Titian's Bacchus and Ariadne represents not only Bacchus' attraction to Ariadne, as has long been recognized, but also his infatuation with a boy‐satyr, Ampelos, who struts at the centre of the composition. The little satyr's identity, recognized in the seventeenth century, but overlooked by modern scholars, is confirmed by newly revealed pentimenti. Titian was probably the first to embed this homoerotic love story in a painting depicting the Bacchus and Ariadne myth. The textual impetus for Titian's inclusion of the Ampelos myth was Nonnos' Dionysiaca. Guided by Nonnos' text, Titian alludes not only to Bacchus' love for Ampelos, but to the boy's transformation into a grapevine. His metamorphosis prompted Bacchus' discovery of wine, which precipitated his identity as the god of wine, hence his prominent position in the painting. Titian's portrayal of Bacchus' overwhelming ardour for the negligently dressed Ariadne, along with his former dalliance with the engaging, rosy‐cheeked boy‐satyr Ampelos, was never meant to represent celestial or marital love as has been claimed. Such an ennobling interpretation is disproved through an analysis of contemporary descriptions of the picture and its ancient literary sources.
{"title":"Titian's Bacchus and his two loves","authors":"Fern Luskin","doi":"10.1111/rest.12936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12936","url":null,"abstract":"Titian's <jats:italic>Bacchus and Ariadne</jats:italic> represents not only Bacchus' attraction to Ariadne, as has long been recognized, but also his infatuation with a boy‐satyr, Ampelos, who struts at the centre of the composition. The little satyr's identity, recognized in the seventeenth century, but overlooked by modern scholars, is confirmed by newly revealed <jats:italic>pentimenti</jats:italic>. Titian was probably the first to embed this homoerotic love story in a painting depicting the Bacchus and Ariadne myth. The textual impetus for Titian's inclusion of the Ampelos myth was Nonnos' <jats:italic>Dionysiaca</jats:italic>. Guided by Nonnos' text, Titian alludes not only to Bacchus' love for Ampelos, but to the boy's transformation into a grapevine. His metamorphosis prompted Bacchus' discovery of wine, which precipitated his identity as the god of wine, hence his prominent position in the painting. Titian's portrayal of Bacchus' overwhelming ardour for the negligently dressed Ariadne, along with his former dalliance with the engaging, rosy‐cheeked boy‐satyr Ampelos, was never meant to represent celestial or marital love as has been claimed. Such an ennobling interpretation is disproved through an analysis of contemporary descriptions of the picture and its ancient literary sources.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141566963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In early modern England, as part of a broader interrogation of exemplarity, full‐scale works on the Trojan War often subjected the myth's heroes to humorous scrutiny, whereas the heroines remained surprisingly untouched by comedy. Testifying to the war's calamities already in antiquity, in the early modern period, the myth's women acquired a further link to destruction: their sexuality was believed to ‘undo’ men. Embodying different types of suffering, the heroines came to be regarded as inherently tragic. Read against this context, one aspect of William Shakespeare's and Thomas Heywood's interventions into the myth appears remarkably defiant. Pursuing divergent aims – in Troilus and Cressida Shakespeare explores the annihilating power of laughter irrespective of gender, in Oenone and Paris and The Iron Age Heywood specifically sets out to rehabilitate female characters – both authors temporarily turn the heroines into objects of comedy. However, if Shakespeare creates a Troy in which mockery is universal, Heywood does not. Thus, although both maintain that laughter against the myth's heroines ultimately backfires, turning those laughing into comic figures, Heywood, by having the women never resort to mockery, makes them seem more sympathetic, even tragic, whereas their Shakespearean counterparts laugh and suffer laughter's consequences alongside men.
