The Chinese language is defined on the basis of Chinese characters, which stabilize monosyllabic root morphemes across the countless varieties. As subsyllabic linguistic forms such as derivational morphology can hardly be represented by Chinese characters, compounding is preferred over derivation in Chinese. Compounds do not have fixed word boundaries. The wordhood of compounds pertains to the level of conventionality in language use, which is a continuum instantiated by synchronic gradience and diachronic gradualness. A perennial archaizing aesthetics further complicates the determination of Chinese words by preserving classical linguistic forms in formal and literary writing, thus making every synchronic stratum heterogeneous by blurring the distinction between historical strata. Therefore, the boundaries of words have always been fluid in native speakers’ mental lexicon.
{"title":"What is a Chinese word? Lexical constructionalization in Chinese","authors":"Liulin Zhang","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2023","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese language is defined on the basis of Chinese characters, which stabilize monosyllabic root morphemes across the countless varieties. As subsyllabic linguistic forms such as derivational morphology can hardly be represented by Chinese characters, compounding is preferred over derivation in Chinese. Compounds do not have fixed word boundaries. The wordhood of compounds pertains to the level of conventionality in language use, which is a continuum instantiated by synchronic gradience and diachronic gradualness. A perennial archaizing aesthetics further complicates the determination of Chinese words by preserving classical linguistic forms in formal and literary writing, thus making every synchronic stratum heterogeneous by blurring the distinction between historical strata. Therefore, the boundaries of words have always been fluid in native speakers’ mental lexicon.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140568540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Discontinuity in natural language is characterized by the linear disruption of a continuous string of linguistic expressions forming a constituent. While dependency relations in Dependency Grammar (DG) can capture discontinuity well, phrase-structure-based approaches such as Phrase Structure Grammar (PSG) face difficulty in accommodating discontinuity. Categorial Grammar (CG) has correspondences with PSG, although it can handle discontinuity, if equipped with wrapping operations. Given the existing literature on discontinuity in natural language, it appears that constituency relations of PSG, dependency relations of DG and functor-argument relations of CG are distinct and independent. Here, we argue for a unified representation achieved by taking into account fundamental representational principles of PSG, DG and CG. For simplicity, we show this by considering an embedded clause from Wan, spoken in Ivory Coast, as an illustrative case. The paper then attempts to explain, based on available empirical pieces of evidence, the plausible connections between the unified representation and the neurocognitive representation of continuity and discontinuity in natural language.
{"title":"On the unified representation of continuity and discontinuity and its neurocognitive grounding","authors":"Ratna Nirupama, Prakash Mondal","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2017","url":null,"abstract":"Discontinuity in natural language is characterized by the linear disruption of a continuous string of linguistic expressions forming a constituent. While dependency relations in Dependency Grammar (DG) can capture discontinuity well, phrase-structure-based approaches such as Phrase Structure Grammar (PSG) face difficulty in accommodating discontinuity. Categorial Grammar (CG) has correspondences with PSG, although it can handle discontinuity, if equipped with wrapping operations. Given the existing literature on discontinuity in natural language, it appears that constituency relations of PSG, dependency relations of DG and functor-argument relations of CG are distinct and independent. Here, we argue for a unified representation achieved by taking into account fundamental representational principles of PSG, DG and CG. For simplicity, we show this by considering an embedded clause from Wan, spoken in Ivory Coast, as an illustrative case. The paper then attempts to explain, based on available empirical pieces of evidence, the plausible connections between the unified representation and the neurocognitive representation of continuity and discontinuity in natural language.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140170065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Andi (East Caucasian) features a verb form that marks an event that is (still) not happening, contrary to the speaker’s expectation (i.e. ‘Still Not’ Present). This form is unusual for several reasons. First, forms of this kind are not typical for the language family. Second, while it conveys negative semantics, the form does not contain negation marking, even though segmentally it is rather heavy in comparison to other synthetic tenses. Third, to our knowledge grammatical ‘still not’ expressions are typologically uncommon. The paper describes the semantics and morphosyntactic properties of the ‘Still Not’ Present and suggests a plausible grammaticalization source by comparing dialects and closely related languages. We also try to match the data to typological categories like phasal polarity.
