Pub Date : 2021-07-30DOI: 10.1177/21533687211023576
Dhanakorn Mulaphong, Sutham Cheurprakobkit
Stop and search is an innovative policing approach aimed at deterring crime and disorder and promoting public trust and confidence in law enforcement. While many studies have investigated racial biases in this approach and its effectiveness in reducing crime and disorder, little attention has been paid to its role in fostering citizens’ feelings of safety. Using the 2016 General Social Survey data ( N = 2,876), this study examined whether police use of pedestrian stop-and-search practices generated citizens’ feelings of safety. Our results revealed prevailing disparities between Black and White Americans on the effectiveness of police stop-and-search practices. Namely, police stop and search made White persons feel safer and more protected in their neighborhood, compared to Blacks. The conclusion discusses the implications of this disparity, and potential policy and managerial solutions.
{"title":"Does Police Stop and Search Make Everyone Feel Safe? Evidence From the United States","authors":"Dhanakorn Mulaphong, Sutham Cheurprakobkit","doi":"10.1177/21533687211023576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211023576","url":null,"abstract":"Stop and search is an innovative policing approach aimed at deterring crime and disorder and promoting public trust and confidence in law enforcement. While many studies have investigated racial biases in this approach and its effectiveness in reducing crime and disorder, little attention has been paid to its role in fostering citizens’ feelings of safety. Using the 2016 General Social Survey data ( N = 2,876), this study examined whether police use of pedestrian stop-and-search practices generated citizens’ feelings of safety. Our results revealed prevailing disparities between Black and White Americans on the effectiveness of police stop-and-search practices. Namely, police stop and search made White persons feel safer and more protected in their neighborhood, compared to Blacks. The conclusion discusses the implications of this disparity, and potential policy and managerial solutions.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211023576","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49451891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-29DOI: 10.1177/21533687211023574
A. Updegrove, Maisha N. Cooper, Jared Dmello
Although the post-civil rights era has motivated many people to avoid appearing racist, they may still be unwilling to relinquish privileges derived from the U.S. racial hierarchy. Because the Confederacy fought to preserve slavery, which upheld this hierarchy, support for the Confederate flag may serve as a proxy measure for individuals’ commitment to maintaining privileges stemming from structural racism. Moreover, given that the modern legal system upholds this same racial hierarchy through anti-Black discrimination, individuals who prioritize protecting their privilege may soothe the guilt they feel for benefiting from structural racism by convincing themselves the legal system treats everyone equally. Similarly, because flag supporters identify with the symbol of a failed nation that considered northern states to have insufficiently policed Black people, they may view police as protectors of the racial hierarchy. Hypotheses were tested using randomly sampled CBS News national poll data. As anticipated, flag supporters were 66% less likely to perceive anti-Black criminal justice system bias, 60% less likely to perceive anti-Black police bias, 34% less likely to consider racial profiling widespread, and 55% more likely to view police as friends.
{"title":"Heritage Not Hate? Confederate Flag Supporters Less Likely to Perceive Criminal Injustice, More Likely to View Police as Friends","authors":"A. Updegrove, Maisha N. Cooper, Jared Dmello","doi":"10.1177/21533687211023574","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211023574","url":null,"abstract":"Although the post-civil rights era has motivated many people to avoid appearing racist, they may still be unwilling to relinquish privileges derived from the U.S. racial hierarchy. Because the Confederacy fought to preserve slavery, which upheld this hierarchy, support for the Confederate flag may serve as a proxy measure for individuals’ commitment to maintaining privileges stemming from structural racism. Moreover, given that the modern legal system upholds this same racial hierarchy through anti-Black discrimination, individuals who prioritize protecting their privilege may soothe the guilt they feel for benefiting from structural racism by convincing themselves the legal system treats everyone equally. Similarly, because flag supporters identify with the symbol of a failed nation that considered northern states to have insufficiently policed Black people, they may view police as protectors of the racial hierarchy. Hypotheses were tested using randomly sampled CBS News national poll data. As anticipated, flag supporters were 66% less likely to perceive anti-Black criminal justice system bias, 60% less likely to perceive anti-Black police bias, 34% less likely to consider racial profiling widespread, and 55% more likely to view police as friends.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211023574","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44241574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1177/21533687211032315
