Pub Date : 2022-01-25DOI: 10.1177/21533687221075737
C. Metcalfe, Thomas Baker
Drawing on elements from the process-based model of policing, intersectionality, critical race perspectives, and comparative conflict theory, the study explores the pathways by which racial and ethnic identity influence self-regulating beliefs among justice-involved individuals. Given that people of color within this group are acutely aware of criminal justice system oppression and inequalities and have likely internalized negative expectations as part of their identity, we consider whether procedural justice perceptions of the police and courts mediate the relationship between racial and ethnic identity and obedience to the law. Relying upon data from a sample of men and women incarcerated in Florida, the findings reveal a negative, indirect relationship between race and self-regulating beliefs, such that Black individuals perceive the police as less procedurally just, which spills over onto perceptions of court procedural justice, and ultimately decreases the willingness to obey. A similar relationship is not found for Hispanic individuals.
{"title":"Race, Ethnicity, Justice, and Self-Regulating Beliefs among a Sample of Justice-Involved Men and Women","authors":"C. Metcalfe, Thomas Baker","doi":"10.1177/21533687221075737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221075737","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on elements from the process-based model of policing, intersectionality, critical race perspectives, and comparative conflict theory, the study explores the pathways by which racial and ethnic identity influence self-regulating beliefs among justice-involved individuals. Given that people of color within this group are acutely aware of criminal justice system oppression and inequalities and have likely internalized negative expectations as part of their identity, we consider whether procedural justice perceptions of the police and courts mediate the relationship between racial and ethnic identity and obedience to the law. Relying upon data from a sample of men and women incarcerated in Florida, the findings reveal a negative, indirect relationship between race and self-regulating beliefs, such that Black individuals perceive the police as less procedurally just, which spills over onto perceptions of court procedural justice, and ultimately decreases the willingness to obey. A similar relationship is not found for Hispanic individuals.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42886215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-25DOI: 10.1177/21533687221075730
Billy R. Thomas
Dating back to the purchase of the first African slaves America has struggled with and failed to attain its ideal goal of racial, economic and social equity. Today, much of what we are as a society can be attributed to a binary system that was created and continues to exists along racial lines. This manuscript is a brief overview of post-reconstruction America and the events leading up to the civil rights era and passage of the Civil Right Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965. The author briefly examines America's past as it relates to the fundamental issue of human rights and the continued suppression and marginalization of targeted populations. The current level of police and civilian aggression towards people of color, the increasing number of states adopting legislation aimed at voter suppression and the recent siege of the Nation's capital by insurrectionists are alarming events and suggest the growing danger and possibility of a return to post-reconstruction America. If we are to reverse this trend we must first acknowledge and accept our transgressions and flaws, engage in self-examination and intentionally commit to change. America is only as good as the sum of its parts.
{"title":"What's in a Video: Believe it or Not","authors":"Billy R. Thomas","doi":"10.1177/21533687221075730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687221075730","url":null,"abstract":"Dating back to the purchase of the first African slaves America has struggled with and failed to attain its ideal goal of racial, economic and social equity. Today, much of what we are as a society can be attributed to a binary system that was created and continues to exists along racial lines. This manuscript is a brief overview of post-reconstruction America and the events leading up to the civil rights era and passage of the Civil Right Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965. The author briefly examines America's past as it relates to the fundamental issue of human rights and the continued suppression and marginalization of targeted populations. The current level of police and civilian aggression towards people of color, the increasing number of states adopting legislation aimed at voter suppression and the recent siege of the Nation's capital by insurrectionists are alarming events and suggest the growing danger and possibility of a return to post-reconstruction America. If we are to reverse this trend we must first acknowledge and accept our transgressions and flaws, engage in self-examination and intentionally commit to change. America is only as good as the sum of its parts.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45949069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-05DOI: 10.1177/21533687211070552
Dawn K. Cecil
In 2020, Breonna Taylor was killed in her apartment as police officers served a no-knock warrant. Unlike most cases of police violence against a woman of color, Taylor’s death was eventually deemed newsworthy. Given that people’s perceptions of justice-related issues are often informed by media representations, the way the her death was covered can send critical messages about police violence against women of color. This research note presents the findings of a qualitative media analysis of newspaper coverage of Taylor’s case for the six months following her death. Drawing from research on media depictions of police use of force and women as victims, it explored how gender shaped the media coverage of her case. Findings indicate that while there are similarities to other news coverage of deadly use of force incidents that gender and its intersection with race shaped the narratives in three main ways—by characterizing Taylor through a patriarchal lens suggesting that she is an ideal victim; by shifting blame onto Taylor by focusing on relationships with men; and by addressing media coverage while reporting on her death.
