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The harmonious soul and the defence of music in sixteenth‐century England 十六世纪英国的和谐灵魂与音乐辩护
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-02-24 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12926
Katherine Butler
This article examines the history of the concept of the soul as a harmony—as opposed to merely being like a harmony—in sixteenth‐century England, demonstrating how debates over music's morality in sixteenth‐century England were a catalyst for theorising an increasing affinity between music and the soul. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, English writers valued music primarily for its restorative qualities or its potential to instil virtue, akin to arguments in Aristotle's Politics. As attacks on music intensified mid‐century, defenders turned to more Platonic views of music, gradually going as far as arguing that the soul itself was a harmony. As I demonstrate, however, music's defenders trod a fine line in using this concept, which had been challenged since classical times and caused problems for Christian theology and the notion of the immortal soul. Nevertheless, by the seventeenth century, the pervasiveness of the language of soul‐harmony was such that it continued to be influential in the seventeenth century as a tool for conveying the emerging new medical and cognitive theories.
本文研究了十六世纪英国关于灵魂是和声而非仅仅像和声这一概念的历史,展示了十六世纪英国关于音乐道德的争论是如何推动音乐与灵魂之间的理论联系日益紧密的。十六世纪初,英国作家对音乐的评价主要是其恢复力或灌输美德的潜力,这与亚里士多德《政治学》中的论点类似。随着本世纪中期对音乐的抨击愈演愈烈,辩护者转向了柏拉图式的音乐观点,甚至逐渐认为灵魂本身就是一种和声。然而,正如我所展示的,音乐的捍卫者在使用这一概念时走了一条精细的路线,因为这一概念自古典时期以来就一直受到质疑,并给基督教神学和不朽灵魂的概念带来了问题。尽管如此,到了 17 世纪,灵魂和谐的语言已经无处不在,以至于它在 17 世纪作为传达新出现的医学和认知理论的工具仍然具有影响力。
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引用次数: 0
NancyBisaha, From Christians to Europeans: Pope Pius II and the Concept of the Modern Western Identity. New York: Routledge, 2023. 300 pp. $37.56/£34.99. ISBN 978‐1‐032‐32616‐0 (pb). 南希-比萨哈,《从基督徒到欧洲人》:教皇庇护二世与现代西方身份的概念》。New York:Routledge, 2023.300 pp.$37.56/£34.99.ISBN 978-1-032-32616-0 (pb)。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12922
R. Clines
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引用次数: 0
Hugo van der Goes. Between Pain and Bliss (Gemäldegalerie—Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, March 31–July 16, 2023). Catalogue by Stephan Kemperdick and Erik Eising with the collaboration of Till-Holger Borchert (ed.), Hugo van der Goes. Between Pain and Bliss, exh. cat., trans. Bram Opstelten and Joshua Waterman. Munich: Hirmer Verlag for Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 2023. 304 pp. col. ill. ISBN 9783777438481. 雨果-凡-德-戈斯。痛苦与幸福之间》(Gemäldegalerie-Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,2023 年 3 月 31 日至 7 月 16 日)。目录由 Stephan Kemperdick 和 Erik Eising 编制,Till-Holger Borchert(编辑)合作,Hugo van der Goes。痛苦与幸福之间》,展品目录,译者:Bram Opstelten 和 Josh.Bram Opstelten 和 Joshua Waterman。慕尼黑:Hirmer Verlag for Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 2023。304 pp.ISBN 9783777438481。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12920
Niko Munz

The early Netherlandish painter Hugo van der Goes (c.1440-1482/83) is not as well-known as he should be. He has a renown—although largely for his biographical peculiarities. In c.1475-7, at the height of a successful career in Ghent (about which we know little excepting decorative commissions, notably for Charles the Bold), Hugo became a lay brother at an Augustinian foundation known as the Roode Kloster. Shortly before his death, as related by the monastery's carer, Gaspar Ofhuys, Hugo suffered ‘frenesis magne’ (a serious mental illness) (cat. 44 for Ofhuys' c.1509/13 text and a translation). Ever since Hugo has been made to embody—avant la lettre—the mad artist-genius sacred to Romanticism. For Rudolf and Margaret Wittkower, Hugo's life was one of the earliest ‘reliable records of a mentally ill artist’.1

Beside these biographical dramas, Hugo's artworks risk fading into the background. But visitors to The Uffizi will recall the sudden apparition of his gigantic Portinari Altarpiece, commissioned by the Italian banker Tommaso Portinari. The Scottish National Gallery boasts another marvel: Hugo's tall and enigmatic Trinity Panels (a Royal Collection loan), needing conservation treatment.2 His few other surviving works are spread throughout Europe and North America. Before the Gemäldegalerie's display, they had never been gathered together.