{"title":"‘Who is afraid of fairenesse or wanton ladies appearing in their barenesse?’: laughing at female desire in early modern English reception of the myth of the Trojan War☆","authors":"Evgeniia Ganberg","doi":"10.1111/rest.12948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12948","url":null,"abstract":"In early modern England, as part of a broader interrogation of exemplarity, full‐scale works on the Trojan War often subjected the myth's heroes to humorous scrutiny, whereas the heroines remained surprisingly untouched by comedy. Testifying to the war's calamities already in antiquity, in the early modern period, the myth's women acquired a further link to destruction: their sexuality was believed to ‘undo’ men. Embodying different types of suffering, the heroines came to be regarded as inherently tragic. Read against this context, one aspect of William Shakespeare's and Thomas Heywood's interventions into the myth appears remarkably defiant. Pursuing divergent aims – in <jats:italic>Troilus and Cressida</jats:italic> Shakespeare explores the annihilating power of laughter irrespective of gender, in <jats:italic>Oenone and Paris</jats:italic> and <jats:italic>The Iron Age</jats:italic> Heywood specifically sets out to rehabilitate female characters – both authors temporarily turn the heroines into objects of comedy. However, if Shakespeare creates a Troy in which mockery is universal, Heywood does not. Thus, although both maintain that laughter against the myth's heroines ultimately backfires, turning those laughing into comic figures, Heywood, by having the women never resort to mockery, makes them seem more sympathetic, even tragic, whereas their Shakespearean counterparts laugh and suffer laughter's consequences alongside men.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141526815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"James R.Wehn, Art of Enteprise: Israhel van Meckenem's 15th‐Century Print Workshop, exh. cat. Madison: The Chazen Museum of Art, December 18, 2023–March 24, 2024.","authors":"Nadine M. Orenstein","doi":"10.1111/rest.12949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12949","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141526816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A ledger of the Florentine apprentice silk merchant and rising bureaucrat, Lorenzo Morelli (1446–1528), is notable for its references to distinguished artworks and furniture he commissioned from a young age. Study of the ledger, now housed in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze and catalogued as Gherardi Piccolomini d'Aragona 137, has for the most part focused on the immediate circumstances in which the few surviving artworks were commissioned, or more broadly, but imprecisely, the extent to which his marriage and the dowry it brought, influenced his patronage. However, study of the ledger has not extended much beyond Morelli's marriage arrangements or exploited biographical information in his contemporary libro rosso (red book) ledger. Nor have studies engaged extensively with the substantial body of published research on the Morelli family and their political careers and social networks. Doing so provides a more holistic view of Morelli's youthful patronage, greater insight into how his personal, social and financial motivations for patronage were interrelated and gives rise to a new hypothesis about the intended destination for an early group of commissions whose purpose was not recorded by Morelli.
佛罗伦萨丝绸商人学徒兼新兴官僚洛伦佐-莫雷利（Lorenzo Morelli，1446-1528 年）的一本账簿因提到他从年轻时就委托制作的杰出艺术品和家具而引人注目。对这本现存于佛罗伦萨国家档案馆（Archivio di Stato di Firenze）、编目为 Gherardi Piccolomini d'Aragona 137 的账簿的研究主要集中在为数不多的现存艺术品是在怎样的直接环境下委托制作的，或者更广泛但不精确地说是他的婚姻及其带来的嫁妆在多大程度上影响了他的赞助。然而，对账簿的研究并没有超出莫雷利婚姻安排的范围，也没有利用他同时代的 libro rosso（红皮书）账簿中的传记信息。有关莫雷利家族及其政治生涯和社会网络的大量研究成果也没有被广泛使用。这样做可以更全面地了解莫雷利年轻时的赞助活动，更深入地了解他的个人、社会和经济赞助动机是如何相互关联的，并对莫雷利没有记录的早期一批委托的预期目的地提出了新的假设。
{"title":"Contextualizing Lorenzo Morelli's Youthful Patronage (1463–1473)☆","authors":"Hugh Hudson","doi":"10.1111/rest.12945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12945","url":null,"abstract":"A ledger of the Florentine apprentice silk merchant and rising bureaucrat, Lorenzo Morelli (1446–1528), is notable for its references to distinguished artworks and furniture he commissioned from a young age. Study of the ledger, now housed in the Archivio di Stato di Firenze and catalogued as Gherardi Piccolomini d'Aragona 137, has for the most part focused on the immediate circumstances in which the few surviving artworks were commissioned, or more broadly, but imprecisely, the extent to which his marriage and the dowry it brought, influenced his patronage. However, study of the ledger has not extended much beyond Morelli's marriage arrangements or exploited biographical information in his contemporary <jats:italic>libro rosso</jats:italic> (red book) ledger. Nor have studies engaged extensively with the substantial body of published research on the Morelli family and their political careers and social networks. Doing so provides a more holistic view of Morelli's youthful patronage, greater insight into how his personal, social and financial motivations for patronage were interrelated and gives rise to a new hypothesis about the intended destination for an early group of commissions whose purpose was not recorded by Morelli.