{"title":"Saying Her Name: Gendered Narratives in News Coverage of Breonna Taylor's Death","authors":"Dawn K. Cecil","doi":"10.1177/21533687211070552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211070552","url":null,"abstract":"In 2020, Breonna Taylor was killed in her apartment as police officers served a no-knock warrant. Unlike most cases of police violence against a woman of color, Taylor’s death was eventually deemed newsworthy. Given that people’s perceptions of justice-related issues are often informed by media representations, the way the her death was covered can send critical messages about police violence against women of color. This research note presents the findings of a qualitative media analysis of newspaper coverage of Taylor’s case for the six months following her death. Drawing from research on media depictions of police use of force and women as victims, it explored how gender shaped the media coverage of her case. Findings indicate that while there are similarities to other news coverage of deadly use of force incidents that gender and its intersection with race shaped the narratives in three main ways—by characterizing Taylor through a patriarchal lens suggesting that she is an ideal victim; by shifting blame onto Taylor by focusing on relationships with men; and by addressing media coverage while reporting on her death.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46253299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1177/21533687211047948
Y. Payne, Tara M. Brown
This street participatory action research project trained 15 local residents to document a community sample of street-identified Black men and women’s (ages 18–35 years) experiences with reentry in two low-income Black neighborhoods. The following multi-method data were collected: (a) 520 surveys; (b) 24 individual interviews; (c) four dual interviews; and (d) three group interviews. Descriptive and univariate analysis of variance analysis revealed most participants as a function of gender and age-groups held positive attitudes toward reentry, overall; positive attitudes toward returning citizens; negative attitudes toward reentry programs; and negative attitudes toward the reentry process. Qualitative analysis suggested negative experiences with reentry were the result of a racialized structural violence complex; and strategies employed to navigate reentry included legal and illegal approaches. Also, short and long-term goals with reentry were generally achieved through enduring major bouts of unemployment, economic poverty, and low-wage work.
{"title":"“I Don’t let These Felonies Hold me Back!”: How Street-Identified Black Men and Women Use Resilience to Radically Reframe Reentry","authors":"Y. Payne, Tara M. Brown","doi":"10.1177/21533687211047948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211047948","url":null,"abstract":"This street participatory action research project trained 15 local residents to document a community sample of street-identified Black men and women’s (ages 18–35 years) experiences with reentry in two low-income Black neighborhoods. The following multi-method data were collected: (a) 520 surveys; (b) 24 individual interviews; (c) four dual interviews; and (d) three group interviews. Descriptive and univariate analysis of variance analysis revealed most participants as a function of gender and age-groups held positive attitudes toward reentry, overall; positive attitudes toward returning citizens; negative attitudes toward reentry programs; and negative attitudes toward the reentry process. Qualitative analysis suggested negative experiences with reentry were the result of a racialized structural violence complex; and strategies employed to navigate reentry included legal and illegal approaches. Also, short and long-term goals with reentry were generally achieved through enduring major bouts of unemployment, economic poverty, and low-wage work.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47134329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.1177/21533687211063581
Adele N. Norris, Juan Tauri
It has been nearly 15 years since the 2007 anti-terrorism police raids targeting the Ngāi Tūhoe (Tuhoe) iwi (tribe) who reside in the center of New Zealand's North Island. The violent treatment inflicted upon Tūhoe by New Zealand Police and the Security Intelligence Service (SIS) raised questions around the policing and punishing of Indigenous expressions of dissent. In light of recent events, revisiting how policymakers addressed the Raids offers much-needed critical analysis of the policing and surveillance of Māori in the contemporary context. This qualitative study seeks to understand how policymakers framed the 2007 Raids in discussions of crime control policy after the fact. A content analysis of Hansard's (parliamentary) debates of the 2009 Organised Crime Bill reveals that the Raids emerged primarily in discussions to expand police powers and implement harsher penalties for gang-related activity. Green, Māori, and the Labor parties framed the Raids as an act of state violence, a failed operation, a waste of taxpayers’ dollars, and a repeat of similar, historical acts of state violence against the Tūhoe people. Taking the Raids as a point of departure, the second part of the paper argues that two key events reveal a continuing project focused on the extensive policing and surveillance of Indigenous bodies in Aotearoa New Zealand: (1) the Armed Response Team (ART) trials of 2020, and (2) the ongoing extralegal photographing of Māori youth by law enforcement. These events are discussed as chronic acts of violence that lead to different life outcomes for survivors.