Andi（东高加索语）有一个动词形式，用来表示与说话人的期望相反，（仍然）没有发生的事件（即 "仍然没有 "现在时）。这种形式不同寻常的原因有几个。首先，这种形式在该语系中并不常见。其次，虽然它传达的是否定语义，但该时态并不包含否定标记，尽管与其他合成时态相比，该时态在语段上相当重。第三，据我们所知，语法上的 "still not "表达在类型学上并不常见。本文描述了 "还没 "现在时的语义和形态句法特性，并通过比较方言和密切相关的语言，提出了一个可信的语法化来源。我们还试图将这些数据与类型学类别（如相位极性）相匹配。
{"title":"The ‘Still Not’ Present in Andi: identifying the grammaticalization source","authors":"Timur Maisak, Samira Verhees","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2007","url":null,"abstract":"Andi (East Caucasian) features a verb form that marks an event that is (still) not happening, contrary to the speaker’s expectation (i.e. ‘Still Not’ Present). This form is unusual for several reasons. First, forms of this kind are not typical for the language family. Second, while it conveys negative semantics, the form does not contain negation marking, even though segmentally it is rather heavy in comparison to other synthetic tenses. Third, to our knowledge grammatical ‘still not’ expressions are typologically uncommon. The paper describes the semantics and morphosyntactic properties of the ‘Still Not’ Present and suggests a plausible grammaticalization source by comparing dialects and closely related languages. We also try to match the data to typological categories like phasal polarity.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140147262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Response signals (RS) have emerged as a powerful interaction tool, but they have yet to be fully understood. The current study analyzes 16 h of daily conversations using discourse-pragmatic frameworks to discuss certain aspects of the most prevalent primary and secondary Persian RSs. An RS is identified as a brief interactive response to a prior speaker’s statement, typically expressing (dis)confirmation, (un)acceptance, or backchannel (including assessment and continuer feedback). The research also differentiates and compares the functional and distributional differences and similarities between confirmation and backchannel signals. Following that, it takes a semasiological approach and discusses how the emergence, overlap, and markedness of certain functions for an item can be determined by the persistence of its original propositional meaning as well as the item’s grammaticalization and cooptation. The paper thus reviews the markedness of the backchannel function for na ‘no’ compared to this function’s development for ɂāre ‘yes’. Last but not least, cross-linguistic phonological tendencies, such as the integration of the phoneme /ɂ/ or /h/ in positive RSs and click sounds in negative ones, are supported by Persian RSs and their variants.
{"title":"An investigation of Persian response signals from an interactive perspective","authors":"Soleiman Ghaderi","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2015","url":null,"abstract":"Response signals (RS) have emerged as a powerful interaction tool, but they have yet to be fully understood. The current study analyzes 16 h of daily conversations using discourse-pragmatic frameworks to discuss certain aspects of the most prevalent primary and secondary Persian RSs. An RS is identified as a brief interactive response to a prior speaker’s statement, typically expressing (dis)confirmation, (un)acceptance, or backchannel (including assessment and continuer feedback). The research also differentiates and compares the functional and distributional differences and similarities between confirmation and backchannel signals. Following that, it takes a semasiological approach and discusses how the emergence, overlap, and markedness of certain functions for an item can be determined by the persistence of its original propositional meaning as well as the item’s grammaticalization and cooptation. The paper thus reviews the markedness of the backchannel function for <jats:italic>na</jats:italic> ‘no’ compared to this function’s development for <jats:italic>ɂāre</jats:italic> ‘yes’. Last but not least, cross-linguistic phonological tendencies, such as the integration of the phoneme /ɂ/ or /h/ in positive RSs and click sounds in negative ones, are supported by Persian RSs and their variants.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"389 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140146841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper compares bilinguals of 2L1s with monolinguals and second language speakers. The experiment and statistical analysis reveals that the question whether bilinguals adopt a more extreme, intermediate, or monolingual-like approach may not have a clear-cut yes or no answer. Our finding demonstrates that bilinguals are more monolingual-like when they have greater control over their speech production. Additionally, bilinguals employ an extreme approach to positive VOTs, where they must distinguish among all the six stops in Japanese and English, though they adopt an intermediate approach to negative VOTs, where they just need to distinguish among the three voiced stops.
