{"title":"Ass‐troll‐ogical Nashe: Revisiting Two Dangerous Comets and A Wonderful Prognostication","authors":"Rachel White, Brett Greatley‐Hirsch","doi":"10.1111/rest.12893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12893","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76346031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reading Europe in the Renaissance: continent, personification and myth in Ronsard's Discours de l'alteration et change des choses humaines","authors":"Niall Oddy","doi":"10.1111/rest.12892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12892","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91341682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Criticism in early modern English drama has become increasingly attentive to how the ideologies of racial Whiteness are formed on the English stage. However, this scholarship has not yet considered how White supremacy is dramatically constructed against the male, Muslim, Ottoman, a figure who, I argue, would have been performed as phenotypically white on the English stage. By examining the racialisation of the Ottoman Soliman in Thomas Kyd's late sixteenth‐century play The Tragedy of Solyman and Perseda, this article illustrates how anxieties around the Muslim character's white sameness are negotiated by fashioning the Whiteness, or fairness, of the Greek, Christian Perseda as ‘natural’, while correspondingly framing Soliman's whiteness as ‘artificial’. Kyd renders Soliman's whiteness in this way by drawing on early modern English cosmetic language, customs, and debates. By turning to the male Muslim Ottoman figure, this study extends understandings of how racial Whiteness was shaped in early modern English culture, by illustrating how White supremacy is developed out of a Muslim‐Christian dichotomy and therefore in conjunction with Christian supremacy.
{"title":"White Skin, White Mask: Constructing Whiteness in Thomas Kyd's The Tragedy of Solyman and Perseda","authors":"Hassana Moosa","doi":"10.1111/rest.12890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12890","url":null,"abstract":"Criticism in early modern English drama has become increasingly attentive to how the ideologies of racial Whiteness are formed on the English stage. However, this scholarship has not yet considered how White supremacy is dramatically constructed against the male, Muslim, Ottoman, a figure who, I argue, would have been performed as phenotypically white on the English stage. By examining the racialisation of the Ottoman Soliman in Thomas Kyd's late sixteenth‐century play The Tragedy of Solyman and Perseda, this article illustrates how anxieties around the Muslim character's white sameness are negotiated by fashioning the Whiteness, or fairness, of the Greek, Christian Perseda as ‘natural’, while correspondingly framing Soliman's whiteness as ‘artificial’. Kyd renders Soliman's whiteness in this way by drawing on early modern English cosmetic language, customs, and debates. By turning to the male Muslim Ottoman figure, this study extends understandings of how racial Whiteness was shaped in early modern English culture, by illustrating how White supremacy is developed out of a Muslim‐Christian dichotomy and therefore in conjunction with Christian supremacy.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86127588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the many historical references to wealth, military strength and political efficiency, Turks were generally represented as violent, lustful and despotic figures in early modern cultural discourses. The stereotyped cultural Turk soon populated the London stages, thus moulding a recognisable dramatic type whose brutality and sexual appetite were also combined with political corruption. However, as this contribution seeks to demonstrate, Fulke Greville's Mustapha (1609) and Roger Boyle's Mustapha (1665) instead discuss characters who digress from traditional Orientalist portrayals of Turks whose sexual incontinence parallels with political corruption. In particular, this article engages with intersections between gender studies and Orientalism to investigate how Roxolana, in both plays, transgresses traditional representations of the female Christian‐to‐Muslim convert, whose lust distracts the Turkish ruler from his political duties. Both playwrights explore Roxolana's active interest in affairs of the Ottoman Court and the unexpected alliance she forms with Hungarian Queen Isabella when she, at the Hungarian Queen's request, protects Isabella's infant son and the Hungarian crown jewels. Their friendship appears to echo gift exchanges between Queen Elizabeth I and Turkish Queen Mother, Safiye Sultan, after the establishment of the Levant Company, which are detailed in various letters exchanged between the two monarchs in 1599. In light of this, I explore how Greville and Boyle could be commenting upon the political turmoil that James I's succession and the Stuart Restoration brought about in England, given that the country was more stable in a religious and political sense under the rule of former monarch Elizabeth I.