The exhibition's original motivation was a desire for completion: the latest of a decades-long succession of museum projects on canonical early Netherlandish painters. As divulged by Kemperdick and Till–Holger Borchert in a 2018 preview talk, Hugo was the only significant early Netherlander without an extensive monographic show. One might speculate as to why. Two of Hugo's most celebrated works, the Portinari Altarpiece and Trinity Panels mentioned already, are unlikely ever to travel (represented in Berlin by to-scale reproductions—useful but ghostly—and in the catalogue by Emma Capron's and Lorne Campbell's essays). Perhaps, however, other factors made Hugo less attractive: his name's unfamiliarity to non-art historians, the issues surrounding his oeuvre, and the sheer visual strangeness of his work.

The organisers had a difficult task. The exhibition subtitle was Schmerz und Seligkeit, for which the English catalogue (the version reviewed here) uses ‘pain and bliss’. ‘Bliss’, however, falls short of Seligkeit's theological and beatific connotations. These same spiritual reverberations distinguishing Hugo's aesthetic are foreign to modern viewers. Many of us lack the deep religious sentiment—the Schmerz und Seligkeit—the works demand.

Furthermore, sources linking Hugo's name to surviving paintings are almost non-existent; the Portinari Altarpiece is the closest thing to a documented work. Kemperdick remarked before the exhibition opening, parodying the art world's attributional terminology, that ‘every Hugo van der

两幅作品构成了此次展览的尾声:《柏林耶稣诞生》和新近保存的《圣母之死》(图 3)(分别见第 27 和 28 号展厅)。在这两幅作品中,雨果展现了生与死中精神激情的极致,犹如重新演绎了一出中世纪的神秘剧。不过,雨果的作品中也不乏神学意味浓厚的段落。例如,在《耶稣诞生》的牧羊人部分,雨果以十五世纪板画中罕见的趣味表现了乡村劳动者。虽然从风格上(应该也是从年代上)看这是合理的搭配,但将这些大型作品并排展出却是一个大胆的决定。图 3在图形浏览器中打开PowerPoint胡戈-凡-德-戈斯,《圣母之死》,约 1480 年,布鲁日,Groeningemuseum © Musea Brugge,artinflanders.be,照片:最近的保护工作更新了《圣母之死》的色彩方案--蓝色、绿色和红色的冲突变得更加耀眼,也更加令人心驰神往。技术调查还表明,帷幕天篷在左侧形成了一个更合理的围栏(后来被砍掉了),画作的空间与大床相对应。雨果的《三位一体》和《柏林耶稣诞生》中的相关挂画似乎是为了揭示真相--就好像虚幻的窗帘才刚刚拉开。这不禁让人怀疑--特别是考虑到尼德兰绘画中卧室顶篷的反复使用--窗帘图案的象征意义是否丰富。无论如何,如果雨果在创作这幅画时处于精神错乱的边缘(正如一些人所猜测的那样),精神上的困境并没有削弱他的艺术能力。但是,同时代的人是否总是认为有这样一种绝对的区别--公共的、官方的祭坛作品与私人的、私密的虔诚作品之间的区别?或者说,功能是否受制于所有者的自由裁量权,具有波动的能力?尽管雨果的创作年代仍未确定,但《圣母诞生》和《圣母之死》应该是他的晚期作品。雨果的画板构造可能会为未来的研究人员提供线索。在雨果的《波尔蒂纳里祭坛画》、《圣母之死》和《柏林耶稣诞生》(14; 222; 229-32)中,可以在绘画表面看到奇特的木钉组合,这些组合由四个圆钉组成一个方形阵列(肯佩迪克说,这通常出现在木结构房屋中),但令人困惑的是,雨果的《三位一体》画板却没有这种组合。关于这位艺术家的出生地,研讨会期间几乎立即展开了讨论(参见扬-杜莫林和埃里克-韦罗肯与博尔切特合写的文章)。但十五世纪艺术家的 "国籍 "是否会影响我们对艺术作品的理解还值得商榷。11 无论如何,民族在当时并不是一个重要的概念--尤其是与它在今天的意义相比。要打开像《波尔蒂纳里祭坛画》这样的艺术奇迹,这个问题似乎是一个相当笨拙的工具。除了这些冷静的历史性争论之外,雨果的绘画似乎比以往任何时候都更加棘手。这似乎也是一个核心问题。也许一直如此。1495 年,人文主义物理学家 Hieronymus Münzer 在看过扬-凡-艾克的《根特祭坛画》后说:"......另一位伟大的画家面对[《根特祭坛画》],想在他的作品中模仿这幅画,结果他被逼得忧郁而无智 "12 。12 不幸的对手通常被解释为雨果,从波尔蒂纳里祭坛画来看,这是有道理的。不过,在明泽尔看来,雨果的作品揭示了一种比害怕诅咒而引发的精神错乱更为常见的综合症--至少在艺术家中更为常见--那就是野心这种绿眼睛的疯狂。雨果对分娩的关注在展览中清晰可见,这一点在雨果身上要比他早期的尼德兰同龄人明显得多:他的《蒙福尔特祭坛画》、《波尔蒂纳里祭坛画》、《柏林耶稣诞生》以及一幅失传的祭坛画似乎也很有分量(见图录 24)。雨果在每幅作品中都肯定了生育与艺术创作之间的深度结合。正是他的天才将这种联系通过观赏体验提升到一种关系和神秘的境界:人们崇拜他的画作,就像画中的观众崇拜他们的基督一样。至于孩子和艺术作品哪个更神奇,胡戈给了我们答案。