R. Fix, Amanda M. Fanniff, J. Kline, Elizabeth J. Letourneau
Racial disparities in the U.S. juvenile justice system appear to be attenuated for people with sexual and violent versus drug and property offenses. Existing theories such as the racial threat hypothesis partially explain these racial disparities, but the definition of “threat” could limit our ability to explain juvenile justice outcomes across offense categories. Importantly, research often overlooks the different and unique threats associated with violent and sexual crimes. The present study examined impacts of racial threat and an expanded definition of “threat” associated with violent and sexual crime on (a) preadjudication detention and (b) dispositions of postadjudication confinement. Statewide archival court data were obtained regarding 212,274 male and female adolescents. In the full models, less severe violent (assault vs. homicide) and sexual offenses (indecent exposure and child pornography vs. sexual abuse) were associated with lower use of detention and secure confinement. This impact of specific violent and sexual offenses on court outcomes were observed in models run with Black adolescents and models separated by violent offenses and sexual offenses. Higher rates of county-level homicide prosecutions and White-to-Black unemployment were significantly and positively associated with detention and confinement, respectively. Racial threat and other theories aiming to explain racial disparities should be reexamined and modified to include markers of violent and sexual offense stigma and threat. Further, models testing racial disparities should include an expanded definition of “threat” in selecting indicators. Our suggested modified theory could better elucidate racial disparities in the juvenile justice system and presents important practice implications.
{"title":"Disproportionate Minority Contact: An Expanded Examination of how Threat of Violent and Sexual Offending Impacts Court Outcomes","authors":"R. Fix, Amanda M. Fanniff, J. Kline, Elizabeth J. Letourneau","doi":"10.1177/21533687211032315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211032315","url":null,"abstract":"Racial disparities in the U.S. juvenile justice system appear to be attenuated for people with sexual and violent versus drug and property offenses. Existing theories such as the racial threat hypothesis partially explain these racial disparities, but the definition of “threat” could limit our ability to explain juvenile justice outcomes across offense categories. Importantly, research often overlooks the different and unique threats associated with violent and sexual crimes. The present study examined impacts of racial threat and an expanded definition of “threat” associated with violent and sexual crime on (a) preadjudication detention and (b) dispositions of postadjudication confinement. Statewide archival court data were obtained regarding 212,274 male and female adolescents. In the full models, less severe violent (assault vs. homicide) and sexual offenses (indecent exposure and child pornography vs. sexual abuse) were associated with lower use of detention and secure confinement. This impact of specific violent and sexual offenses on court outcomes were observed in models run with Black adolescents and models separated by violent offenses and sexual offenses. Higher rates of county-level homicide prosecutions and White-to-Black unemployment were significantly and positively associated with detention and confinement, respectively. Racial threat and other theories aiming to explain racial disparities should be reexamined and modified to include markers of violent and sexual offense stigma and threat. Further, models testing racial disparities should include an expanded definition of “threat” in selecting indicators. Our suggested modified theory could better elucidate racial disparities in the juvenile justice system and presents important practice implications.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211032315","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47151358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1177/21533687211015950
Rodney K. Brunson, Eric A. Stewart
The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement arose following the untimely killing of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Black teenager, at the hands of George Zimmerman, a White man who was subsequently acquitted of all charges. BLM has again been propelled back into the global spotlight due to the highly publicized killings of George Floyd, Eric Garner, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, Daunte Wright, and far too many other Black Americans. The atrocities perpetrated against Black people at the hands of Whites and police has reinvigorated a diverse coalition of advocates’ impassioned outcries for racial justice. BLM casts a critical focus on a historically uncomfortable reality that continues to plague Black lives—systemic racism. BLM brings heightened attention to the inequality and injustices that Blacks and other people of color routinely endure, despite more than 65 years of civil rights legislation.