{"title":"Racialized Surveillance in New Zealand: From the Tūhoe Raids to the Extralegal Photographing of Indigenous Youth","authors":"Adele N. Norris, Juan Tauri","doi":"10.1177/21533687211063581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211063581","url":null,"abstract":"It has been nearly 15 years since the 2007 anti-terrorism police raids targeting the Ngāi Tūhoe (Tuhoe) iwi (tribe) who reside in the center of New Zealand's North Island. The violent treatment inflicted upon Tūhoe by New Zealand Police and the Security Intelligence Service (SIS) raised questions around the policing and punishing of Indigenous expressions of dissent. In light of recent events, revisiting how policymakers addressed the Raids offers much-needed critical analysis of the policing and surveillance of Māori in the contemporary context. This qualitative study seeks to understand how policymakers framed the 2007 Raids in discussions of crime control policy after the fact. A content analysis of Hansard's (parliamentary) debates of the 2009 Organised Crime Bill reveals that the Raids emerged primarily in discussions to expand police powers and implement harsher penalties for gang-related activity. Green, Māori, and the Labor parties framed the Raids as an act of state violence, a failed operation, a waste of taxpayers’ dollars, and a repeat of similar, historical acts of state violence against the Tūhoe people. Taking the Raids as a point of departure, the second part of the paper argues that two key events reveal a continuing project focused on the extensive policing and surveillance of Indigenous bodies in Aotearoa New Zealand: (1) the Armed Response Team (ART) trials of 2020, and (2) the ongoing extralegal photographing of Māori youth by law enforcement. These events are discussed as chronic acts of violence that lead to different life outcomes for survivors.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43480439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1177/21533687211054165
Jungmi Jun, J. Kim, Bongki Woo
The global COVID-19 pandemic reinforced anti-Asian biases, accompanied by the rise of violence against Asians. We examined Asian Americans’ engagement in activism to combat anti-Asian racism and advance their community using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and two additional factors—past discrimination and subjective norms. Asian American activism includes social media, political, and advocacy actions. Structural equation modeling was conducted with data from online survey responses of 240 Asian Americans. Our results suggest pathways from Asian Americans’ past racism experiences to political and advocacy actions via three perceptual factors in STOPS (problem, involvement, constraint recognition), subjective norms, and expression of opinion on social media.
