The paper emphasizes the pragmatic and discursive extensions of a special verbal structure – at its origin, a Future Tense form – known in Romanian linguistics as presumptive mood (hereinafter: PRESUMPT). In terms of evidentiality, the PRESUMPT has two types of meanings: an inferential meaning, expressing an inference-based supposition, and also a reportative meaning, when the utterer does not take responsibility for the truthfulness of information from another source. These significances are very subtle and closely related to their context of use. That is why, sometimes, it is very difficult to distinguish one value from another. Therefore, Romanian PRESUMPT deploys in discourse pragmatic enrichments depending on the syntactic-enunciative structure it is inserted in or on some other parameters, such as: speaker’s epistemic stance, genre of discourse, intersubjectivity, and extends its core meaning of evidentiality through a range of discursive dimensions. Considering this situation, our approach outlines that a complex rhetorical strategy is involved in such contexts, where the PRESUMPT actualizes in fact only its prototypical feature [+placement in a subsequent relation (“ultériorité” – see Bres 2012. Conditionnel et ultériorité dans le passé: De la subjectivité à l’objectivité. In SHS Web of Conferences, Volume 1 (3ème Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française), 1719–1730.)], exclusively marking the relation of subsequence of the hypothesis or of the quoted speech act (in counter-argumentative frames) compared to a previously mentioned state of facts.
本文强调罗马尼亚语言学中被称为推定语气（以下简称：PRESUMPT）的特殊动词结构--其起源是未来时态形式--的语用和话语扩展。就证据性而言，PRESUMPT 有两类意义：推理意义，表达基于推理的假设；报告意义，当说话人不对来自其他来源的信息的真实性负责时。这些意义都非常微妙，与使用语境密切相关。这就是为什么有时很难区分一种意义和另一种意义。因此，罗马尼亚语 PRESUMPT 在话语中根据其插入的句法-发音结构或其他参数（如说话人的认识论立场、话语体裁、主体间性）进行语用丰富，并通过一系列话语维度扩展其核心意义 "证据性"。考虑到这种情况，我们的方法概述了在这种语境中涉及的一种复杂的修辞策略，PRESUMPT 事实上只实现了其原型特征[+在后续关系中的位置（"ultériorité"--见 Bres 2012。Conditionnel et ultériorité dans le passé: De la subjectivité à l'objectivité.In SHS Web of Conferences, Volume 1 (3ème Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française)，1719-1730.)]，专门标记假设或引用的言语行为（在反驳框架中）与先前提到的事实状态相比的后续关系。
{"title":"Romanian presumptive in interaction: evidentiality and beyond","authors":"Cecilia Mihaela Popescu","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2049","url":null,"abstract":"The paper emphasizes the pragmatic and discursive extensions of a special verbal structure – at its origin, a Future Tense form – known in Romanian linguistics as presumptive mood (hereinafter: PRESUMPT). In terms of evidentiality, the PRESUMPT has two types of meanings: an inferential meaning, expressing an inference-based supposition, and also a reportative meaning, when the utterer does not take responsibility for the truthfulness of information from another source. These significances are very subtle and closely related to their context of use. That is why, sometimes, it is very difficult to distinguish one value from another. Therefore, Romanian PRESUMPT deploys in discourse pragmatic enrichments depending on the syntactic-enunciative structure it is inserted in or on some other parameters, such as: speaker’s epistemic stance, genre of discourse, intersubjectivity, and extends its core meaning of evidentiality through a range of discursive dimensions. Considering this situation, our approach outlines that a complex rhetorical strategy is involved in such contexts, where the PRESUMPT actualizes in fact only its prototypical feature [+placement in a subsequent relation (“ultériorité” – see Bres 2012. Conditionnel et ultériorité dans le passé: De la subjectivité à l’objectivité. In <jats:italic>SHS Web of Conferences, Volume 1</jats:italic> (3ème Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française), 1719–1730.)], exclusively marking the relation of subsequence of the hypothesis or of the quoted speech act (in counter-argumentative frames) compared to a previously mentioned state of facts.