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More Than Just Cultural Nationalism: A History of Traditional Chinese Medicine in China’s Manned Space Program 不仅仅是文化民族主义:中国载人航天计划中的中医历史
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2268428
Liang Yao
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsLiang YaoLiang Yao is an assistant professor at School of Health Humanities of Peking University, Beijing, China. Her research fields include history of science, technology, and medicine in modern China, social and cultural history, and socioeconomic and business history, with a particular focus on the transnational movement and localization of knowledge and material things. She is now working on a monograph, examining the history of soft drinks in twentieth-century China.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。姚亮,北京大学卫生人文学院助理教授。她的研究领域包括中国近代科技史、医学史、社会文化史、社会经济史和商业史,尤其关注知识和物质的跨国流动和本土化。她现在正在写一本专著,研究20世纪中国软饮料的历史。
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引用次数: 0
Memes of Care: Good Morning Images and Digital Care among Older People in Taiwan 关怀的模因:早安,台湾老年人的影像与数位关怀
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2256107
Mei-chun Lee
AbstractEvery morning, images carrying greetings and pictures of girls, cute animals, or beautiful flowers are circulated among Taiwanese older people on the messaging app LINE. These “good morning images” (GM images) are building a new social network for seniors, and its ritual of exchange has produced a digital subculture. In this article, I will be considering these images as “memes of care.” While memes for younger people are usually humorous and meant to raise a laugh, for older people, GM images are about care and connection. However, care is never innocent and not always desirable, and GM images have joined a sharing culture within LINE that precipitates the spread of unverified, authorless rumors. By examining the “care-ful” feelings, doings, and obligations of GM images, I show how older people actively participate in the practice of digital care so as to open up to “as well as possible” reconfigurations engaged with troubled presents—that is, the pandemic and social isolation on the one hand, and the proliferation of false and misleading information on the other.Keywords: Carememegood morning imagesolder peopledigital communication Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 It is an official ringtone, provided by the messaging app LINE, which sounds exactly like the name of the app.2 In Taiwan, community colleges are part of adult education and vocational training. Unlike those in the United States, they do not confer degrees. Community colleges are closely connected with local communities and offer a wide range of courses for the elderly and retired population as part of the social education program.3 Statistics by the LINE company https://official-blog-tw.line.me/archives/81291901.html (accessed on 22 June 2022).4 See Article 14 of the Special Act for Prevention, Relief and Revitalization Measures for Severe Pneumonia with Novel Pathogens, https://law.moj.gov.tw/ENG/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?pcode=L0050039 (accessed on 22 June 2022).Additional informationNotes on contributorsMei-chun LeeMei-chun Lee, Assistant Research Fellow, The Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica.