{"title":"‘For Few Mean Ill in Vaine’: Roxolana and the Clash of Passion and Politics in the Ottoman Court in Fulke Greville's The Tragedy of Mustapha (1609) and Roger Boyle's The Tragedy of Mustapha (1665)","authors":"Aisha Hussain","doi":"10.1111/rest.12883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12883","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the many historical references to wealth, military strength and political efficiency, Turks were generally represented as violent, lustful and despotic figures in early modern cultural discourses. The stereotyped cultural Turk soon populated the London stages, thus moulding a recognisable dramatic type whose brutality and sexual appetite were also combined with political corruption. However, as this contribution seeks to demonstrate, Fulke Greville's Mustapha (1609) and Roger Boyle's Mustapha (1665) instead discuss characters who digress from traditional Orientalist portrayals of Turks whose sexual incontinence parallels with political corruption. In particular, this article engages with intersections between gender studies and Orientalism to investigate how Roxolana, in both plays, transgresses traditional representations of the female Christian‐to‐Muslim convert, whose lust distracts the Turkish ruler from his political duties. Both playwrights explore Roxolana's active interest in affairs of the Ottoman Court and the unexpected alliance she forms with Hungarian Queen Isabella when she, at the Hungarian Queen's request, protects Isabella's infant son and the Hungarian crown jewels. Their friendship appears to echo gift exchanges between Queen Elizabeth I and Turkish Queen Mother, Safiye Sultan, after the establishment of the Levant Company, which are detailed in various letters exchanged between the two monarchs in 1599. In light of this, I explore how Greville and Boyle could be commenting upon the political turmoil that James I's succession and the Stuart Restoration brought about in England, given that the country was more stable in a religious and political sense under the rule of former monarch Elizabeth I.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90472793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Critical race readings of early modern drama have often centred discourses on colour and the binary of black and white in English racecraft, with very important results. However, I submit the need to expand our analytical lenses further, to effectively engage the recognized instability of racial difference beyond skin colour and the dominant blackwhite binary. By doing so, we can unearth deeper nuances of the representation of women of colour on the early modern stage. Seventeenthcentury English drama witnessed a growth in portrayals of Indian queens or similarly elite Indian women, who, despite their layers of alterity in gender, race and religion, were frequently represented on reverential terms of wealth, power and authority. Crucially, this was achieved by their alterity being acknowledged yet carefully managed, enabling their celebration. It is this remarkable management, and indeed racial privileging, of the elite Indian woman in early modern English drama that is the subject of this paper. Here, I will address the potency of the Indian imperial woman or queen in the English cultural imagination in this period, built in no small part from her frequent dramatic representations, and how her influence emerged at a moment of national crisis: during the personal rule of Charles I and especially in relation to the contested queenship of his foreign consort, Henrietta Maria. I will examine William Davenant’s 1635 court masque, The Temple of Love, a production commissioned by Henrietta Maria and in which she performed Indamora, the Indian queen. This masque highlights perhaps the most significant yet overlooked aspect of Indian representations in early modern drama:
{"title":"Racecraft and the Indian Queen in The Temple of Love (1635)","authors":"Lubaaba Al‐Azami","doi":"10.1111/rest.12887","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12887","url":null,"abstract":"Critical race readings of early modern drama have often centred discourses on colour and the binary of black and white in English racecraft, with very important results. However, I submit the need to expand our analytical lenses further, to effectively engage the recognized instability of racial difference beyond skin colour and the dominant blackwhite binary. By doing so, we can unearth deeper nuances of the representation of women of colour on the early modern stage. Seventeenthcentury English drama witnessed a growth in portrayals of Indian queens or similarly elite Indian women, who, despite their layers of alterity in gender, race and religion, were frequently represented on reverential terms of wealth, power and authority. Crucially, this was achieved by their alterity being acknowledged yet carefully managed, enabling their celebration. It is this remarkable management, and indeed racial privileging, of the elite Indian woman in early modern English drama that is the subject of this paper. Here, I will address the potency of the Indian imperial woman or queen in the English cultural imagination in this period, built in no small part from her frequent dramatic representations, and how her influence emerged at a moment of national crisis: during the personal rule of Charles I and especially in relation to the contested queenship of his foreign consort, Henrietta Maria. I will examine William Davenant’s 1635 court masque, The Temple of Love, a production commissioned by Henrietta