{"title":"VOT in English by bilinguals with 2L1s: different approaches to voiceless and voiced stops","authors":"Sha Liu, Kaye Takeda","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2014","url":null,"abstract":"This paper compares bilinguals of 2L1s with monolinguals and second language speakers. The experiment and statistical analysis reveals that the question whether bilinguals adopt a more extreme, intermediate, or monolingual-like approach may not have a clear-cut yes or no answer. Our finding demonstrates that bilinguals are more monolingual-like when they have greater control over their speech production. Additionally, bilinguals employ an extreme approach to positive VOTs, where they must distinguish among all the six stops in Japanese and English, though they adopt an intermediate approach to negative VOTs, where they just need to distinguish among the three voiced stops.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140073696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the reportative evidential kuulemma and the dubitative muka in Finnish (Finno-Ugric). Kuulemma typically indicates that the speaker reports information provided by someone else (hearsay) and is not committed to the truth of the proposition, while muka (roughly: ‘supposedly, allegedly, as if’) typically signals that the speaker doubts the truth of the proposition, leaving open the information source. This paper explores perspective-shifting and whether these forms can be anchored to someone other than the speaker. I use corpus data and native speaker judgments to test what happens in questions, under the speech verb ‘say,’ and in free indirect discourse. In questions, both forms appear to stay anchored to the speaker (no interrogative flip). However, when embedded under ‘say,’ dubitative muka remains speaker-oriented, whereas reportative kuulemma can shift to the subject. In free indirect discourse, both can shift to the character whose point-of-view is expressed. I propose that these differences are partially related to subjectivity: Whereas kuulemma can be described in objective terms, it has been suggested that muka can express more nuanced affect such as surprise and irony. I suggest this subjective nature of muka is related to its speaker-oriented nature, echoing the speaker-orientation default of affective expressions (e.g. predicates of personal taste, epithets, interjections).
{"title":"Evidentials and dubitatives in Finnish: perspective shift in questions and embedded contexts","authors":"Elsi Kaiser","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2002","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the reportative evidential <jats:italic>kuulemma</jats:italic> and the dubitative <jats:italic>muka</jats:italic> in Finnish (Finno-Ugric). <jats:italic>Kuulemma</jats:italic> typically indicates that the speaker reports information provided by someone else (hearsay) and is not committed to the truth of the proposition, while <jats:italic>muka</jats:italic> (roughly: ‘supposedly, allegedly, as if’) typically signals that the speaker doubts the truth of the proposition, leaving open the information source. This paper explores perspective-shifting and whether these forms can be anchored to someone other than the speaker. I use corpus data and native speaker judgments to test what happens in questions, under the speech verb ‘say,’ and in free indirect discourse. In questions, both forms appear to stay anchored to the speaker (no interrogative flip). However, when embedded under ‘say,’ dubitative <jats:italic>muka</jats:italic> remains speaker-oriented, whereas reportative <jats:italic>kuulemma</jats:italic> can shift to the subject. In free indirect discourse, both can shift to the character whose point-of-view is expressed. I propose that these differences are partially related to subjectivity: Whereas <jats:italic>kuulemma</jats:italic> can be described in objective terms, it has been suggested that <jats:italic>muka</jats:italic> can express more nuanced affect such as surprise and irony. I suggest this subjective nature of <jats:italic>muka</jats:italic> is related to its speaker-oriented nature, echoing the speaker-orientation default of affective expressions (e.g. predicates of personal taste, epithets, interjections).","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140054495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The focus of this study is on the function and grammaticalization of nominalizations in Thai and the nominalization categories and nominalizing strategies in Thai are described. The Thai language exhibits a composite of derivational and clausal nominalizations marked with three nominalizers: kaan1 derives nouns or nominalized clauses from lexical verbs and relative or complement clauses; khwaam1 derives nouns from lexical verbs and adjectives; and kaan1thii3 is used for clauses. The current study posits diachronic developments for nominalizers and addresses related issues. It is concluded that nominalizers kaan1 and khwaam1 were originally lexical nouns meaning ‘work’ and ‘matter’. The essential features of the use of nominalizations have remained constant, but certain developments have occurred, which include lexical nominalization to clausal nominalization and the emergence of a new nominalizer, kaan1thii3. It is found that nominalizers kaan1, khwaam1 and kaan1thii3 are basically in complementary distribution, and language internal evolution and external contact are the primary motivations for nominalization in Thai.