{"title":"In Search of a Critical Mass: Do Black Lives Matter in Criminology and Criminal Justice Programs?","authors":"Rodney K. Brunson, Eric A. Stewart","doi":"10.1177/21533687211015950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211015950","url":null,"abstract":"The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement arose following the untimely killing of Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Black teenager, at the hands of George Zimmerman, a White man who was subsequently acquitted of all charges. BLM has again been propelled back into the global spotlight due to the highly publicized killings of George Floyd, Eric Garner, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, Daunte Wright, and far too many other Black Americans. The atrocities perpetrated against Black people at the hands of Whites and police has reinvigorated a diverse coalition of advocates’ impassioned outcries for racial justice. BLM casts a critical focus on a historically uncomfortable reality that continues to plague Black lives—systemic racism. BLM brings heightened attention to the inequality and injustices that Blacks and other people of color routinely endure, despite more than 65 years of civil rights legislation.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211015950","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42302891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1177/21533687211011211
Joseph B. Richardson
The arrest of respected Black professor and scholar Henry Louis Gates, Jr., by the Cambridge Police Department in 2009 for allegedly breaking into his own home proverbially “set the table” for this discussion. Following his arrest, Gates noted: “There are one million black men in jail in this country and last Thursday I was one of them. This is outrageous and this is how poor black men across the country are treated every day in the criminal justice system. It’s one thing to write about it, but altogether another to experience it.” Regardless of social class or occupational prestige, Black professors at predominately White institutions are subjected to hyper-surveillance and racially bias policing in public spaces on campus. Using intersectionality and positionality as conceptual frameworks, this paper describes the lived experiences of a Black professor and criminologist at a predominately White institution and his encounters with the university’s police department and the carceral state. Using Armour’s (2020) N*gga Theory, which is framed by Critical Race Theory, I analyze the relationship between race, class, unequal justice, and the politics of respectability. I use Armour’s N*gga Theory (2020) to show solidarity between those vilified as a “crime prone” Black underclass, and the less “crime prone” Black bourgeoisie. Although, the Black bourgeoisie in the academy may embrace the politics of respectability, according to N*gga Theory there is no moral or political distinction between the those considered good Negroes and those considered bad.
2009年，剑桥警察局逮捕了受人尊敬的黑人教授和学者小亨利·路易斯·盖茨(Henry Louis Gates, Jr.)，据称他闯入了自己的家，众所周知，这为这场讨论“奠定了基础”。被捕后，盖茨指出:“这个国家有100万黑人被关在监狱里，上周四我就是其中之一。这是令人愤慨的，这就是全国各地的贫穷黑人每天在刑事司法系统中所受到的待遇。写出来是一回事，亲身经历又是另一回事。”无论社会阶层或职业声望如何，在白人占主导地位的大学里，黑人教授在校园公共场所都受到高度监视和种族偏见的监管。本文以交叉性和位置性为概念框架，描述了一名黑人教授和犯罪学家在一所白人占主导地位的机构中的生活经历，以及他与大学警察局和监狱国家的遭遇。运用阿玛尔(2020)的N*gga理论，这是由批判种族理论框架，我分析了种族，阶级，不平等的正义，和体面的政治之间的关系。我用阿莫尔的N*gga理论(2020)来展示那些被诋毁为“容易犯罪”的黑人下层阶级和不那么“容易犯罪”的黑人资产阶级之间的团结。尽管学术界的黑人资产阶级可能会接受体面政治，但根据N*gga理论，在被认为是好黑人和被认为是坏黑人之间，没有道德或政治上的区别。
{"title":"“No CAP”: Reflections on the Intersectionality, Positionality and the Experiences of Navigating Race as a Black Male Criminologist","authors":"Joseph B. Richardson","doi":"10.1177/21533687211011211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211011211","url":null,"abstract":"The arrest of respected Black professor and scholar Henry Louis Gates, Jr., by the Cambridge Police Department in 2009 for allegedly breaking into his own home proverbially “set the table” for this discussion. Following his arrest, Gates noted: “There are one million black men in jail in this country and last Thursday I was one of them. This is outrageous and this is how poor black men across the country are treated every day in the criminal justice system. It’s one thing to write about it, but altogether another to experience it.” Regardless of social class or occupational prestige, Black professors at predominately White institutions are subjected to hyper-surveillance and racially bias policing in public spaces on campus. Using intersectionality and positionality as conceptual frameworks, this paper describes the lived experiences of a Black