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引用次数: 0
Albrecht Dürer's Material World (Manchester, Whitworth Art Gallery, 30 June 2023–10 March 2024). Catalogue by Edward H.Wouk and JenniferSpinks (eds.). Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2023. 224 pp., illus. col., ISBN 978‐1‐5261‐6760‐6 (pb). 阿尔布雷希特-丢勒的物质世界(曼彻斯特,惠特沃斯美术馆,2023 年 6 月 30 日至 2024 年 3 月 10 日)。目录由 Edward H.Wouk 和 JenniferSpinks 编辑。曼彻斯特:曼彻斯特大学出版社,2023 年。224 页,彩色插图,ISBN 978-1-5261-6760-6 (pb)。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12917
Róisín Watson
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引用次数: 0
‘Send the midwife’: The Birth of Blackness in Titus Andronicus “送接生婆”:黑人在提图斯·安多尼克斯的诞生
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12919
Hanh Bui
This article examines a neglected context for understanding the ontology and epistemology of race in Shakespeare's drama: the role of the midwife. Early modern midwives performed an important cultural function by not only assisting women in labour, but also pronouncing the sex and paternity of a newborn. As Caroline Bicks has shown, this was a time when a midwife was thought to have significant influence over how a body was literally shaped and interpreted at the moment of its birth, thereby determining its reception in the community. Nowhere in Shakespeare's canon is the midwife's authority more manifest – and threatening – than in Titus Andronicus, where the midwife's role includes establishing an infant's race. After Tamora, Empress of Rome, delivers a baby fathered by her lover, Aaron ‘the Moor’, he asks: ‘How many saw the child?’ By subsequently killing the birth attendants, Aaron calls attention to how controlling the destiny of his son will depend upon rewriting the script of his nativity. Merging critical interest in early modern childbirth with Shakespeare scholarship on race and performance, I show how newly born bodies are midwived into racialized subjects, illuminating how midwifery discourses can broaden our understanding of early modern racecraft. My specific claim is that the statements made by Tamora's nurse concerning Aaron's ‘black’ son can be read as a performative utterance that confers, constitutes and attempts to naturalize the newborn's raced identity.