【摘要】每天早上,台湾的老年人都会在即时通讯应用LINE上传播带有问候和女孩、可爱动物或美丽花朵的图片。这些“早安图片”(GM图片)正在为老年人建立一个新的社交网络,其交流仪式产生了一种数字亚文化。在本文中,我将把这些图像视为“关心的表情包”。对于年轻人来说,表情包通常是幽默的,旨在引起笑声,而对于老年人来说,转基因图像是关于关心和联系的。然而,关心从来都不是无辜的,也不总是值得的,转基因图像已经加入了LINE内部的一种分享文化,这种文化促成了未经证实、未经作者的谣言的传播。通过研究转基因图像的“谨慎”的感觉、行为和义务,我展示了老年人如何积极参与数字护理的实践,以便“尽可能”地重新配置与困扰的现状——即,一方面是流行病和社会隔离,另一方面是虚假和误导性信息的扩散。关键词:护理meme早安图片老年人数字交流披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。2 .在台湾,社区学院是成人教育和职业培训的一部分。这是一个官方铃声,由即时通讯应用LINE提供,听起来就像这款应用的名字。不像美国的大学,他们不授予学位。社区学院与当地社区联系紧密,为老年人和退休人口提供广泛的课程,作为社会教育计划的一部分LINE公司的统计数据https://official-blog-tw.line.me/archives/81291901.html(于2022年6月22日访问)见《新型病原体重症肺炎防治、救助和振兴措施特别法》第14条https://law.moj.gov.tw/ENG/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?pcode=L0050039(于2022年6月22日查阅)。补充资料李美春李美春,中央研究院民族学研究所助理研究员。
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引用次数: 0
Cranes, Cultivating a New Knowledge Practice in Late-Chosŏn Korea: Knowledge Transformations Connected by Things 鹤,在Late-Chosŏn韩国培育一种新的知识实践:由物连接的知识转换
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2249739
Jung Lee
AbstractRed-crowned white cranes, large migratory birds symbolizing longevity, fidelity, and independence from power across East Asian cultures, came to live in scholar-official households in late Chosŏn. With the residency of this elegant bird in scholarly households around the mid-eighteenth century, a new knowledge practice that took serious interest in things like cranes emerged. This paper illuminates the roles of these highly cross-cultured things in late-Chosŏn knowledge transformation, echoing material turns in various disciplines. Necessitating knowledge to properly possess and accompany them, cranes led to a new scholarly attachment to things. It opened up an unprecedented intellectual attitude that valued curiosity, taste, and facts concerning things and emphasized usefulness of that newly obtained thing-knowledge. Curiosity, taste, facts, and the usefulness of knowledge obtained new meanings in other parts of the world that experienced similar transitions in knowledge practice by and towards things. While delineating the roles of cranes specifically in late-Chosŏn's transformation through the imprints that they left in scholarly acts and works, this paper proposes a new way to connect knowledge transformations in different parts of the globe, via these newly migrating things, moving away from the narrative that requires an origin and transfers.Keywords: Red-crowned white cranesChosŏn KoreaSirhak practical studies“Material turns”diffussionism Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2021S1A5B8096301). I thank Buhm-Soon Park, Sophie Roux, and Holly Stephens for inviting me to discuss this work with helpful audiences at the Center for Anthropocene Studies at KAIST, the École normale supérieure, Paris, and Edinburgh University. I also thank the reviewers, Jongtae Lim and Wen-Hua Kuo for careful readings and very helpful comments.Notes1 For debates about the meaning and scope of the term, see Koo (Citation2018) and Lim (Citation2018).2 The growth pattern of the red forehead and the protective behavior match the descriptions in modern