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"117 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139772139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines how the phonetic realisation of the phoneme /sˤ/ and its orthographic form ص is surfacing as the variant [s] in speaking and as س in writing in Ammani Arabic (AA), which is a variety of Jordanian Arabic (JA), and how this relates to language variation. We look at instances where certain Ammani Arabic speakers, particularly females, pronounce and write words containing /sˤ/ ص as [s] س, despite both /sˤ/ and /s/ being phonemes in JA in general and in AA in particular. We used a quantitative corpus-based approach, where we obtained written data from Facebook, and elicited spoken tokens and qualitative data through interviews. Our findings reveal that females in our two corpora [spoken and written] use and prefer [s] and س more than males, and our interviews revealed that female interviewees also prefer this pronunciation and writing. We suggest that the use of [s] س instead of [sˤ] ص by females can be seen as a direct index for femininity within their community of practice, and that this pronunciation/writing can indirectly index female gender in daily conversations and on social media websites, based on orders of indexicality (Silverstein, Michael. 2003. Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life. Language & Communication 23. 193–229).
本研究探讨了在约旦阿拉伯语（JA）的一个变种--安曼尼阿拉伯语（AA）中，音素/sˤ/及其正字法形式ص在口语中如何以变体[s]的形式出现，在书写中又如何以س的形式出现，以及这与语言变异之间的关系。我们研究了某些讲安曼尼阿拉伯语的人，尤其是女性，将含有 /sˤ/ ص 的单词发音和书写为 [s] س 的情况，尽管 /sˤ/ 和 /s/ 在一般约旦阿拉伯语中，尤其是在 AA 中都是音素。我们采用了基于语料库的定量方法，从 Facebook 获取书面数据，并通过访谈获得口语标记和定性数据。我们的研究结果表明，在我们的两个语料库（口语和书面语）中，女性比男性更喜欢使用[s]和س，我们的访谈显示，女性受访者也更喜欢这种发音和写法。我们认为，女性使用[s] س而不是[sˤ] ص可以被看作是其实践社区中女性的直接指数，而且这种发音/书写可以在日常会话和社交媒体网站上间接指数化女性的性别，这是基于指数性顺序（Silverstein, Michael.2003.Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life.Language & Communication 23.193-229).
{"title":"Indexical meanings of the realization of /sˤ/ ص as [s] س in spoken and written Jordanian Arabic: a language change in progress?","authors":"Aseel Zibin, Sumaya Daoud, Abdel Rahman Mitib Altakhaineh","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2003","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines how the phonetic realisation of the phoneme /sˤ/ and its orthographic form ص is surfacing as the variant [s] in speaking and as <jats:italic>س</jats:italic> in writing in Ammani Arabic (AA), which is a variety of Jordanian Arabic (JA), and how this relates to language variation. We look at instances where certain Ammani Arabic speakers, particularly females, pronounce and write words containing /sˤ/ ص as [s] س, despite both /sˤ/ and /s/ being phonemes in JA in general and in AA in particular. We used a quantitative corpus-based approach, where we obtained written data from Facebook, and elicited spoken tokens and qualitative data through interviews. Our findings reveal that females in our two corpora [spoken and written] use and prefer [s] and س more than males, and our interviews revealed that female interviewees also prefer this pronunciation and writing. We suggest that the use of [s] س instead of [sˤ] ص by females can be seen as a direct index for femininity within their community of practice, and that this pronunciation/writing can indirectly index female gender in daily conversations and on social media websites, based on orders of indexicality (Silverstein, Michael. 2003. Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life. <jats:italic>Language & Communication</jats:italic> 23. 193–229).","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139772174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
English is generally considered to lack grammaticalized evidential markers (Aikhenvald 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press). However, Mélac (2022. The grammaticalization of evidentiality in English. English Language and Linguistics 26(2). 331–359) argues that certain uses of seem and other English verbs have grammaticalized as evidentials. He also offers several other examples of what he calls “(semi-)grammaticalized” evidentials. In this article I provide evidence that English also has grammaticalized evidential strategies in the choice between the present and past tenses when either is possible in a particular context, as well as in the use of certain determiners with proper names referring to specific individuals. The relevant contexts involve representation of particular points of view relating broadly to information source through tense and determiner choices. This analysis supports the work of researchers such as Figueras-Bates and Kotwica (2020. Introduction: Evidentiality, epistemicity and mitigation in Spanish. Corpus Pragmatics 4. 1–9: 13), among others, that evidentiality is best seen as “a discursive-pragmatic phenomenon.”