{"title":"Fight the Virus and Fight the Bias: Asian Americans’ Engagement in Activism to Combat Anti-Asian COVID-19 Racism","authors":"Jungmi Jun, J. Kim, Bongki Woo","doi":"10.1177/21533687211054165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211054165","url":null,"abstract":"The global COVID-19 pandemic reinforced anti-Asian biases, accompanied by the rise of violence against Asians. We examined Asian Americans’ engagement in activism to combat anti-Asian racism and advance their community using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS) and two additional factors—past discrimination and subjective norms. Asian American activism includes social media, political, and advocacy actions. Structural equation modeling was conducted with data from online survey responses of 240 Asian Americans. Our results suggest pathways from Asian Americans’ past racism experiences to political and advocacy actions via three perceptual factors in STOPS (problem, involvement, constraint recognition), subjective norms, and expression of opinion on social media.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46936057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-13DOI: 10.1177/21533687211047931
Egbert Zavala, Graciela Perez, Chiara Sabina
Recently, scholars have reintroduced a Latinx general strain theory in which it is suggested that ethnic-specific strains, including acculturation, are driving forces for criminal and delinquent behaviors among the Latinx population. Using data collected from the Dating Violence Among Latino Adolescents (DAVILA) Study, this study investigated whether these ethnic strains influenced delinquency differently based on the respondent's gender. Results indicate that boys engaged in more delinquent behaviors than girls, whereas girls were more acculturated than boys. Depression, anxiety, and social support were more prevalent among girls than among boys. In addition, girls were more likely to be enculturated and perform better in school than boys. Acculturation did not significantly predict delinquency for either boys or girls. In contrast, polyvictimization was the only variable to consistently predict delinquency among boys and girls. Results provided partial support for the hypotheses, in that, while depression and anxiety varied by gender as predicted by the gendered general strain theory, the ethnic-specific strain of acculturation failed to predict delinquent behavior in this sample. Ultimately, this study highlights the need to examine other ethnic-specific strains to better understand delinquent behavior among Latinx youth.
{"title":"Explaining Latinx Youth Delinquency: A Gendered Test of Latinx General Strain Theory","authors":"Egbert Zavala, Graciela Perez, Chiara Sabina","doi":"10.1177/21533687211047931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211047931","url":null,"abstract":"Recently, scholars have reintroduced a Latinx general strain theory in which it is suggested that ethnic-specific strains, including acculturation, are driving forces for criminal and delinquent behaviors among the Latinx population. Using data collected from the Dating Violence Among Latino Adolescents (DAVILA) Study, this study investigated whether these ethnic strains influenced delinquency differently based on the respondent's gender. Results indicate that boys engaged in more delinquent behaviors than girls, whereas girls were more acculturated than boys. Depression, anxiety, and social support were more prevalent among girls than among boys. In addition, girls were more likely to be enculturated and perform better in school than boys. Acculturation did not significantly predict delinquency for either boys or girls. In contrast, polyvictimization was the only variable to consistently predict delinquency among boys and girls. Results provided partial support for the hypotheses, in that, while depression and anxiety varied by gender as predicted by the gendered general strain theory, the ethnic-specific strain of acculturation failed to predict delinquent behavior in this sample. Ultimately, this study highlights the need to examine other ethnic-specific strains to better understand delinquent behavior among Latinx youth.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48796945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-01Epub Date: 2019-02-04DOI: 10.1177/2153368719826269
Jessica G Finkeldey, Stephen Demuth
Research has long-documented racial/ethnic disparities in criminal justice outcomes. However, despite race/ethnicity being a multidimensional social construct, prior research largely relies on self-identification measures, thereby disregarding research on skin tone stratification within-racial/ethnic groups. The current study extends beyond this by examining the relationship between race/ethnicity and arrest employing both self-identified race/ethnicity and perceived skin color. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we explore the main and intersecting effects of self-identified race/ethnicity and perceived skin color on experiencing an arrest in adulthood between- and within-self-identified Whites, Blacks, Latinos, Native Americans, and Asians. We use structural disadvantage as a framework for exploring how social structural factors as well as antisocial behavior mediate the relationship between race/ethnicity/color and arrest. Results suggest that focusing on the racial/ethnic disparities alone masks differences in arrest by color and that the effect of color varies by race/ethnicity. Results also suggest that measures indicative of disadvantage, but not offending, partially explain these associations.