Maria and in which she performed Indamora, the Indian queen. This masque highlights perhaps the most significant yet overlooked aspect of Indian representations in early modern drama:","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79172599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On 30 November 1722, Henry Albert, the Agent of the East India Company’s factory in the port of Mocha, received a formal letter from his superiors in Bombay. In this letter, he was given permission to dismiss ‘Sheikh Haddy’, who had been acting as the Company’s broker in the city. Albert had been lobbying for this dismissal for some time, with his superiors now agreeing that the broker had proven himself ‘unfit’ for the Company’s service due to his ‘haughty and insulting nature’. William Phipps, the Chief of the Company’s Council at Bombay, gave Albert further instructions on who to hire instead, saying that he would not send another Muslim broker from Bombay, nor should one be hired at Mocha as they had proven ‘unfit for servants under a government of their own religion’. Instead, Phipps suggested, a local Banian should be appointed to the post in order to avoid similar trouble as the Company’s merchants had experienced with their former Arab appointee. All this was necessary, as none of the Mocha factory’s staff had ‘enough of the [Arabic] language to be understood’ should they call upon Mocha’s governor or other officials in the town or beyond. A decade later, the Company’s local broker, Khosrow, in the Persian city of Kerman died suddenly after a long tenure organizing the purchase of wool in the city, which was prized by local weavers along with the felters and hatters of London and Amsterdam. In order to protect Khosrow’s property for his family, the Company’s local Factor in the city, William Cordeux, was ordered to take possession of it and then hand it over to Khosrow’s family once it was safe from seizure by the local Khan. These two cases highlight the differing responses of the Company to
{"title":"Merchants, Mediators and Mannerly Conduct: The East India Company and Local Intermediaries in the Western Indian Ocean 1700–1750","authors":"Peter Good","doi":"10.1111/rest.12886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12886","url":null,"abstract":"On 30 November 1722, Henry Albert, the Agent of the East India Company’s factory in the port of Mocha, received a formal letter from his superiors in Bombay. In this letter, he was given permission to dismiss ‘Sheikh Haddy’, who had been acting as the Company’s broker in the city. Albert had been lobbying for this dismissal for some time, with his superiors now agreeing that the broker had proven himself ‘unfit’ for the Company’s service due to his ‘haughty and insulting nature’. William Phipps, the Chief of the Company’s Council at Bombay, gave Albert further instructions on who to hire instead, saying that he would not send another Muslim broker from Bombay, nor should one be hired at Mocha as they had proven ‘unfit for servants under a government of their own religion’. Instead, Phipps suggested, a local Banian should be appointed to the post in order to avoid similar trouble as the Company’s merchants had experienced with their former Arab appointee. All this was necessary, as none of the Mocha factory’s staff had ‘enough of the [Arabic] language to be understood’ should they call upon Mocha’s governor or other officials in the town or beyond. A decade later, the Company’s local broker, Khosrow, in the Persian city of Kerman died suddenly after a long tenure organizing the purchase of wool in the city, which was prized by local weavers along with the felters and hatters of London and Amsterdam. In order to protect Khosrow’s property for his family, the Company’s local Factor in the city, William Cordeux, was ordered to take possession of it and then hand it over to Khosrow’s family once it was safe from seizure by the local Khan. These two cases highlight the differing responses of the Company to","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80077852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Robert Wilson's The Three Ladies of London (ca. 1581) is the earliest extant Turk play that features one of the earliest instances of direct anxieties regarding Anglo‐Ottoman encounters. Contemporary with the 1580 Ahdname (capitulations), the play provides a local point‐of‐view of the newly established Anglo‐Ottoman commercial relations. We observe how seemingly overpriced Turkish goods, such as perfumes and jewels, metaphorically conquer the English market and pose a threat to local businesses. The play's multi‐national commercial exchange is marked by how the Italian intermediate cheats both his Ottoman suppliers and his English customers. The play is usually studied for its use of allegory, its references to the anti‐usury proclamations, how it stood apart from the staging history of Jews on the early modern English stage and how the positive attitude might have reflected the emerging Anglo‐Ottoman relations, which have been analysed as separate entities. Yet, there is a need to focus on how the intersections of race, gender, class and early modern performance practices overlap and conflict with each other in order to have a comprehensive view about the anxieties about dominance within the Anglo‐Ottoman context. Therefore, using a critical race theory framework this essay aims to analyse Wilson's The Three Ladies of London and re‐examine how the anxieties about Anglo‐Ottoman commercial and cultural exchanges were reflected on the early modern commercial stage.