英语一般被认为缺乏语法化的证据标记（Aikhenvald 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press）。然而，Mélac（2022.英语中证据性的语法化。English Language and Linguistics 26(2).331-359）认为 seem 和其他英语动词的某些用法已经语法化为证据性。他还提供了其他几个他称之为"（半）语法化 "证据的例子。在这篇文章中，我提供的证据表明，在特定语境中，当现在时和过去时可以任选其一时，英语在选择现在时和过去时时，以及在使用某些定语和指称特定个人的专有名词时，也有语法化的证据策略。相关语境涉及通过时态和限定词的选择来表达与信息来源广泛相关的特定观点。这一分析支持了 Figueras-Bates 和 Kotwica（2020 年）等研究人员的工作。引言：西班牙语中的证据性、认识性和缓解。Corpus Pragmatics 4. 1-9: 13）等人的研究成果，即证据性最好被视为 "一种话语-语用现象"。
{"title":"Evidential strategies in English: not just lexical","authors":"Elizabeth M. Riddle","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2054","url":null,"abstract":"English is generally considered to lack grammaticalized evidential markers (Aikhenvald 2004. <jats:italic>Evidentiality</jats:italic>. Oxford: Oxford University Press). However, Mélac (2022. The grammaticalization of evidentiality in English. <jats:italic>English Language and Linguistics</jats:italic> 26(2). 331–359) argues that certain uses of <jats:italic>seem</jats:italic> and other English verbs have grammaticalized as evidentials. He also offers several other examples of what he calls “(semi-)grammaticalized” evidentials. In this article I provide evidence that English also has grammaticalized evidential strategies in the choice between the present and past tenses when either is possible in a particular context, as well as in the use of certain determiners with proper names referring to specific individuals. The relevant contexts involve representation of particular points of view relating broadly to information source through tense and determiner choices. This analysis supports the work of researchers such as Figueras-Bates and Kotwica (2020. Introduction: Evidentiality, epistemicity and mitigation in Spanish. <jats:italic>Corpus Pragmatics</jats:italic> 4. 1–9: 13), among others, that evidentiality is best seen as “a discursive-pragmatic phenomenon.”","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139657266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the structural and functional properties of a positionally flexible verb-based discourse marker, sai (lit. ‘you know’), which in its turn-final position is a conversational hallmark of the regional variety of Standard Italian spoken in and around Padova, in the north-eastern region of Veneto. Drawing from a series of distributional and scopal constraints (including the interaction with other turn-initial and turn-final verb-based discourse markers, vocative phrases, verum focus, and the negative polarity item mica), it is claimed that both turn-initial and turn-final sai are best analyzed as intersubjectively-oriented Common Ground management operators (Repp, Sophie. 2013. Common ground management: Modal particles, illocutionary negation and verum. In Daniel Gutzmann & Hans-Martin Gärtner (eds.), Beyond expressives: explorations in use-conditional meaning (Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 28), 231–274. Leiden & Boston: Brill) activated by Speaker’s salient presuppositional biases of opposite polarity. Syntactically, within Interactional Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, Martina. 2021. The grammar of interactional language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), it is shown how both turn-initial and turn-final sai are base-generated above the C system, in the specifier position of the lower (Speaker-oriented) field of the so-called GroundP, and then moved up to the specifier position of the higher (Addressee-oriented) GroundP; additionally, the mild-rising intonational contour associated with turn-final sai is claimed to perform a call on the Addressee, which activates the corresponding Resp(onse)P above GroundP. These results contribute to the available literature on the micropragmatic process of construction and negotiation of context-bound evidential meanings, also as a tool to foster manipulative processes.