ornithology (Won Citation2001).3 It is notable that the “pine and crane” drawing (松鶴圖) portrays cranes on a pine tree, despite this old understanding about cranes’ staying in flat lands, not in forests or on trees. A systematic comparative investigation of the pine and crane drawings of East Asia would be interesting.4 The list of scholars with a penchant for things like flowers, birds, cigarettes, mathematics, books, inkstones, knives, rocks, clocks, and other curios seems endless (Jung Citation2007: 13–23).5 There is no study on the history of curiosity in China, possibly due to the belief of its being essential human nature. But what is essential can also have a history, and I suspect there were similar transitions in Chin
在东亚文化中,白鹤是象征长寿、忠诚和独立的大型候鸟,在Chosŏn后期开始生活在士大夫家庭中。随着这种优雅的鸟在18世纪中叶左右居住在学者家庭中,一种对鹤等事物产生严肃兴趣的新知识实践出现了。本文阐明了这些高度跨文化的事物在late-Chosŏn知识转化中的作用,呼应了各学科的材料转向。起重机需要知识来适当地拥有和陪伴它们,这导致了对事物的一种新的学术依恋。它开启了一种前所未有的知识态度,重视好奇心、品味和有关事物的事实,强调新获得的东西——知识的有用性。好奇心、品味、事实和知识的有用性在世界上其他地方获得了新的意义,这些地方在知识实践中也经历了类似的转变。在通过它们在学术行为和作品中留下的印记来描绘鹤在late-Chosŏn转型中的作用的同时,本文提出了一种新的方式来连接全球不同地区的知识转型,通过这些新迁移的事物,远离需要起源和转移的叙事。关键词:红冠白cranesChosŏn韩国白学实践研究“物质转向”扩散主义披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。本工作得到了韩国教育部和韩国国家研究基金会(NRF-2021S1A5B8096301)的支持。我要感谢朴范顺、索菲·鲁克斯和霍莉·斯蒂芬斯邀请我与来自韩国科学技术院人类世研究中心、巴黎École normale supersamrieure和爱丁堡大学的热心听众讨论这项工作。我还要感谢审稿人林宗泰(Jongtae Lim)和郭文华(Wen-Hua Kuo)的仔细阅读和非常有帮助的评论。注1关于该术语的含义和范围的争论,见Koo (Citation2018)和Lim (Citation2018)红额的生长形态和保护行为与现代鸟类学描述相符(Won Citation2001)值得注意的是,这幅“松鹤图”描绘的是一棵松树上的鹤,尽管人们对鹤的古老理解是它们住在平地上,而不是森林或树上。对东亚的松鹤画进行系统的比较研究将是有趣的喜欢花、鸟、烟、数学、书、砚、刀、石、钟和其他古玩的学者的名单似乎无穷无尽中国没有对好奇心的历史进行研究,可能是因为人们认为好奇心是人类的本质。但本质也有其历史,我怀疑中国学者对好奇心的态度也有类似的转变,从令人担忧的事情到值得赞扬的事情我感谢森林花园管理研究所的Chŏng Myŏnghyŏn,他们分享了《拯救人民》的文本和翻译。附加信息:作者说明:李正(音译)是梨花女子人文学院的助理教授。她研究科学技术史,关注跨文化和环境问题。
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引用次数: 0
EUMENOL—Merck’s Patent Emmenagogue and its Chinese Connections (1896–1961) eumenol -默克公司的专利与中国关系(1896-1961)
4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2251784
Jen-der Lee, Chih-hung Chen
AbstractThis article examines the rise and fall of Eumenol, Merck's patent emmenagogue extracted from danggui (當歸), and its destined connections with China. Understood to affect the blood, danggui, one of the most prolifically used substance among Chinese materia medica, had been included in recipes for women aged from before menarche to after menopause since the twelfth century, but it was not until its production and advertisement by the German pharmaceutical company that the multi-functional material was placed on the international stage with a sharpened gendered image. For Merck customers around the world, Eumenol was a long-awaited, harmless emmenagogue made from an obscure Chinese material; for Chinese who had been using the root to treat a wide range of disorders, the branded drug was a scientific refinement of a time-honored medicine. The success of Eumenol gave advocates of Chinese medicine a concrete example with which to rejuvenate their medical traditions, but the later cessation of Chinese imports forced Merck to eventually stop marketing the emmenagogue. Within this intersection of medicinal exchanges, Eumenol emerged as an indispensable piece of the puzzle in terms of both the