本文考察了理解莎士比亚戏剧中种族本体论和认识论的一个被忽视的语境:助产士的角色。早期的现代助产士不仅协助妇女分娩,而且还宣布新生儿的性别和父亲身份,发挥了重要的文化功能。正如卡洛琳·比克斯所指出的,在那个时代,助产士被认为对婴儿出生时身体的形状和解释有重大影响,从而决定了其在社区中的接受程度。在莎士比亚的经典作品中,没有比《提图斯·安德洛尼克斯》(Titus Andronicus)中接生婆的权威更明显、更具有威胁性的了,在这部作品中,接生婆的角色包括确立婴儿的种族。罗马皇后塔莫拉生下了一个孩子,孩子的父亲是她的情人“摩尔人”亚伦。亚伦问道:“有多少人看到了这个孩子?”亚伦随后杀死了接生员,这让人们注意到,要想控制儿子的命运,就得改写他出生的故事。我将对早期现代分娩的批判性兴趣与莎士比亚关于种族和表现的学术研究结合起来,展示了新生的身体是如何被助产成为种族化的主体的,阐明了助产学的话语如何拓宽了我们对早期现代赛车的理解。我的具体主张是,塔莫拉的护士关于亚伦的“黑人”儿子的陈述可以被解读为一种表演性的话语,它赋予、构成并试图将新生儿的种族身份归化。
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引用次数: 0
The role of the Praenotamenta of Jodocus Badius Ascensius in shaping early modern dramatic criticism 约多库斯·巴迪乌斯·阿森修斯的预演在塑造早期现代戏剧批评中的作用
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12904
Giulia Torello-Hill
This article examines the profound and enduring legacy of the treatise on classical drama known as Praenotamenta ascensiana in shaping early modern dramatic poetics. Written by Flemish scholar Jodocus Badius Ascensius (1462–1535) as a preface to his 1502 edition of the Classical plays of Terence, this work has been unjustly overlooked by the critics that have invariably credited Aristotle’s Poetics for foregrounding the debate on early modern dramatic criticism, following Alessandro de Pazzi’s first Latin translation (1536) and Francesco Robortello’s monumental commentary (1548). The purpose of Praenotamenta was to provide educators, students and playwrights with a concise and accessible compendium of ancient dramatic poetics. This treatise circulated widely across Europe and helped disseminate ideas that became central to early modern discourse on poetics, such as verisimilitude and decorum, as well as discussion on the didactic and civic role of poetry. Blended with Aristotelian doctrine, these concepts became the tenets of late sixteenth-century poetics treatises in England, France, Italy and Spain.
这篇文章探讨了古典戏剧论文在塑造早期现代戏剧诗学方面的深远而持久的遗产。佛兰德学者Jodocus Badius Ascensius(1462-1535)作为他1502年版的《特伦斯的古典戏剧》的序言写的,这部作品一直被评论家不公正地忽视,他们总是认为亚里士多德的《诗学》在亚历山德罗·德·帕齐的第一个拉丁语翻译(1536)和弗朗西斯科·罗博特罗的不朽评论(1548)之后,为早期现代戏剧批评的辩论奠定了基础。《先录》的目的是为教育工作者、学生和剧作家提供一个简洁易懂的古代戏剧诗学纲要。这篇论文在欧洲广泛流传,并帮助传播了一些思想,这些思想成为了早期现代诗学话语的核心,比如真实性和礼仪,以及关于诗歌的说教和公民角色的讨论。这些概念与亚里士多德学说混合在一起,成为16世纪晚期英国、法国、意大利和西班牙的诗学论文的原则。
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引用次数: 0
A New Masaccio—and Other Low-Life Images—from Anton Francesco Grazzini's Florentine Art History 安东·弗朗西斯科·格拉齐尼的《佛罗伦萨艺术史》中的新马萨乔和其他下层生活形象
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-16 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12908
Karen Hope Goodchild
What if a new Masaccio were found? This article offers a 16th century ekphrasis of a “lost” Masaccio so ornate, funny, and lusty that it upends prior conceptions of the artist. I examine this description and two others, all by the comic writer Anton Francesco Grazzini (“Il Lasca,” 1503-1584), to see how art could be leveraged within Florence's literary and artistic culture as class commentary. I have located in Florence two of the works of art that clearly motivated Grazzini's literary portraits and, by analyzing Grazzini's texts in relation to these and other possible inspirations, I reveal his associative view of Florence, one that links upper-class, humanist concerns with lower-class stereotypes. What emerges is a Florence with boundaries removed: in Grazzini's words, the material and literary fabric of the city are knitted together in a new way, one that elides eras as it conjures the visions, sounds, and even tastes of Florence's carnival streets. My analysis suggests why Grazzini may have wanted such juxtapositions, and will show that while his vision is fantastic, it is grounded in identifiable, even material, cultural production.