本文重点研究了一个位置灵活的动词性话语标记--sai（"你知道"）的结构和功能特性，该动词性话语标记的转折-终结位置是东北部威尼托大区帕多瓦及其周边地区标准意大利语的一个会话标志。根据一系列分布和句法限制（包括与其他转入式和转终式动词性话语标记、词汇短语、verum focus 和负极性项目 mica 的交互作用），我们认为转入式和转终式 sai 最好被分析为主体间导向的共同点管理操作符（Repp，Sophie.2013.Common Ground Management：Modal particles, illocutionary negation and verum.In Daniel Gutzmann & Hans-Martin Gärtner (eds.), Beyond expressives: explorations in use-conditional meaning (Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 28), 231-274.Leiden & Boston：Brill)激活的说话者的突出预设偏向极性相反。在句法上，互动脊梁假说（Wiltschko, Martina.2021.互动语言的语法》。剑桥：此外，与转折终结赛相关的轻微升高的语调轮廓被认为是对受话人的召唤，它激活了 GroundP 上相应的 Resp(onse)P。这些结果为现有文献中关于构建和协商受语境限制的证据意义的微观语用过程做出了贡献，同时也是促进操纵过程的工具。
{"title":"Once known, always known. Turn-final sai in North-East regional Italian","authors":"Marco Biasio, Dario Del Fante","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2001","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the structural and functional properties of a positionally flexible verb-based discourse marker, <jats:sc>sai</jats:sc> (lit. ‘you know’), which in its turn-final position is a conversational hallmark of the regional variety of Standard Italian spoken in and around Padova, in the north-eastern region of Veneto. Drawing from a series of distributional and scopal constraints (including the interaction with other turn-initial and turn-final verb-based discourse markers, vocative phrases, verum focus, and the negative polarity item <jats:italic>mica</jats:italic>), it is claimed that both turn-initial and turn-final <jats:sc>sai</jats:sc> are best analyzed as intersubjectively-oriented Common Ground management operators (Repp, Sophie. 2013. Common ground management: Modal particles, illocutionary negation and verum. In Daniel Gutzmann & Hans-Martin Gärtner (eds.), <jats:italic>Beyond expressives: explorations in use-conditional meaning</jats:italic> (Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 28), 231–274. Leiden & Boston: Brill) activated by Speaker’s salient presuppositional biases of opposite polarity. Syntactically, within Interactional Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, Martina. 2021. <jats:italic>The grammar of interactional language</jats:italic>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), it is shown how both turn-initial and turn-final <jats:sc>sai</jats:sc> are base-generated above the C system, in the specifier position of the lower (Speaker-oriented) field of the so-called GroundP, and then moved up to the specifier position of the higher (Addressee-oriented) GroundP; additionally, the mild-rising intonational contour associated with turn-final <jats:sc>sai</jats:sc> is claimed to perform a call on the Addressee, which activates the corresponding Resp(onse)P above GroundP. These results contribute to the available literature on the micropragmatic process of construction and negotiation of context-bound evidential meanings, also as a tool to foster manipulative processes.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139657175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper accounts for the epistemic use of the conditional in polar questions in French. It is argued that polar questions modalised by the epistemic conditional are biased questions that serve an argumentative function, and that the conditional contributes a different commitment update in interrogatives and in questioning declaratives. The bias type depends on whether the question is interrogative or declarative. In interrogatives, the epistemic conditional is generally associated with the subject clitic-verb inversion pattern. This pattern is argued to routinely convey evidential bias, while evidential bias is determined by the context in est-ce que questions. As biased polar questions in the conditional do not undergo interrogative flip, the conjectural meaning conveyed by the combination of the conditional and questioning is reported to be an evidential extension in keeping with evidentiality in non-flip languages (Bhadra, Diti. 2020. The semantics of evidentials in questions. Journal of Semantics 37. 367–423). This might shed new light on the apparent conceptual puzzle posed by the shift in meaning of the epistemic conditional in assertions and in questions.