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141509108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the fifteenth century, Plutarch's Lives were popular among humanists for their moral and historical content. They circulated widely in humanist Latin translations in manuscript and later in print. This article examines the reading of printed copies of these translations in late fifteenth‐century England. It focuses on John Shirwood (d. 1493), Bishop of Durham, an avid English reader of humanist books. The article suggests that Shirwood's annotations to Plutarch should be interpreted as evidence of humanist reading in a recreational context. While modern studies on the history of reading classical texts have often emphasised Renaissance readers' structured, methodical approaches of annotation, Shirwood's copy of Plutarch's Lives reveals a clerk at leisure, enjoying humanist books outside of formal academic study. The article goes on to compare Shirwood's annotations of Plutarch's Lives with those of two other late fifteenth‐century English humanists: the similarly eclectic historical annotations of the bishop John Russell (d. 1494); and, as a counterpoint, the more structured moral and linguistic interests of the grammarian John Stanbridge (1463–1510). These three responses to the Latin translations of Plutarch's Lives thus indicate how educated individuals engaged with humanist texts at different levels of rigour, from methodical academic study to recreational enjoyment.
{"title":"John Shirwood and the reading of Plutarch's Lives in late fifteenth‐century England☆","authors":"Matthew Day","doi":"10.1111/rest.12942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12942","url":null,"abstract":"In the fifteenth century, Plutarch's <jats:italic>Lives</jats:italic> were popular among humanists for their moral and historical content. They circulated widely in humanist Latin translations in manuscript and later in print. This article examines the reading of printed copies of these translations in late fifteenth‐century England. It focuses on John Shirwood (d. 1493), Bishop of Durham, an avid English reader of humanist books. The article suggests that Shirwood's annotations to Plutarch should be interpreted as evidence of humanist reading in a recreational context. While modern studies on the history of reading classical texts have often emphasised Renaissance readers' structured, methodical approaches of annotation, Shirwood's copy of Plutarch's <jats:italic>Lives</jats:italic> reveals a clerk at leisure, enjoying humanist books outside of formal academic study. The article goes on to compare Shirwood's annotations of Plutarch's Lives with those of two other late fifteenth‐century English humanists: the similarly eclectic historical annotations of the bishop John Russell (d. 1494); and, as a counterpoint, the more structured moral and linguistic interests of the grammarian John Stanbridge (1463–1510). These three responses to the Latin translations of Plutarch's <jats:italic>Lives</jats:italic> thus indicate how educated individuals engaged with humanist texts at different levels of rigour, from methodical academic study to recreational enjoyment.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141509109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The masque of madmen in John Webster's The Duchess of Malfi probably originated as an antimasque in Thomas Campion's The Lords' Masque, staged at court in February 1613 to celebrate the wedding of Princess Elizabeth Stuart. In recent years, Elizabeth's brother, Henry, had used masques and other forms of courtly display to make himself the face of a dissenting militant Protestant movement in England. And, following his death in November 1612, devastated supporters like Webster transferred their hopes to Elizabeth, whose marriage to a Protestant prince seemed to preserve the possibilities of reform at home and religious intervention abroad. However, the pacifist King James commissioned The Lords' Masque to extinguish such hopes, defining the marriage's significance as conciliatory rather than confessional and reestablishing his sole authority over the court stage Henry had tried to usurp. Thus, Webster's use of Campion's antimasque is deeply ironic, allowing him to criticize the King's suppression and censorship of his son's cause, and to lament both the bastardization of Henry's memory and the uncertain future of the movement he had represented. Moreover, reading the masque of madmen alongside Webster's elegy for the Prince, A Monumental Column, highlights Webster's deepening pessimism across this period.