history of an ancient remedy and the modernization of Chinese medicine.Keywords: EumenoldangguiMerckwomen’s medicineChina AcknowledgementsThe authors are indebted to Chen Ming, Bettina Wahrig, Dominik Merdes, Albert Wu, Ku-ming (Kevin) Chang and Che-chia Chang for directing us to important primary and secondary sources for this research. We thank Sabine Bernschneider-Reif and the staff of the Merck Archives for their generous support. We are also grateful to Sean HL Lei, Michael Stanley-Baker and Wen-hua Kuo for their excellent comments when we presented earlier versions of this article in different venues. This article comes out of the Taiwan-Germany (DE) International Collaborate Project—Materialities in Medical Cultures in/between Europe and East Asia; we thank MOST (now NSTC) for its funding, and we enjoy constant stimulating conversations with our project members. We value the suggestions from the two anonymous reviewers; any errors and mistakes are of course ours alone.Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A physician experimenting on patients with novel drugs, whether at the request of a pharmaceutical company or not, and such procedures at the turn of the twentieth century should not be confused with the standardized clinical trials used in pharmaceutical research since the 1950s. For the changing methods, protocols, and significance of medical experiments in the twentieth century, see Marks (Citation1997).2 According to Dr. Rahn’s report on 1899/1900, sales “increased tremendously” to 4,145.50 marks in 1900, but there is no record of the sales figures for Eumenol in the previous year.3 The way women used Eumenol as pregnancy test reminds us of what physicians and women in late imperial China would
摘要本文考察了默克公司从当归中提取的专利药物欧美诺(Eumenol)的兴衰,以及它与中国的宿命联系。当归是中药中使用最广泛的物质之一,被认为对血液有影响。从12世纪开始,当归就被包括在初潮前到更年期后的女性处方中,但直到德国制药公司的生产和广告,这种多功能材料才以鲜明的性别形象登上了国际舞台。对于默克全球的客户来说,欧美诺是一种期待已久、无害的防腐剂,由一种不知名的中国材料制成;对于一直用其根治疗各种疾病的中国人来说,这种品牌药物是对一种历史悠久的药物的科学改进。益美诺的成功为中医的倡导者提供了一个具体的例子,以振兴他们的医学传统,但后来中国停止进口迫使默克最终停止销售这种emmenogue。在这种医学交流的交叉点上,乌梅诺在古代药物的历史和中医的现代化方面都成为了拼图中不可或缺的一部分。作者感谢Chen Ming, Bettina Wahrig, Dominik Merdes, Albert Wu, Ku-ming (Kevin) Chang和Che-chia Chang为我们的研究提供了重要的一手和二手资料。我们感谢Sabine Bernschneider-Reif和默克档案馆的工作人员的慷慨支持。我们还要感谢Sean HL Lei、Michael Stanley-Baker和kuwen -hua在我们在不同场合发表本文早期版本时的精彩评论。本文出自台湾-德国(DE)国际合作项目-欧洲与东亚医学文化的材料;我们感谢科技部(现在的国家科学技术委员会)的资助,我们喜欢与我们的项目成员进行不断的激励对话。我们重视两位匿名审稿人的建议;任何错误和错误当然都是我们的责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:无论医生是否应制药公司的要求,在二十世纪之交对病人进行新药试验,不应与20世纪50年代以来用于药物研究的标准化临床试验相混淆。关于二十世纪医学实验方法、方案和意义的变化,见Marks (Citation1997)根据Rahn博士在1899/1900年的报告,1900年的销售额“急剧增长”,达到4,145.50马克,但没有Eumenol前一年的销售数字记录女性使用尤美诺作为验孕棒的方式让我们想起了中国帝制晚期的医生和女性治疗闭经的方法。参见Bray (Citation1997: 320-321)。Francesca Bray提供了三种例子,即雄桂糖浆、佛手散和逍遥散,医生会给女性开处方,或者女性在月经停止几个月后会购买并自己使用。如果妇女没有怀孕,这些制剂会产生月经;如果什么都没发生,或者腹部有动静,那么她就有可能怀孕了。但在我们的分析中,最重要的是,这三种配方中最主要的有效成分都是当归在贺斯介绍当归之前,英国植物学家汉伯里(1825-1875)曾阐述当归与川芎一起在妇女分娩前服用,以减少分娩时可能出现的并发症,而来华传教士史密斯(1833-1888)也将当归列为中医治疗的各种疾病之一。但两人都没有提到这种根对血液的作用,也没有提出它在西医上的任何应用。参见Hanbury (Citation1876: 260-261)和Smith (Citation1871: 20,133)例如,1912年销售的15302马克中,国内销售总额仅为4143马克(Jahresbericht Citation1912: 20 - 21,32,158)。1922年的报告显示,仅在德国销售了635公斤,而仅在捷克斯洛伐克就销售了269公斤(Jahresbericht Citation1922: 13,62)这次展览是纳粹掌权后的第一次年度展览,被同时代人认为是前所未有的。