本文阐述了法语极性疑问句中条件句的认识论用法。本文认为，以认识条件为模态的极性疑问句是具有论证功能的偏向性疑问句，条件在疑问句和陈述句中的承诺更新是不同的。偏向类型取决于问题是疑问句还是陈述句。在疑问句中，认识条件一般与主语从句-动词倒置模式相关联。这种模式被认为通常表达证据偏误，而在 est-ce que 问句中，证据偏误是由上下文决定的。由于条件式中有偏向的极性疑问句不进行疑问句翻转，因此条件式和疑问句结合所传达的猜测意义据说是一种证据性扩展，与非翻转语言中的证据性保持一致（Bhadra, Diti.2020.问题中的证据语义。语义学杂志》37。367-423).这可能会对断言和疑问句中认识论条件意义的转变所带来的明显的概念难题带来新的启示。
{"title":"The epistemic conditional in polar questions as an argumentative strategy","authors":"Agnès Celle","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2052","url":null,"abstract":"This paper accounts for the epistemic use of the conditional in polar questions in French. It is argued that polar questions modalised by the epistemic conditional are biased questions that serve an argumentative function, and that the conditional contributes a different commitment update in interrogatives and in questioning declaratives. The bias type depends on whether the question is interrogative or declarative. In interrogatives, the epistemic conditional is generally associated with the subject clitic-verb inversion pattern. This pattern is argued to routinely convey evidential bias, while evidential bias is determined by the context in <jats:italic>est-ce que</jats:italic> questions. As biased polar questions in the conditional do not undergo interrogative flip, the conjectural meaning conveyed by the combination of the conditional and questioning is reported to be an evidential extension in keeping with evidentiality in non-flip languages (Bhadra, Diti. 2020. The semantics of evidentials in questions. <jats:italic>Journal of Semantics</jats:italic> 37. 367–423). This might shed new light on the apparent conceptual puzzle posed by the shift in meaning of the epistemic conditional in assertions and in questions.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139517385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper contributes to the typology of encoding motion events by highlighting the role of the verbal root meaning in lexicalization of motion. We focus on lexical semantics of the verbs of falling, which we study on a sample of 42 languages using the frame-based approach to lexical typology. We show that, along with downward motion, the verbs of falling regularly denote adjacent situations; and vice versa, the idea of downward motion is systematically conveyed by verbs from adjacent semantic fields. These findings challenge the application of the classical parameters of motion events (e.g. Path) to any given motion event description and offer new insights into the understanding of lexicalization patterns in general.
{"title":"Lexical systems with systematic gaps: verbs of falling","authors":"Daria Ryzhova, Ekaterina Rakhilina, Tatiana Reznikova, Yulia Badryzlova","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2046","url":null,"abstract":"The paper contributes to the typology of encoding motion events by highlighting the role of the verbal root meaning in lexicalization of motion. We focus on lexical semantics of the verbs of falling, which we study on a sample of 42 languages using the frame-based approach to lexical typology. We show that, along with downward motion, the verbs of falling regularly denote adjacent situations; and vice versa, the idea of downward motion is systematically conveyed by verbs from adjacent semantic fields. These findings challenge the application of the classical parameters of motion events (e.g. Path) to any given motion event description and offer new insights into the understanding of lexicalization patterns in general.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139517629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to elaborate on the typology of affix changes due to reanalysis. By discussing the Polish nominal suffix /-ix-/ as resulting from morphological reduction, viz. the false subtraction of /-k-/ from /-isk-/, the supposed unidirectionality of affix changes, i.e., the irreversibility of affix growth, is questioned. Furthermore, the article points to the possible gradual nature of morphological reanalysis, in line with recent studies in syntactic reanalysis. Other types of affix changes, which were previously unidentified or deemed impossible, are also commented on and the supposed parallelism between affix reanalysis and grammaticalization as well as degrammaticalization is considered, including the role of analogy.