约翰-韦伯斯特（John Webster）的《马尔菲公爵夫人》（The Duchess of Malfi）中的狂人假面舞会可能起源于托马斯-坎皮恩（Thomas Campion）的《上议院假面舞会》（The Lords' Masque）中的反假面舞会，该剧于 1613 年 2 月在宫廷上演，以庆祝伊丽莎白-斯图亚特公主（Princess Elizabeth Stuart）的婚礼。近年来，伊丽莎白的弟弟亨利曾利用假面舞会和其他宫廷表演形式使自己成为英国持不同政见的激进新教运动的代言人。亨利于1612年11月去世后，韦伯斯特等一蹶不振的支持者将希望转移到了伊丽莎白身上，因为伊丽莎白与新教王子的婚姻似乎保留了在国内进行改革和在国外进行宗教干预的可能性。然而，和平主义者詹姆士国王委托创作的《上议院面具》却让这种希望破灭了，他将这场婚姻的意义定义为和解而非忏悔，并重新确立了他在亨利曾试图篡夺的宫廷舞台上的唯一权威。因此，韦伯斯特使用坎皮恩的 "反假面舞会 "是极具讽刺意味的，这让他得以批评国王对其子事业的压制和审查，并对亨利的记忆被篡改以及他所代表的运动前途未卜表示哀叹。此外，在阅读韦伯斯特为王子创作的挽歌《纪念柱》的同时阅读《狂人假面舞会》，可以突出韦伯斯特在这一时期不断加深的悲观情绪。
{"title":"Webster's anti‐antimasque in The Duchess of Malfi","authors":"Gabriel Lonsberry","doi":"10.1111/rest.12944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12944","url":null,"abstract":"The masque of madmen in John Webster's <jats:italic>The Duchess of Malfi</jats:italic> probably originated as an antimasque in Thomas Campion's <jats:italic>The Lords' Masque</jats:italic>, staged at court in February 1613 to celebrate the wedding of Princess Elizabeth Stuart. In recent years, Elizabeth's brother, Henry, had used masques and other forms of courtly display to make himself the face of a dissenting militant Protestant movement in England. And, following his death in November 1612, devastated supporters like Webster transferred their hopes to Elizabeth, whose marriage to a Protestant prince seemed to preserve the possibilities of reform at home and religious intervention abroad. However, the pacifist King James commissioned <jats:italic>The Lords' Masque</jats:italic> to extinguish such hopes, defining the marriage's significance as conciliatory rather than confessional and reestablishing his sole authority over the court stage Henry had tried to usurp. Thus, Webster's use of Campion's antimasque is deeply ironic, allowing him to criticize the King's suppression and censorship of his son's cause, and to lament both the bastardization of Henry's memory and the uncertain future of the movement he had represented. Moreover, reading the masque of madmen alongside Webster's elegy for the Prince, <jats:italic>A Monumental Column</jats:italic>, highlights Webster's deepening pessimism across this period.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141195974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The period of Catholic reform witnessed the proliferation of printed works that narrated historical and contemporary miracles for the edification of a vernacular readership. This article examines the role of printed miracle narratives in stimulating interior Catholic devotional life through close examination of three Italian vernacular collections printed in Italy between 1587 and 1597. Previous studies have focused on miracle stories where the resolution or prevention of earthly suffering in the forms of illness, miscarriages of justice, or accidents was the main event. Such narratives were designed to shape their readers' understanding of the culture of the miraculous and its relevance for their lives. This article takes a different approach to the role of the miraculous in early modern Catholicism by bringing narratives that had spiritual rather than physical outcomes to the centre of study. By bringing into focus the diversity of narratives compiled in miracle collections, it argues that stories also provided readers with opportunities to examine and tend to the state of their interior religious lives. This article offers a fresh perspective on the messages that early modern Catholics received about the value of the miraculous for their lives.