{"title":"The Three Ladies of London (ca. 1581): Re‐Reading Anxieties of Anglo‐Ottoman Exchanges Through Critical Race Theory","authors":"Murat Öğütcü","doi":"10.1111/rest.12889","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12889","url":null,"abstract":"Robert Wilson's The Three Ladies of London (ca. 1581) is the earliest extant Turk play that features one of the earliest instances of direct anxieties regarding Anglo‐Ottoman encounters. Contemporary with the 1580 Ahdname (capitulations), the play provides a local point‐of‐view of the newly established Anglo‐Ottoman commercial relations. We observe how seemingly overpriced Turkish goods, such as perfumes and jewels, metaphorically conquer the English market and pose a threat to local businesses. The play's multi‐national commercial exchange is marked by how the Italian intermediate cheats both his Ottoman suppliers and his English customers. The play is usually studied for its use of allegory, its references to the anti‐usury proclamations, how it stood apart from the staging history of Jews on the early modern English stage and how the positive attitude might have reflected the emerging Anglo‐Ottoman relations, which have been analysed as separate entities. Yet, there is a need to focus on how the intersections of race, gender, class and early modern performance practices overlap and conflict with each other in order to have a comprehensive view about the anxieties about dominance within the Anglo‐Ottoman context. Therefore, using a critical race theory framework this essay aims to analyse Wilson's The Three Ladies of London and re‐examine how the anxieties about Anglo‐Ottoman commercial and cultural exchanges were reflected on the early modern commercial stage.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72916825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Knowing the Maghreb in Stuart Scotland, Ireland and Northern England","authors":"N. Cutter","doi":"10.1111/rest.12885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12885","url":null,"abstract":"Among the","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82170452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The impact of Caravaggio’s new realism on his contemporaries and followers (many of them novice artists from northern countries who had travelled to Italy and suddenly succumbed to his influence) was already gigantic in about 1600, even before the artist’s death in 1610, and especially for several decades thereafter. The inspiration for European painting in the seventeenth century is unequivocal, and its arthistorical reappraisal has continuously grown in importance since Roberto Longhi’s epochal 1951 exhibition in Milan, Mostra del Caravaggio e dei caravaggeschi, in which Rombouts, the subject of the exhibition reviewed here, was represented with two paintings (cat. 27, 35). This vindication continues to the present day and – as the example at hand makes evident – increasingly focuses on northern painters who succumbed to his influence. The first monographic exhibition ever dedicated to the work of the Caravaggesque Flemish painter Theodor Rombouts from Antwerp (1597– 1637) at the Museum of Fine Arts in Ghent has to be seen within this context. Rombouts and his Flemish colleagues who followed the Roman master have long been at a disadvantage compared to their Dutch and French counterparts; and so far, many of them only had the honour to be included in collective exhibitions on the Caravaggesque movement. Fortunately,
卡拉瓦乔的新现实主义对他的同时代人和追随者的影响(其中许多是来自北方国家的新手艺术家，他们旅行到意大利，突然臣服于他的影响)在1600年左右，甚至在艺术家1610年去世之前，特别是在此后的几十年里，已经是巨大的。17世纪欧洲绘画的灵感是明确的，自罗伯托·隆吉1951年在米兰举办的具有划时代意义的展览(Mostra del Caravaggio e dei caravaggeschi)以来，对其进行艺术史上的重新评估的重要性不断增强。在那次展览中，本次展览的主题龙勃斯(Rombouts)以两幅画(猫)作为代表。27日,35)。这种辩护一直持续到今天，正如手头的例子所示，越来越多的关注于受他影响的北方画家。在根特美术博物馆举办的第一场专门展出安特卫普卡拉瓦格派佛兰德画家西奥多·隆布斯(1597 - 1637)作品的专题展览必须在这种背景下进行。长期以来，追随罗马主子的罗姆人和他的佛兰德同僚，与他们的荷兰和法国同行相比，处于劣势;到目前为止，他们中的许多人只有幸参加过卡拉瓦格斯运动的集体展览。幸运的是,