{"title":"The reduction of affixes in morphological reanalysis: Polish neuters in -ich-","authors":"Rafał Szeptyński","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2053","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to elaborate on the typology of affix changes due to reanalysis. By discussing the Polish nominal suffix /-ix-/ as resulting from morphological reduction, viz. the false subtraction of /-k-/ from /-isk-/, the supposed unidirectionality of affix changes, i.e., the irreversibility of affix growth, is questioned. Furthermore, the article points to the possible gradual nature of morphological reanalysis, in line with recent studies in syntactic reanalysis. Other types of affix changes, which were previously unidentified or deemed impossible, are also commented on and the supposed parallelism between affix reanalysis and grammaticalization as well as degrammaticalization is considered, including the role of analogy.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139482749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper discusses evidentials and their behaviour in interrogative sentences, based on novel data from Sm’algyax (Tsimshianic, British Columbia/Alaska). Typically, evidentials in declarative sentences receive a Speaker-anchored orientation (“According to my evidence, p”), and in interrogative sentences they receive an Addressee-anchored orientation (“According to your evidence, Q?”). This shift from Speaker to Addressee in questions is referred to as Interrogative Flip, which has been argued to be an obligatory process in canonical questions (Korotkova, Natasha. 2016. Heterogeneity and universality in the evidential domain. UCLA Doctoral dissertation). I discuss a particular evidential sn “Conjectural”, which exhibits variable interrogative flip in questions. The anchor of sn may shift to the Addressee, or it may result in a “Conjectural Question” reading, which I suggest involves a particular orientation of sn to neither the Speaker nor the Addressee. Adopting a simple modal analysis for evidentials, and a pragmatic approach to interrogative flip (Garrett, Edward John. 2001. Evidentiality and assertion in Tibetan. UCLA Doctoral dissertation; Korotkova, Natasha. 2016. Heterogeneity and universality in the evidential domain. UCLA Doctoral dissertation), I suggest that the variable interrogative flip behaviour falls out from the pragmatics of (non-)canonical questions (Farkas, Donka F. 2022. Non-intrusive questions as a special type of non-canonical questions. Journal of Semantics 39(2). 295–337).
摘要 本文根据来自 Sm'algyax（Tsimshianic，不列颠哥伦比亚/阿拉斯加）的新数据，讨论了疑问句中的证据及其行为。通常情况下，陈述句中的证据接受以说话者为中心的定向（"根据我的证据，p"），而在疑问句中，它们接受以受话者为中心的定向（"根据你的证据，Q？）在疑问句中，这种从说话者到受话者的转变被称为 "问句翻转"（Interrogative Flip），有人认为这是经典疑问句的一个必经过程（Korotkova, Natasha.2016.证据领域的异质性和普遍性。加州大学洛杉矶分校博士论文）。我讨论的是一种特殊的证据sn "Conjectural"，它在问题中表现出可变的问句翻转。sn的锚可能转向受话人，也可能导致 "猜测性疑问 "的解读，我认为这涉及到sn既不指向说话人也不指向受话人的特定取向。对证据语采用简单的模态分析，对疑问翻转采用语用学方法（Garrett, Edward John.2001.藏语中的证据性和断言。加州大学洛杉矶分校博士论文；Korotkova, Natasha.2016.证据领域的异质性和普遍性。加州大学洛杉矶分校博士论文），我认为可变的疑问句翻转行为是从（非）典型疑问句的语用学中产生的（Farkas, Donka F. 2022.非侵入性问题作为非规范问题的一种特殊类型。语义学杂志 39(2).295-337).