{"title":"Nourishing Catholic souls in post‐Tridentine miracle narratives","authors":"Joshua Rushton","doi":"10.1111/rest.12943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12943","url":null,"abstract":"The period of Catholic reform witnessed the proliferation of printed works that narrated historical and contemporary miracles for the edification of a vernacular readership. This article examines the role of printed miracle narratives in stimulating interior Catholic devotional life through close examination of three Italian vernacular collections printed in Italy between 1587 and 1597. Previous studies have focused on miracle stories where the resolution or prevention of earthly suffering in the forms of illness, miscarriages of justice, or accidents was the main event. Such narratives were designed to shape their readers' understanding of the culture of the miraculous and its relevance for their lives. This article takes a different approach to the role of the miraculous in early modern Catholicism by bringing narratives that had spiritual rather than physical outcomes to the centre of study. By bringing into focus the diversity of narratives compiled in miracle collections, it argues that stories also provided readers with opportunities to examine and tend to the state of their interior religious lives. This article offers a fresh perspective on the messages that early modern Catholics received about the value of the miraculous for their lives.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141196428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article discusses the relationship between women and their garments by examining written, visual, and material sources about dress drawn from the historical records of the Malatesta family. The objective of this research is to understand whether women of this House had any degree of autonomy regarding the garments that they chose to ‘self‐fashion’ their identity, and whether they were aware of the multiple meanings the clothing held beyond economic, political, and social status, in addition to their cultural and symbolic values. Indeed, these last two factors rendered these objects into powerful and immediate transmitters of expression and communication that surpassed the conventions of their time, as will be shown in this analysis that includes secular and religious clothing. From two different perspectives, that of the clothing of nobility as emblems of luxury, in line with the conventions of the time, and that of the clothing of religious orders as emblems of abstention perceived as unconventional when the abstention was radical, this article aim to discuss the strong relationship between women and clothing and the diverse ways adopted by women to identify themselves and their radius of action, to reinforce their social networks and their authority.
{"title":"Clothing the female life. Self‐fashioning and memory making at the Malatesta network of women between the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries","authors":"Elisa Tosi Brandi","doi":"10.1111/rest.12933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12933","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the relationship between women and their garments by examining written, visual, and material sources about dress drawn from the historical records of the Malatesta family. The objective of this research is to understand whether women of this House had any degree of autonomy regarding the garments that they chose to ‘self‐fashion’ their identity, and whether they were aware of the multiple meanings the clothing held beyond economic, political, and social status, in addition to their cultural and symbolic values. Indeed, these last two factors rendered these objects into powerful and immediate transmitters of expression and communication that surpassed the conventions of their time, as will be shown in this analysis that includes secular and religious clothing. From two different perspectives, that of the clothing of nobility as emblems of luxury, in line with the conventions of the time, and that of the clothing of religious orders as emblems of abstention perceived as unconventional when the abstention was radical, this article aim to discuss the strong relationship between women and clothing and the diverse ways adopted by women to identify themselves and their radius of action, to reinforce their social networks and their authority.","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140580948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Juan de Pareja: Afro‐Hispanic Painter in the Age of Velázquez (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 3 April–16 July 2023.) Catalogue edited by DavidPullins and Vanessa K.Valdés, with essays by Luis Méndez Rodriguez and Erin Kathleen Roe. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2023, 176 pp, 89 colour and b&w illustrations, $50, ISBN: 9781588397560.","authors":"Suzanne Karr Schmidt","doi":"10.1111/rest.12932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12932","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140147878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The work of style","authors":"Matthew P. Harrison","doi":"10.1111/rest.12931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/rest.12931","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45351,"journal":{"name":"Renaissance Studies","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140147758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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