professor and criminologist at a predominately White institution and his encounters with the university’s police department and the carceral state. Using Armour’s (2020) N*gga Theory, which is framed by Critical Race Theory, I analyze the relationship between race, class, unequal justice, and the politics of respectability. I use Armour’s N*gga Theory (2020) to show solidarity between those vilified as a “crime prone” Black underclass, and the less “crime prone” Black bourgeoisie. Although, the Black bourgeoisie in the academy may embrace the politics of respectability, according to N*gga Theory there is no moral or political distinction between the those considered good Negroes and those considered bad.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211011211","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49028961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1177/21533687211015953
Vernetta D. Young
{"title":"It’s the Same Old Song","authors":"Vernetta D. Young","doi":"10.1177/21533687211015953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211015953","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211015953","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41961904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-04DOI: 10.1177/21533687211021051
B. A. Lee, H. Neville, Michael D Schlosser, M. Valgoi, S. Cha-Jua
We investigated how ethnocultural empathy and colorblind racial beliefs were associated through the racial composition of close friendship groups in police recruits. In a sample of White police recruits in a midwestern training academy (N = 192), mediation analyses revealed a significant association between ethnocultural empathy and colorblind racial beliefs through Black friendships. Specifically, findings from path analyses indicated an indirect effect between earlier empathy for Black, Indigenous, People of Color and later reduced denial of institutional racism. Although both ethnocultural empathy and racial beliefs were associated with Asian American and Latinx friends, these close cross-racial friendships were not significant mediators. Limitations, directions for future research, and implications for training and intervention in police samples are discussed.
{"title":"Ethnocultural Empathy and Racial Colorblindness Among White Police Recruits: Do Cross-Racial Friendships Matter?","authors":"B. A. Lee, H. Neville, Michael D Schlosser, M. Valgoi, S. Cha-Jua","doi":"10.1177/21533687211021051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211021051","url":null,"abstract":"We investigated how ethnocultural empathy and colorblind racial beliefs were associated through the racial composition of close friendship groups in police recruits. In a sample of White police recruits in a midwestern training academy (N = 192), mediation analyses revealed a significant association between ethnocultural empathy and colorblind racial beliefs through Black friendships. Specifically, findings from path analyses indicated an indirect effect between earlier empathy for Black, Indigenous, People of Color and later reduced denial of institutional racism. Although both ethnocultural empathy and racial beliefs were associated with Asian American and Latinx friends, these close cross-racial friendships were not significant mediators. Limitations, directions for future research, and implications for training and intervention in police samples are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211021051","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44626256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1177/21533687211015287
James D. Unnever, Brian J. Stults, S. Messner
We advance a structural racism approach to understanding the variation in homicide across the U.S. states. We conceptualize structural racism by juxtaposing the conditions for Blacks with those for Whites across multiple domains. We also include two ideological beliefs, racial resentments and Whites perceptions that their racialized social status is threatened by minority gains. The results show that higher Black homicide rates are associated with greater exposure to structural racism and that states with more Whites who harbor racial resentments have higher rates of Black homicides. We also found that states with more Whites who feel that their status is threatened exhibit higher rates of White homicides. However, the results reveal that structural racism exhibits a non-significant association with White homicide rates. We conclude that the challenge going forward is to develop strategies that can undo the oppression of Blacks without enhancing attitudes of Whites that promote criminality.