例如,参见“Deutsches Volk - Deutsche Arbeit”。7 .《国家民族主义革命明镜》- Verkörperung《新生国家》,载于纳粹党报《德国晚报》,1934年4月22日(Deutsches volkcitation1934: 3)在小册子的正面和背面,施密特公司。 在上海、北京和天津设立了三个办事处,另一家代理商博内曼公司提供了在香港的地址。8丁明全和其他医生一起,恢复了早期的《中华医学报》,创办了《世界医学杂志》(1928-1929),默克作为唯一的名字出现在新杂志的第一页上与默克档案不同的是,Foci没有可供研究的档案材料,因此,我们对这家中国公司的讨论只能基于诸如期刊文章和报纸广告之类的公开材料。10另一种当桂提取物Gimenor的广告出现在1932年,就在Foci推出其产品几个月后;最早的坦诺广告是由新亚制药公司于1933年发布的,与此同时,《申报》和其他报纸上也出现了类似的产品,如奥米沙、当归经、当归母等。见《金石辽周报》1932年9月17日;1933年9月25日《申报》;1940年4月11日;1942年1月19日;1944年4月11日;1934年11月20日《新文报》关于福济第一次行动后中国在国家医学背景下的反应和后续政府资助的当归研究的进一步研究,见Lee (Citation2023).11关于二战对默克公司生产、销售和商业形象的影响,见Burhop et al. (citation201, citation8,293 - 349)。关于默克公司二战后的重建和扩张,见Burhop et al. (citation201citation8,353 - 406)1909年朗格去世后,伯恩哈德Krönig、奥托·潘科和鲁道夫·西奥多·冯·雅施克轮流对该系列进行修订,但出版商在标题中保留了朗格的名字。Eumenol在1915年,1921年和1923年出版的修订版中被列出,但在1933年的版本中被删除(见下文)研究表明,最初颁布该法案是为了确保德国医药产品出口到新成立的欧洲经济共同体国家,而当年年底的沙利度胺丑闻有助于指导和证实该法案的未来修订。附加资料投稿人说明李仁德李仁德是台湾中央研究院历史文献学研究所特聘研究员兼所长。她从性别角度研究法律和医学史,并在几所大学任教。她的大部分工作都集中在早期的中国帝国,但她最近将她的兴趣扩展到现代中国和台湾妇女与法律和医学的接触。她的出版物包括两本书,四卷编辑和许多文章。她的大部分作品可以在这里看到:https://www1.ihp.sinica.edu.tw/en/Fellows/Jen-der_LeeChih-hung陈志鸿,台湾台北国立政治大学历史系助理教授。他的研究领域包括德国近代史、西方史学、古典接受史。他出版了约翰·古斯塔夫·德罗伊森和雅各布·布克哈特等德国历史学家关于古希腊形象的著作。他目前的研究项目集中在德国历史学家路德维希·里斯的历史理论上,他在日本历史研究的现代化中发挥了关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
Public Engagement in Micro-hydro Technology in Central Java: A Call to Decentralize the Energy System 中爪哇微型水电技术的公众参与:能源系统分散化的呼吁
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2233832
Pratama Yudha Pradheksa, Putri Cahya Arimbi, D. Tamitiadini
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引用次数: 0
Can Coding Education Go Completely Online? Time, Work, and Relationship in Online Courses 编程教育可以完全在线吗?在线课程中的时间、工作和关系
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2219165
Han-Ho Jeong, C. Jeon
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引用次数: 0
A Medicated Empire: The Pharmaceutical Industry and Modern Japan 医药帝国:医药工业与现代日本
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2232676
H. Fujimoto
In his first monograph A Medicated Empire, Timothy M. Yang examines the relationship between the pharmaceutical industry and the nation-state by spotlighting one entrepreneur, Hoshi Hajime (1873–1951). Today, his name is best known as the father of Hoshi Shin’ichi (1926–1997), the most successful science fiction writer in Japan, but Hajime found great commercial success by founding Hoshi Pharmaceuticals, which formally started in 1911 and whose ownership was eventually transferred from the Hoshi family in 1952. By tracing the work of Hoshi Hajime and his company, Yang illustrates how an energetic industrialist started a business and tried to expand it during the rise of the Japanese Empire from the late Meiji era to the early Shōwa era. This book consists of four parts and eight chapters. In Part I, the author sketches the prehistory and the beginning of Hoshi Pharmaceuticals. Born in a rural area in Fukushima Prefecture, Hoshi Hajime went to Tokyo to study business. Like contemporary ambitious men, he also traveled abroad and entered Columbia University for further study. He completed his Master’s course in 1901 and gained expertise in management and business. During his stay in