{"title":"Nominalizations and its grammaticalization in standard Thai","authors":"Aliang Li","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2006","url":null,"abstract":"The focus of this study is on the function and grammaticalization of nominalizations in Thai and the nominalization categories and nominalizing strategies in Thai are described. The Thai language exhibits a composite of derivational and clausal nominalizations marked with three nominalizers: <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> derives nouns or nominalized clauses from lexical verbs and relative or complement clauses; <jats:italic>khwaam</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> derives nouns from lexical verbs and adjectives; and <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> <jats:italic>thii</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>3</jats:italic> </jats:sup> is used for clauses. The current study posits diachronic developments for nominalizers and addresses related issues. It is concluded that nominalizers <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> and <jats:italic>khwaam</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> were originally lexical nouns meaning ‘work’ and ‘matter’. The essential features of the use of nominalizations have remained constant, but certain developments have occurred, which include lexical nominalization to clausal nominalization and the emergence of a new nominalizer, <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> <jats:italic>thii</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>3</jats:italic> </jats:sup>. It is found that nominalizers <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup>, <jats:italic>khwaam</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> and <jats:italic>kaan</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>1</jats:italic> </jats:sup> <jats:italic>thii</jats:italic> <jats:sup> <jats:italic>3</jats:italic> </jats:sup> are basically in complementary distribution, and language internal evolution and external contact are the primary motivations for nominalization in Thai.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139772041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I revisit the continued debate surrounding manner of grammatical innovation, i.e. whether it is abrupt or gradual. I show that the debate is complicated by different diagnostics for manner and argue that it is best understood in terms of degree of similarity (how similar the innovative use is to existing uses of a construction). However, even when adopting degree of similarity as a diagnostic, approaches differ with regards to how similar they find innovative and existing uses. The gradualness account argues that innovative uses are similar but distinct from existing uses, as they imply a new form-meaning pairing. A seamlessness account instead argues that innovative and existing uses are so similar that no new form-meaning pairing is required. I develop seamlessness into a theoretical position for semantic innovation in grammaticalization, which holds that grammatical innovations are maximally similar to existing uses i.e. they exhibit considerable conceptual overlap and the existing use is semantically underspecified. Seamlessness is empirically tested using semantic innovations in be going to as a case study.
{"title":"The seamlessness of grammatical innovation: the case of be going to (revisited)","authors":"Nadine Dietrich","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2004","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I revisit the continued debate surrounding manner of grammatical innovation, i.e. whether it is <jats:sc>abrupt</jats:sc> or <jats:sc>gradual</jats:sc>. I show that the debate is complicated by different diagnostics for manner and argue that it is best understood in terms of <jats:sc>degree of similarity (</jats:sc>how similar the innovative use is to existing uses of a construction). However, even when adopting degree of similarity as a diagnostic, approaches differ with regards to how similar they find innovative and existing uses. The <jats:sc>gradualness</jats:sc> account argues that innovative uses are similar but distinct from existing uses, as they imply a new form-meaning pairing. A <jats:sc>seamlessness</jats:sc> account instead argues that innovative and existing uses are so similar that no new form-meaning pairing is required. I develop seamlessness into a theoretical position for semantic innovation in grammaticalization, which holds that grammatical innovations are maximally similar to existing uses i.e. they exhibit considerable conceptual overlap and the existing use is semantically underspecified. Seamlessness is empirically tested using semantic innovations in <jats:italic>be going to</jats:italic> as a case study.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the diachrony of Latin P-labile verbs (verbs that can be used transitively and intransitively with the preservation of the Patient and without a formal change), availing itself from evidence in medical and veterinary texts from the first to seventh century AD. The first part of the analysis discusses the influence of verbal semantics on the domain of lability in these texts and how lability developed as a diathetic strategy for the anticausative, the causative and the passive in Latin. Special attention is paid to the increase of P-lability as an anticausative strategy and its relation to the mediopassive and reflexive anticausative strategies in Late Latin. The second part of the analysis proposes a new explanation for the increase of P-lability in Latin and discusses the consequences of the development of a semantic-based alignment in Late Latin (the extended accusative) on the syntax and development of P-labile verbs.