{"title":"Race/Ethnicity, Perceived Skin Color, and the Likelihood of Adult Arrest.","authors":"Jessica G Finkeldey, Stephen Demuth","doi":"10.1177/2153368719826269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2153368719826269","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Research has long-documented racial/ethnic disparities in criminal justice outcomes. However, despite race/ethnicity being a multidimensional social construct, prior research largely relies on self-identification measures, thereby disregarding research on skin tone stratification within-racial/ethnic groups. The current study extends beyond this by examining the relationship between race/ethnicity and arrest employing both self-identified race/ethnicity and perceived skin color. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, we explore the main and intersecting effects of self-identified race/ethnicity and perceived skin color on experiencing an arrest in adulthood between- and within-self-identified Whites, Blacks, Latinos, Native Americans, and Asians. We use structural disadvantage as a framework for exploring how social structural factors as well as antisocial behavior mediate the relationship between race/ethnicity/color and arrest. Results suggest that focusing on the racial/ethnic disparities alone masks differences in arrest by color and that the effect of color varies by race/ethnicity. Results also suggest that measures indicative of disadvantage, but not offending, partially explain these associations.</p>","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1177/2153368719826269","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"39444474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-24DOI: 10.21428/CB6AB371.587CDBEA
Tara N. Richards, E. Wright, Alyssa Nystrom, S. L. Gilbert, Caralin Branscum
Recent legislation in multiple states has called for studies on the scope of missing Native American persons. Here we report on one such study from Nebraska by first describing the practical and methodological issues for researchers to consider when examining data on missing Native persons. Then, using data from four point-in-time-counts in 2020, rates of Native American missing persons as well as case contexts over the study period are reported. Findings show that Native Americans are disproportionately represented among Nebraska's missing persons, that reports often involve minor boys, and that cases are dynamic and most are resolved quickly. Relatedly, most Native missing persons cases are only listed on the state clearinghouse, not the national missing persons lists. The paper is concluded with a discussion of specific directions for future research and policy regarding missing Native Americans.
{"title":"On Assessing the Scope of Missing Native Americans in Nebraska: Results From a State-Wide Study and Recommendations for Future Research","authors":"Tara N. Richards, E. Wright, Alyssa Nystrom, S. L. Gilbert, Caralin Branscum","doi":"10.21428/CB6AB371.587CDBEA","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21428/CB6AB371.587CDBEA","url":null,"abstract":"Recent legislation in multiple states has called for studies on the scope of missing Native American persons. Here we report on one such study from Nebraska by first describing the practical and methodological issues for researchers to consider when examining data on missing Native persons. Then, using data from four point-in-time-counts in 2020, rates of Native American missing persons as well as case contexts over the study period are reported. Findings show that Native Americans are disproportionately represented among Nebraska's missing persons, that reports often involve minor boys, and that cases are dynamic and most are resolved quickly. Relatedly, most Native missing persons cases are only listed on the state clearinghouse, not the national missing persons lists. The paper is concluded with a discussion of specific directions for future research and policy regarding missing Native Americans.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41385836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-16DOI: 10.1177/21533687211038950
Andrew J. Baranauskas
In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.
{"title":"Racial Sentiment and Public Support for Arming Teachers with Guns in the United States","authors":"Andrew J. Baranauskas","doi":"10.1177/21533687211038950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/21533687211038950","url":null,"abstract":"In the effort to prevent school shootings in the United States, policies that aim to arm teachers with guns have received considerable attention. Recent research on public support for these policies finds that African Americans are substantially less likely to support them, indicating that support for arming teachers is a racial issue. Given the racialized nature of support for punitive crime policies in the United States, it is possible that racial sentiment shapes support for arming teachers as well. This study aims to determine the association between two types of racial sentiment—explicit negative feelings toward racial/ethnic minority groups and racial resentment—and support for arming teachers using a nationally representative data set. While explicit negative feelings toward African Americans and Hispanics are not associated with support for arming teachers, those with racial resentments are significantly more likely to support arming teachers. Racial resentment also weakens the effect of other variables found to be associated with support for arming teachers, including conservative ideology and economic pessimism. Implications for policy and research are discussed.","PeriodicalId":45275,"journal":{"name":"Race and Justice","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2021-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45931901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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