the United States, Hoshi launched a newspaper and grasped an applied sense of enterprise. This international experience shaped his career, but, at the same time, his business dealings were largely indebted to his extensive network of leading figures in Japan, such as Itō Hirobumi and Nitobe Inazō. Among them, Gotō Shinpei was the most decisive for Hoshi’s career, since Gotō strongly supported Hoshi’s newspaper business in the United States as well as his future work in Taiwan. After returning to Japan, in 1906 Hoshi chose medicine as his new business and rapidly achieved commercial success, resulting in the establishment of Hoshi Pharmaceuticals in 1911. In Part II, Yang analyzes the early success of Hoshi Pharmaceuticals in terms of marketing, advertising, and logistics. Since the company entered the pharmaceutical market much later than major drug firms such as Takeda and Shionogi, it targeted not prescription drugs but instead patent and household drugs. To make his medicines
在他的第一本专著《药物帝国》中,Timothy M. Yang通过关注一位企业家Hajime(1873-1951)来研究制药工业与民族国家之间的关系。如今,他的名字最为人所知的是日本最成功的科幻作家星新一(1926-1997)的父亲,但他因创立星制药公司而获得了巨大的商业成功。星制药公司于1911年正式成立,最终于1952年从星氏家族转移。通过追溯萩生星和他的公司的工作,杨向我们展示了一个精力充沛的实业家是如何在明治晚期到Shōwa早期日本帝国崛起的过程中创业并试图扩大业务的。这本书由四部分八章组成。在第一部分中,作者概述了Hoshi制药的史前史和开始。Hoshi Hajime出生在福岛县的一个农村地区,后来去东京学习商业。和同时代有抱负的人一样,他也出国旅行,进入哥伦比亚大学深造。他于1901年完成硕士课程,并获得了管理和商业方面的专业知识。他在美国期间创办了一份报纸,掌握了一种实用的企业意识。这段国际经历塑造了他的职业生涯,但与此同时,他的商业往来在很大程度上要归功于他在日本的广泛人脉,如伊藤博民和稻津新部。其中,对星氏事业最具决定性的是星氏新平,因为星氏大力支持星氏在美国的报纸事业,也支持星氏日后在台湾的工作。1906年回到日本后,Hoshi选择医药作为他的新事业,并迅速取得了商业上的成功,并于1911年成立了Hoshi制药公司。在第二部分中,杨从营销、广告和物流方面分析了Hoshi Pharmaceuticals的早期成功。由于该公司进入制药市场的时间比武田和盐野义等主要制药公司晚得多,因此它的目标不是处方药,而是专利和家用药物。为他制药
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引用次数: 1
Reinventing “Hygiene”: The Sanitary Society of Japan and Public Health Reform During the Mid-Meiji Period 再造“卫生”:明治中期日本卫生社会与公共卫生改革
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2197786
K. Shannon
Abstract During the last decades of the nineteenth century, public health policy in Japan transformed from a stricter focus on anti-disease measures to a more discursive and long-term strategy, one that attempted to train local and prefectural administrators to implement top-down directives regarding hygiene (eisei 衛生). This paper uses the early speeches and articles published by The Sanitary Society of Japan (Dai Nippon Shiritsu Eiseikai 大日本私立衛生会, lit. “Great Japan Private Hygiene Association”), the nation’s largest forum for the discussion and dissemination of knowledge related to hygiene, to analyze how and why this change took place. Founded in 1883 by leading figures in medicine and the medical social sciences, the Society attempted to reformulate popular understandings of hygiene and health after widespread manipulation of the government’s early public health programs. I argue that the Society repurposed and reformulated supposedly native Japanese healing practices in order to ground unfamiliar medical concepts, including the term “hygiene” (eisei) itself, within the familiar vocabulary of supposedly shared medical traditions. In recuperating and mobilizing these ideas, the organization broadened the discourse of hygiene while also immuring the concept within a circle of medical elites.