{"title":"Theodor Rombouts. Virtuoso of Flemish Caravaggism (Ghent, Museum voor Schone Kunsten, 21 January–23 April 2023. Catalogue edited by Frederica Van Dam). Ghent: Snoeck, MSK, 2023, 272 pp., 300 colour illustrations, €50, ISBN: 978‐94‐6161‐813‐9.","authors":"Jörg Zutter","doi":"10.1111/rest.12873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12873","url":null,"abstract":"The impact of Caravaggio’s new realism on his contemporaries and followers (many of them novice artists from northern countries who had travelled to Italy and suddenly succumbed to his influence) was already gigantic in about 1600, even before the artist’s death in 1610, and especially for several decades thereafter. The inspiration for European painting in the seventeenth century is unequivocal, and its arthistorical reappraisal has continuously grown in importance since Roberto Longhi’s epochal 1951 exhibition in Milan, Mostra del Caravaggio e dei caravaggeschi, in which Rombouts, the subject of the exhibition reviewed here, was represented with two paintings (cat. 27, 35). This vindication continues to the present day and – as the example at hand makes evident – increasingly focuses on northern painters who succumbed to his influence. The first monographic exhibition ever dedicated to the work of the Caravaggesque Flemish painter Theodor Rombouts from Antwerp (1597– 1637) at the Museum of Fine Arts in Ghent has to be seen within this context. Rombouts and his Flemish colleagues who followed the Roman master have long been at a disadvantage compared to their Dutch and French counterparts; and so far, many of them only had the honour to be included in collective exhibitions on the Caravaggesque movement. Fortunately,","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81007181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there arose in Europe a new demand for curiosities. While private collectors sought out exotic curiosities for their own cabinets, public botanical gardens also opened their doors. This essay turns to English attitudes towards Mughal collecting during the early seventeenth century. As active participants in what is now described as the ‘Global Renaissance’ Jahangir, the women in his household including Nur Jahan, as well as Mughal courtiers and officials also sought out curious objects from around the world. This essay examines the accounts of early East India Company factors and ambassadors, especially those by William Hawkins and Sir Thomas Roe, to show how in English records Mughal collecting became associated with eastern greed at a time when the Company itself was profiting from the marketplace of the strange. Drawing on travel accounts, letters, as well as Company court minutes on the one hand, and Mughal sources such as Humayun Nama, Akbar Nama, and Tuzk‐i‐Jahangiri, this essay will explore the rich culture of Mughal collecting. It will show how the Company made note of the Mughal emperor's collections, tried to supply him new curiosities, and, at the same time, saw the Mughal desire for curiosities as an impediment to English trading activities in India.
{"title":"Jahangir's China and Other Toys: Mughal Collecting and the Early East India Company","authors":"A. Sen","doi":"10.1111/rest.12884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12884","url":null,"abstract":"During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there arose in Europe a new demand for curiosities. While private collectors sought out exotic curiosities for their own cabinets, public botanical gardens also opened their doors. This essay turns to English attitudes towards Mughal collecting during the early seventeenth century. As active participants in what is now described as the ‘Global Renaissance’ Jahangir, the women in his household including Nur Jahan, as well as Mughal courtiers and officials also sought out curious objects from around the world. This essay examines the accounts of early East India Company factors and ambassadors, especially those by William Hawkins and Sir Thomas Roe, to show how in English records Mughal collecting became associated with eastern greed at a time when the Company itself was profiting from the marketplace of the strange. Drawing on travel accounts, letters, as well as Company court minutes on the one hand, and Mughal sources such as Humayun Nama, Akbar Nama, and Tuzk‐i‐Jahangiri, this essay will explore the rich culture of Mughal collecting. It will show how the Company made note of the Mughal emperor's collections, tried to supply him new curiosities, and, at the same time, saw the Mughal desire for curiosities as an impediment to English trading activities in India.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89682870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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