and educated about their rights. A qualitative case study of poor informal settlements was conducted in Rajshahi Bangladesh, to investigate a greater right to the city as the result of a ‘citizens charter’ initiated by local government. This research focusses on the poorest of the poor, who are often overlooked in community-based research due to their inability to attract the support of NGOs and donors means they are particularly vulnerable to this system of urban patron-clientism. We find that attempts by the city government to improve services to the poorest of its citizens is hampered by entrenched patron client practices perpetuated by local political representatives of the city government acting as gatekeepers, blocking access to services for the urban poor.
{"title":"Patron Client Relationships and a Right to the City: A Bangladeshi Case Study","authors":"Peter Walters, A. H. M. Kamrul Ahsan, M. Adil Khan","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1947363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947363","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We highlight how the intentions of a government to improve services and transparency across a city, by providing an enhanced right to the city for the urban poor can be futile when political gatekeeping is not relinquished at the grassroots level and the poor are not mobilised and educated about their rights. A qualitative case study of poor informal settlements was conducted in Rajshahi Bangladesh, to investigate a greater right to the city as the result of a ‘citizens charter’ initiated by local government. This research focusses on the poorest of the poor, who are often overlooked in community-based research due to their inability to attract the support of NGOs and donors means they are particularly vulnerable to this system of urban patron-clientism. We find that attempts by the city government to improve services to the poorest of its citizens is hampered by entrenched patron client practices perpetuated by local political representatives of the city government acting as gatekeepers, blocking access to services for the urban poor.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947363","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47391644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-11DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2021.1947364
Obed Adonteng-Kissi, Benson R. Oke, N. Meribe, Desmond Tutu Ayentimi
Abstract This paper explores how adequate are oil and gas companies to compensate the damage done by their oil exploration. The study is based extensively on primary fieldwork in local host communities in the oil-producing areas of Eastern Obolo in Rivers State, Nigeria drawing on the experiences and perceptions of 31 community heads, Chief fishermen, youth leaders, the chairman of the Eastern Obolo Community Relations Committee (CRC), the paramount chief and sub-chiefs, and Community Relations Managers of Oil Companies. The average age of participants was 37 years. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants using in-depth interview techniques to gather the needed data. Our results show that distributive and procedural justice and people’s rights to self-determination and fair compensation have been compromised in policy initiatives. Harmonising layers of critical laws, including the enforcement of social and environmental protection, must remain a priority though challenges inherent in the legal framework regulating compensation go beyond the impacts of social and environmental governance.
{"title":"Environmental Impact of Oil and Gas Exploration on Livelihoods in Nigeria’s Eastern Obolo: Exploring the People's Rights to Fair Compensation","authors":"Obed Adonteng-Kissi, Benson R. Oke, N. Meribe, Desmond Tutu Ayentimi","doi":"10.1080/08039410.2021.1947364","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947364","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores how adequate are oil and gas companies to compensate the damage done by their oil exploration. The study is based extensively on primary fieldwork in local host communities in the oil-producing areas of Eastern Obolo in Rivers State, Nigeria drawing on the experiences and perceptions of 31 community heads, Chief fishermen, youth leaders, the chairman of the Eastern Obolo Community Relations Committee (CRC), the paramount chief and sub-chiefs, and Community Relations Managers of Oil Companies. The average age of participants was 37 years. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with key informants using in-depth interview techniques to gather the needed data. Our results show that distributive and procedural justice and people’s rights to self-determination and fair compensation have been compromised in policy initiatives. Harmonising layers of critical laws, including the enforcement of social and environmental protection, must remain a priority though challenges inherent in the legal framework regulating compensation go beyond the impacts of social and environmental governance.","PeriodicalId":45207,"journal":{"name":"FORUM FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2021-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/08039410.2021.1947364","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45160605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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