在19世纪的最后几十年里,日本的公共卫生政策从更严格地关注于预防疾病的措施转变为一种更具话语性和长期性的战略,一种试图培训地方和县行政人员执行自上而下的卫生指令的战略。本文使用日本卫生协会(Dai Nippon Shiritsu Eiseikai, lit.“大日本私人卫生协会”)早期发表的演讲和文章,这个国家最大的讨论和传播卫生相关知识的论坛,来分析这种变化是如何以及为什么发生的。1883年,由医学和医学社会科学领域的领军人物创立,在政府早期公共卫生计划被广泛操纵后,该协会试图重新制定大众对卫生和健康的理解。我认为,该协会对日本本土的治疗实践进行了重新定位和制定,以便将不熟悉的医学概念,包括“卫生”一词(eisei)本身,纳入所谓的共享医学传统的熟悉词汇中。在恢复和动员这些思想的过程中,该组织拓宽了卫生的话语,同时也使卫生概念在医学精英的圈子内得以传播。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Cold War Science Diplomacy 中国的冷战科学外交
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2201985
Emily Baum
China’s Cold War Science Diplomacy offers compelling corrections to two persistent stereotypes about the early People’s Republic of China (PRC, 1949–1976): first, that the PRC was almost entirely isolated from the international community, particularly in matters related to the exchange of scientific and technological information; and second, that the Mao Zedong years were little more than an aberration in China’s historical development, one that was quickly counteracted by Deng Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening beginning in 1978. Marshaling a wide array of sources from China, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Gordon Barrett effectively refutes these assumptions, describing instead how PRC scientists were able to maintain international ties and intellectual engagement throughout the Cold War period. While these relationships necessarily reflected the shifting political and ideological goals of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), they nevertheless reveal how PRC scientists pursued personal, professional, and scholarly exchanges as part of a wider platform intended to showcase “New China” through international science diplomacy. Barrett’s analysis proceeds chronologically, describing how the PRC’s science diplomacy efforts changed shape as the regime’s political objectives and international alliances shifted. In the 1950s, as Chapter 1 recounts, PRC scientists were hamstrung by having been shut out of many international organizations as a result of the United States’ alliance with the Republic of China (Taiwan). One society in which they were able to participate was the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW). Taking part in WFSW-sponsored meetings and conferences enabled PRC-based scientists to maintain contact with their international colleagues, stay current on technical developments in their fields, and promote the accomplishments and legitimacy of the PRC on a global scale. Reflecting the politically moderate stance of the PRC at the time, membership in the Federation also provided Chinese scientists an opportunity to foster ties with European socialists and pursue cross-bloc communication in scientific affairs, thereby increasing the PRC’s international standing within the wider socialist world.