如果发现了一个新的马萨乔呢?这篇文章提供了一个16世纪的“迷失”马萨乔的术语,如此华丽,有趣和充满活力,它颠覆了艺术家之前的概念。我研究了这段描述,以及漫画作家安东·弗朗西斯科·格拉齐尼(Anton Francesco Grazzini, 1503-1584)的另外两段描述,以了解艺术如何在佛罗伦萨的文学和艺术文化中被用作阶级评论。我在佛罗伦萨找到了两件艺术作品,它们明显激发了格拉齐尼的文学肖像,通过分析格拉齐尼的文本与这些和其他可能的灵感的关系,我揭示了他对佛罗伦萨的联想观点,一种将上层社会的人文主义关注与下层社会的刻板印象联系起来的观点。用格拉齐尼的话来说,这个城市的物质和文学结构以一种新的方式编织在一起,它使人联想到佛罗伦萨狂欢节街道的视觉、声音甚至味道,从而忽略了时代。我的分析揭示了为什么格拉齐尼可能想要这样的并列,并将表明,尽管他的愿景是奇妙的,但它是建立在可识别的,甚至是物质的文化生产基础上的。
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引用次数: 0
‘De Voluptate Aurium’: The Sounds of Heaven in a 1501 Sensory Treatise on the Afterlife “De Voluptate Aurium”:1501年关于来世的感官论文中的天堂之声
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12916
Laura Ștefănescu
Abstract In his De gloria et gaudiis beatorum , printed in 1501, the clergyman Zaccaria Lilio explores a popular topic in the religious life of Renaissance Italy: what is heaven like and what kind of experience awaits the blessed there? And his answer represents a snapshot of a characteristic manner in which heaven was imagined in the period, both in written and visual form, one strongly focused on a sensory understanding of the afterlife and in which music played an important part. By identifying the sources of Lillio's interpretation of the sense of hearing in the afterlife, a network of clergymen interested in heavenly sensory delights is revealed, initiated by an Italian curiosity for a fourteenth‐century text by a follower of Meister Eckart. This article aims not only to bring to the attention of scholars Lilio's neglected sensory treatise, but also to provide an in‐depth analysis of the intricate connections between Italian authors of sensory treatises from the fifteenth century. The implications of this textual tradition disseminated through preaching are of great importance to the development of the image of heaven and its music in Renaissance Italy, for which the sensory perspective was of crucial importance.