{"title":"Permittito aperiat oculum: typological considerations on P-lability and its interaction with morphosyntactic alignment in Latin medical texts","authors":"Tim A.F. Ongenae","doi":"10.1515/flin-2024-2005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2024-2005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the diachrony of Latin P-labile verbs (verbs that can be used transitively and intransitively with the preservation of the Patient and without a formal change), availing itself from evidence in medical and veterinary texts from the first to seventh century AD. The first part of the analysis discusses the influence of verbal semantics on the domain of lability in these texts and how lability developed as a diathetic strategy for the anticausative, the causative and the passive in Latin. Special attention is paid to the increase of P-lability as an anticausative strategy and its relation to the mediopassive and reflexive anticausative strategies in Late Latin. The second part of the analysis proposes a new explanation for the increase of P-lability in Latin and discusses the consequences of the development of a semantic-based alignment in Late Latin (the extended accusative) on the syntax and development of P-labile verbs.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139771778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper develops an account of the Cuzco Quechua reportative evidential. It is proposed that it contributes a preparatory condition in all its uses which states that the evidence holder has reportative evidence that supports the speaker raising the issue denoted by the sentence it occurs in. In declarative sentences, this results in the speech act of presenting the proposition expressed without expressing the speaker’s belief that it is true. In interrogatives, there are two readings. On the interrogative flip reading, the evidence holder is the addressee and the resulting speech act is a question supported by the speaker’s assumption that the addressee has reportative evidence for one of the answers. On the second reading, the evidence holder is the speaker, and the resulting speech act is one of asking the question on behalf of someone else. The account differs from previous accounts of the flipped reading of evidentials in questions which make them part of the answers. It is argued that analyzing the reportative’s contribution as a preparatory condition better captures the insight that the speaker chooses the evidential based on what they know about the addressee’s likely type of evidence at the time of speaking. The paper moreover argues that preparatory conditions cannot be analyzed as presuppositions in the common ground and should instead be understood as propositions the speaker takes for granted, but which may be new information to the addressee.
{"title":"The interrogative flip with illocutionary evidentials","authors":"Martina Faller","doi":"10.1515/flin-2023-2050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/flin-2023-2050","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops an account of the Cuzco Quechua reportative evidential. It is proposed that it contributes a preparatory condition in all its uses which states that the evidence holder has reportative evidence that supports the speaker raising the issue denoted by the sentence it occurs in. In declarative sentences, this results in the speech act of presenting the proposition expressed without expressing the speaker’s belief that it is true. In interrogatives, there are two readings. On the interrogative flip reading, the evidence holder is the addressee and the resulting speech act is a question supported by the speaker’s assumption that the addressee has reportative evidence for one of the answers. On the second reading, the evidence holder is the speaker, and the resulting speech act is one of asking the question on behalf of someone else. The account differs from previous accounts of the flipped reading of evidentials in questions which make them part of the answers. It is argued that analyzing the reportative’s contribution as a preparatory condition better captures the insight that the speaker chooses the evidential based on what they know about the addressee’s likely type of evidence at the time of speaking. The paper moreover argues that preparatory conditions cannot be analyzed as presuppositions in the common ground and should instead be understood as propositions the speaker takes for granted, but which may be new information to the addressee.","PeriodicalId":45269,"journal":{"name":"Folia Linguistica","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139772056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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