{"title":"Conjectural questions in Sm’algyax","authors":"Colin Brown","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2051","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper discusses evidentials and their behaviour in interrogative sentences, based on novel data from Sm’algyax (Tsimshianic, British Columbia/Alaska). Typically, evidentials in declarative sentences receive a Speaker-anchored orientation (“According to my evidence, p”), and in interrogative sentences they receive an Addressee-anchored orientation (“According to your evidence, Q?”). This shift from Speaker to Addressee in questions is referred to as Interrogative Flip, which has been argued to be an obligatory process in canonical questions (Korotkova, Natasha. 2016. Heterogeneity and universality in the evidential domain. UCLA Doctoral dissertation). I discuss a particular evidential sn “Conjectural”, which exhibits variable interrogative flip in questions. The anchor of sn may shift to the Addressee, or it may result in a “Conjectural Question” reading, which I suggest involves a particular orientation of sn to neither the Speaker nor the Addressee. Adopting a simple modal analysis for evidentials, and a pragmatic approach to interrogative flip (Garrett, Edward John. 2001. Evidentiality and assertion in Tibetan. UCLA Doctoral dissertation; Korotkova, Natasha. 2016. Heterogeneity and universality in the evidential domain. UCLA Doctoral dissertation), I suggest that the variable interrogative flip behaviour falls out from the pragmatics of (non-)canonical questions (Farkas, Donka F. 2022. Non-intrusive questions as a special type of non-canonical questions. Journal of Semantics 39(2). 295–337).","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"4 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139438487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the development of the periphrastic passive voice construction in Swedish between 1300 and 1750, from the point of view of constructional change. The development involves the rise of a new auxiliary, bliva ‘remain’, originally a lexical loan from Middle Low German, which after a period of variation replaces the older auxiliary varda ‘become’. The findings reveal that the origins of the periphrastic passive construction may be found in mutative constructions with varda and adjectival complements, and the same development is then found with the loanword bliva, delayed by some hundred years. The results of quantitative analysis place the turning point in the development between 1450 and 1550. The paper relates the variation and change in passive auxiliaries to Diachronic Construction Grammar.
{"title":"Variation and change in the Swedish periphrastic passive: a constructional approach","authors":"Dominika Skrzypek","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2045","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the development of the periphrastic passive voice construction in Swedish between 1300 and 1750, from the point of view of constructional change. The development involves the rise of a new auxiliary, <jats:italic>bliva</jats:italic> ‘remain’, originally a lexical loan from Middle Low German, which after a period of variation replaces the older auxiliary <jats:italic>varda</jats:italic> ‘become’. The findings reveal that the origins of the periphrastic passive construction may be found in mutative constructions with <jats:italic>varda</jats:italic> and adjectival complements, and the same development is then found with the loanword <jats:italic>bliva</jats:italic>, delayed by some hundred years. The results of quantitative analysis place the turning point in the development between 1450 and 1550. The paper relates the variation and change in passive auxiliaries to Diachronic Construction Grammar.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"142 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138687509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relation evidentiality bears on the coding of some information as presupposition or as implicature is still an underexplored research field. In this paper, such an interplay is addressed by looking into how presupposed and implied contents (differently) respond to contexts of challenge and deniability. As taken for granted information (Stalnaker, Robert. 1973. Presuppositions. Journal of Philosophical Logic 2(4). 447–457), presupposition is more resistant to both challenging and retracting conversational moves, since it conveys content the speaker does not commit to. By contrast, implicature – characterized as intentional meaning (Grice, Herbert P. 1975. Logic and conversation. In Peter Cole & Jerry Morgan (eds.), Syntax and semantics 3: Speech acts, 41–58. New York: Academic Press) – allows both challenging and retracting conversational moves, because it is information the speaker commits to the most, similarly to what happens with plain declarative sentences. Building on this account, it is suggested that the higher challenging and deniability status cued by implicature is related to its function of encoding a direct type of evidentiality (Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press), namely a condition in which the speaker presents herself as the first-hand source of some information. Conversely, the weaker challengeability and deniability associated to presupposition hinges on its property of encoding a mutual type of evidentiality (Hintz, Daniel J. & Hintz Diane M. 2017. The evidential category of mutual knowledge in Quechua. Lingua 186. 88–109), that is, a state in which information is construed and conveyed as already shared by all participants at the moment of utterance.