《中国的冷战科学外交》有力地纠正了人们对中华人民共和国早期(1949-1976)的两种刻板印象:第一,人们认为中华人民共和国几乎完全与国际社会隔绝,尤其是在科技信息交流方面;戈登·巴雷特(Gordon Barrett)整理了来自中国、美国和英国的大量资料,有效地驳斥了这些假设,而是描述了中国科学家在整个冷战时期如何能够保持国际关系和智力参与。虽然这些关系必然反映了中国共产党(CCP)政治和意识形态目标的转变,但它们揭示了中国科学家如何追求个人、专业和学术交流,作为旨在通过国际科学外交展示“新中国”的更广泛平台的一部分。巴雷特的分析按时间顺序进行,描述了中国的科学外交努力如何随着政权的政治目标和国际联盟的转变而改变。在20世纪50年代,正如第一章所述,由于美国与中华民国(台湾)结盟,中华人民共和国的科学家被许多国际组织拒之门外,受到了阻碍。他们能够参加的一个社团是世界科学工作者联合会(WFSW)。参加世界自然基金会主办的会议和会议使中国科学家能够与国际同行保持联系,了解各自领域的最新技术发展,并在全球范围内推广中国的成就和合法性。联合会的成员资格也为中国科学家提供了一个机会,促进与欧洲社会主义者的联系,并在科学事务中寻求跨集团交流,从而提高中国在更广泛的社会主义世界中的国际地位,这反映了中国当时的政治立场温和。
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引用次数: 1
An Introduction to War, Medicine and Modernity in East Asian Conflicts 《东亚冲突中的战争、医学和现代性导论》
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/18752160.2023.2203565
Michael Shiyung Liu, J. Cook
Despite Hippocrates’ statement that “war is the only proper school for a surgeon,” contemporary historians of medicine have long overlooked the complicated relationship between the two. The interconnection between war and medicine has, however, covertly entered military and medical discourse for centuries. In Susan Sontag’s study on the spread of syphilis and tuberculosis during and at the close of the First World War, she references public education campaigns where diseases were cast as an invasion of the body. She states that “military metaphors became a credible and precise means of conceptualizing disease” (Sontag 1990: 97). Additionally, the characteristics of modern counterinsurgency add to the increasingly prominent role of the medical sciences in shaping the viewpoints of national security. Some forms of warfare cast the enemy as a disease of the societal body against which protection can be procured. Research and even political propaganda have begun to explore the strategies in which national security is being redefined as a medical problem, as well as the deepening connections between medicine and warfare (Elbe 2010; Howell 2011). The bio-politics in Nazi-era Germany significantly illuminated how terrifying the application of a medical metaphor to national security and war could be. For example, Andreas Musolff’s study on Hitler’s Mein Kampf focused on “the conceptualization of the German nation as a human body that had to be cured from a deadly disease caused by Jewish parasites” (Musolff 2007: 21), Metaphors of disease and medical treatments that are used to characterize the insurgency-counterinsurgency dynamic constantly elucidate this hybrid character of modern war. Treating the brutal nature of warfare and the philanthropy of
尽管希波克拉底曾说过“战争是外科医生唯一合适的学校”,但当代医学历史学家长期以来一直忽视了这两者之间的复杂关系。然而,几个世纪以来,战争和医学之间的相互联系一直秘密地进入军事和医学的话语中。在苏珊·桑塔格(Susan Sontag)关于第一次世界大战期间和结束时梅毒和结核病传播的研究中,她提到了公共教育活动,在这些活动中,疾病被视为对身体的入侵。她指出,“军事隐喻成为将疾病概念化的可靠而精确的手段”(Sontag 1990: 97)。此外,现代反叛乱的特点使医学在形成国家安全观点方面的作用日益突出。在某些形式的战争中,敌人被视为社会的一种疾病,可以得到保护。研究甚至政治宣传已经开始探索将国家安全重新定义为医学问题的战略,以及医学与战争之间日益加深的联系(Elbe 2010;豪厄尔2011)。纳粹时代德国的生命政治极大地说明了将医学比喻应用于国家安全和战争是多么可怕。例如,Andreas Musolff对希特勒的《我的奋斗》的研究集中在“德国民族作为一个必须从犹太寄生虫引起的致命疾病中治愈的人体的概念化”(Musolff 2007: 21),用于表征叛乱-反叛乱动态的疾病隐喻和医学治疗不断阐明现代战争的这种混合特征。对待战争的残酷本质和慈善事业
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引用次数: 0
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East Asian Science Technology and Society-An International Journal
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