牧师Zaccaria Lilio在1501年出版的《De gloria et gaudiis beatorum》一书中探讨了文艺复兴时期意大利宗教生活中的一个热门话题:天堂是什么样子的?在那里等待着被祝福的人的是什么样的体验?他的回答反映了当时人们对天堂的独特想象,无论是书面形式还是视觉形式,都强烈关注对来世的感官理解,音乐在其中发挥了重要作用。通过确定利里奥对来世听觉的解释的来源,揭示了一个对天堂感官享受感兴趣的神职人员网络,这是由一位意大利人对埃卡特(Meister Eckart)的追随者所写的14世纪文本的好奇心发起的。这篇文章的目的不仅是引起学者们对Lilio被忽视的感官论文的注意,而且还提供了一个深入的分析,从15世纪开始,意大利感官论文作者之间的复杂联系。这种通过布道传播的文本传统的含义对意大利文艺复兴时期天堂形象及其音乐的发展具有重要意义,其中感官视角至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Commenting on Music in Juvenal's Sixth Satire 评朱维纳利斯《第六部讽刺》中的音乐
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12914
Ciara O'Flaherty, Tim Shephard
Abstract The satires of Juvenal were immensely popular in Renaissance Italy, printed in various forms over 70 times in the period 1469‐1520, and five times in 1501 alone. The satires contain a wealth of references to instruments, instrumentalists, and playing practices that are frequently used in double entendres connoting lewd acts and infidelity, most potently in the sixth satire. The five Renaissance commentaries printed alongside the satires in 1501 editions suggest how much contemporary scholars wished to say, or indeed not say, about these saucy musical passages. This article will examine the ways in which contemporary commentators unpack and explain musical aspects of the sixth satire, their surprisingly detailed and determined efforts adding up to a distinctive strand of music‐historical study that is in evidence across numerous books of commentated classical verse from our 1501 corpus.
朱维纳尔的讽刺作品在意大利文艺复兴时期非常受欢迎,在1469年至1520年期间以各种形式印刷了70多次,仅1501年就印刷了5次。讽刺包含了大量关于乐器,乐器演奏家和演奏实践的参考,这些经常被用在暗示猥亵行为和不忠的双关语中,最有力的是在第六部讽刺中。与1501年版本的讽刺作品一起印刷的五篇文艺复兴时期的评论表明,当代学者对这些粗俗的音乐段落有多少想说的,或者实际上没有说的。本文将研究当代评论家解开和解释第六部讽刺作品的音乐方面的方式,他们令人惊讶的详细和坚定的努力加在一起,形成了一种独特的音乐历史研究,这是在我们1501年语料库中评论古典诗歌的众多书籍中的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Giovanni Pontano hears the street soundscape of Naples Giovanni Pontano听到了那不勒斯的街道声景
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1111/rest.12913
Tim Shephard, Melany Rice
Abstract Giovanni Pontano’s dialogue Antonius can be read almost as a thick description of the soundscape of a Neapolitan street in the mid‐ to late‐15th century, complete with public announcements, street performers, domestic arguments, workers’ banter, charms and spells, processions, errand boys, bells, clocks, cockerels, and much more. Antonius was first printed in 1491, and then in a 1501 Opera edition alongside another dialogue, Charon , Pontano’s treatises De fortitudine , De principe and De obedientia , and his treatises on the “social virtues,” De liberalitate , De benificentia , De magnificentia , De splendore , and De conviventia . Using the street soundscape of Antonius as a framework, this essay interleaves both sonic reportage and reflections on the ethics and purpose of sound drawn from the other works included in the 1501 edition, to construct a rich and surprisingly detailed impression of the urban soundscape as it struck Pontano, or at least as he represented it in a literary context.
乔瓦尼·蓬塔诺的《安东尼斯的对话》几乎可以被解读为对15世纪中后期那不勒斯街道声景的厚重描述,其中包括公共公告、街头表演者、家庭争吵、工人的玩笑、符咒和咒语、游行、跑脚男孩、铃铛、时钟、小公鸡等等。《安东尼斯》于1491年首次出版,1501年的歌剧版与另一篇对话录《夏隆》一起出版,还有蓬塔诺的论文《坚韧不拔》《原则》和《顺从》,以及他关于“社会美德”的论文《自由主义》《仁慈》《辉煌》《辉煌》和《习俗》。本文以安东尼斯的街头声景为框架,将声音报告文学与从1501版的其他作品中提取的对声音伦理和目的的反思交织在一起,构建了一个丰富而令人惊讶的详细的城市声景印象,因为它袭击了庞塔诺,或者至少是他在文学语境中表现出来的。
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引用次数: 0
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Renaissance Studies
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