证据性对某些信息作为预设或隐含的编码关系的研究仍然是一个未被充分探索的研究领域。在本文中，通过研究预设和隐含的内容如何(不同地)对挑战和否认的背景作出反应来解决这种相互作用。被认为是理所当然的信息(罗伯特·斯托纳克，1973)。的前提。哲学逻辑学报2(4)。447-457)，预设更能抵抗挑战性和退缩性的对话动作，因为它传达了说话者没有承诺的内容。相比之下，含意-表征为有意的意义(格赖斯，赫伯特P. 1975)。逻辑和对话。在彼得·科尔&;杰里摩根(编)，语法和语义3:言语行为，41-58。纽约:学术出版社)-允许具有挑战性和退缩性的对话动作，因为这是说话者最关注的信息，类似于简单的陈述句。在此基础上，有人认为，含意导致的更高的挑战性和可否认性地位与其编码直接证据的功能有关(Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2004)。Evidentiality。牛津:牛津大学出版社)，即讲话者将自己呈现为某些信息的第一手来源。相反，与预设相关的较弱的可质疑性和可否认性取决于其编码相互类型的证据性的特性(Hintz, Daniel J. &Hintz Diane M. 2017。克丘亚语相互认知的证据范畴。186年通用。88-109)，也就是说，在这种状态下，信息被理解和传达，就像所有参与者在话语的那一刻已经共享了一样。
{"title":"The evidential meaning of presupposition and implicature between retractability and deniability of information","authors":"Viviana Masia","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2048","url":null,"abstract":"The relation evidentiality bears on the coding of some information as presupposition or as implicature is still an underexplored research field. In this paper, such an interplay is addressed by looking into how presupposed and implied contents (differently) respond to contexts of challenge and deniability. As taken for granted information (Stalnaker, Robert. 1973. Presuppositions. <jats:italic>Journal of Philosophical Logic</jats:italic> 2(4). 447–457), presupposition is more resistant to both challenging and retracting conversational moves, since it conveys content the speaker does not commit to. By contrast, implicature – characterized as intentional meaning (Grice, Herbert P. 1975. Logic and conversation. In Peter Cole & Jerry Morgan (eds.), <jats:italic>Syntax and semantics 3: Speech acts</jats:italic>, 41–58. New York: Academic Press) – allows both challenging and retracting conversational moves, because it is information the speaker commits to the most, similarly to what happens with plain declarative sentences. Building on this account, it is suggested that the higher challenging and deniability status cued by implicature is related to its function of encoding a direct type of evidentiality (Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2004. <jats:italic>Evidentiality</jats:italic>. Oxford: Oxford University Press), namely a condition in which the speaker presents herself as the first-hand source of some information. Conversely, the weaker challengeability and deniability associated to presupposition hinges on its property of encoding a mutual type of evidentiality (Hintz, Daniel J. & Hintz Diane M. 2017. The evidential category of mutual knowledge in Quechua. <jats:italic>Lingua</jats:italic> 186. 88–109), that is, a state in which information is construed and conveyed as already shared by all participants at the moment of utterance.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2023-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138628078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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