{"title":"Structural Racism and Criminal Violence: An Analysis of State-Level Variation in Homicide","authors":"James D. Unnever, Brian J. Stults, S. Messner","doi":"10.1177/21533687211015287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211015287","url":null,"abstract":"We advance a structural racism approach to understanding the variation in homicide across the U.S. states. We conceptualize structural racism by juxtaposing the conditions for Blacks with those for Whites across multiple domains. We also include two ideological beliefs, racial resentments and Whites perceptions that their racialized social status is threatened by minority gains. The results show that higher Black homicide rates are associated with greater exposure to structural racism and that states with more Whites who harbor racial resentments have higher rates of Black homicides. We also found that states with more Whites who feel that their status is threatened exhibit higher rates of White homicides. However, the results reveal that structural racism exhibits a non-significant association with White homicide rates. We conclude that the challenge going forward is to develop strategies that can undo the oppression of Blacks without enhancing attitudes of Whites that promote criminality.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211015287","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42749662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-08DOI: 10.1177/21533687211007548
Talisa J. Carter, Lallen T. Johnson
This study demonstrates that racially disparate fare evasion citation outcomes are the product of racialized social systems that allow transit police officers to determine the belongingness of Black riders in systems of mass transit. Using citation data from the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, we test the impact of race and place attributes on transit officer decisions to allocate punishment for subway fare evasion using mixed effects logistic regression controlling for individual and contextual predictors. Although rider racial identity alone proves statistically irrelevant, Black riders suspected of fare evasion possess an elevated risk for being fined as opposed to merely being warned at stations located within predominately white neighborhoods and as stations increase in ridership. These findings demonstrate how transit police officer discretion challenges Black belongingness on systems of public transportation. Broader implications of this work include the importance of scholarship linking statistical disparities to organizational intent and integrating diverse voices in policing policy development.
{"title":"“Blacks Can’t Jump”: The Racialization of Transit Police Responses to Fare Evasion","authors":"Talisa J. Carter, Lallen T. Johnson","doi":"10.1177/21533687211007548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211007548","url":null,"abstract":"This study demonstrates that racially disparate fare evasion citation outcomes are the product of racialized social systems that allow transit police officers to determine the belongingness of Black riders in systems of mass transit. Using citation data from the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, we test the impact of race and place attributes on transit officer decisions to allocate punishment for subway fare evasion using mixed effects logistic regression controlling for individual and contextual predictors. Although rider racial identity alone proves statistically irrelevant, Black riders suspected of fare evasion possess an elevated risk for being fined as opposed to merely being warned at stations located within predominately white neighborhoods and as stations increase in ridership. These findings demonstrate how transit police officer discretion challenges Black belongingness on systems of public transportation. Broader implications of this work include the importance of scholarship linking statistical disparities to organizational intent and integrating diverse voices in policing policy development.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211007548","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45330089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-08DOI: 10.1177/21533687211006461
Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, Maria Jung, Firdaous Sbaï, A. Wilton, F. Kouyoumdjian
Racially disaggregated incarceration data are an important indicator of population health and well-being, but are lacking in the Canadian context. We aimed to describe incarceration rates and proportions of Black people who experienced incarceration in Ontario, Canada during 2010 using population-based data. We used correctional administrative data for all 45,956 men and 6,357 women released from provincial correctional facilities in Ontario in 2010, including self-reported race data. Using 2006 Ontario Census data on the population size for race and age categories, we calculated and compared incarceration rates and proportions of the population experiencing incarceration by age, sex, and race groups using chi-square tests. In this first Canadian study presenting detailed incarceration rates by race, we found substantial over-representation of Black men in provincial correctional facilities in Ontario. We also found that a large proportion of Black men experience incarceration. In addition to further research, evidence-based action is needed to prevent exposure to criminogenic factors for Black people and to address the inequitable treatment of Black people within the criminal justice system.
{"title":"Race and Incarceration: The Representation and Characteristics of Black People in Provincial Correctional Facilities in Ontario, Canada","authors":"Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, Maria Jung, Firdaous Sbaï, A. Wilton, F. Kouyoumdjian","doi":"10.1177/21533687211006461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211006461","url":null,"abstract":"Racially disaggregated incarceration data are an important indicator of population health and well-being, but are lacking in the Canadian context. We aimed to describe incarceration rates and proportions of Black people who experienced incarceration in Ontario, Canada during 2010 using population-based data. We used correctional administrative data for all 45,956 men and 6,357 women released from provincial correctional facilities in Ontario in 2010, including self-reported race data. Using 2006 Ontario Census data on the population size for race and age categories, we calculated and compared incarceration rates and proportions of the population experiencing incarceration by age, sex, and race groups using chi-square tests. In this first Canadian study presenting detailed incarceration rates by race, we found substantial over-representation of Black men in provincial correctional facilities in Ontario. We also found that a large proportion of Black men experience incarceration. In addition to further research, evidence-based action is needed to prevent exposure to criminogenic factors for Black people and to address the inequitable treatment of Black people within the criminal justice system.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/21533687211006461","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45530333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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