Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300685
Alejandra Ríos Cázares
Este articulo estudia los institutos de la mujer a nivel subnacional en Mexico (IM) a partir de cuatro variables estructurales que la literatura ha identificado como claves: ubicacion dentro de la estructura gubernamental, mandato, capacidades administrativas, y liderazgo. Se trata de una inferencia descriptiva de los IM basada en informacion y datos originales sobre presupuesto, recursos humanos y normatividad (2007 a 2014). Los datos sugieren que mandatos intersectoriales son dificiles de concretar en burocracias debiles y apoya la idea de que una mejor estrategia seria construir instituciones con mandatos acotados. Finalmente,el caso mexicano sugiere que la creacion de IM con mandato amplio y alto nivel, pero sin recursos, puede ser un acto de legitimidad para los gobiernos en curso.
{"title":"(WEAK) INSTITUTIONS FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN: THE CASE OF WOMEN’S POLICY AGENCIES IN MEXICAN STATES","authors":"Alejandra Ríos Cázares","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300685","url":null,"abstract":"Este articulo estudia los institutos de la mujer a nivel subnacional en Mexico (IM) a partir de cuatro variables estructurales que la literatura ha identificado como claves: ubicacion dentro de la estructura gubernamental, mandato, capacidades administrativas, y liderazgo. Se trata de una inferencia descriptiva de los IM basada en informacion y datos originales sobre presupuesto, recursos humanos y normatividad (2007 a 2014). Los datos sugieren que mandatos intersectoriales son dificiles de concretar en burocracias debiles y apoya la idea de que una mejor estrategia seria construir instituciones con mandatos acotados. Finalmente,el caso mexicano sugiere que la creacion de IM con mandato amplio y alto nivel, pero sin recursos, puede ser un acto de legitimidad para los gobiernos en curso.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"3 1","pages":"685-710"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84351031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300659
Tomás Bril-Mascarenhas, Antoine Maillet, P. Mayaux
Process tracing is a method to obtain solid causal inferences. Concerned by the fragmentation of the growing literature distinguishing different types of process tracing, we highlight the elements that unite this method: the construction, through different routes, of narratives that provide plausible, persuasive explanations of the outcomes of interest. Our argument draws on the comparison of two studies with different entry points to the research process: the first one starts inductively due to the novelty of the outcome of interest, while the second study starts deductively since previous theories were available. We show how to conduct process-tracing analysis rigorously and highlight that these studies converge to produce narratives structured around hypotheses and causal mechanisms that explain the outcomes.
{"title":"Process Tracing: Induccion, Deduccion e Inferencia causal","authors":"Tomás Bril-Mascarenhas, Antoine Maillet, P. Mayaux","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300659","url":null,"abstract":"Process tracing is a method to obtain solid causal inferences. Concerned by the fragmentation of the growing literature distinguishing different types of process tracing, we highlight the elements that unite this method: the construction, through different routes, of narratives that provide plausible, persuasive explanations of the outcomes of interest. Our argument draws on the comparison of two studies with different entry points to the research process: the first one starts inductively due to the novelty of the outcome of interest, while the second study starts deductively since previous theories were available. We show how to conduct process-tracing analysis rigorously and highlight that these studies converge to produce narratives structured around hypotheses and causal mechanisms that explain the outcomes.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"64 1","pages":"659-684"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73104909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300713
Christian Barry, Gerhard Øverland
We also gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Australian Research Council and the Research Council of Norway
我们也感谢澳大利亚研究理事会和挪威研究理事会的财政支持
{"title":"Who owns it? Three arguments for land claims in Latin America","authors":"Christian Barry, Gerhard Øverland","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000300713","url":null,"abstract":"We also gratefully acknowledge \u0000the financial support of the Australian Research Council and the Research Council of Norway","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"41 1","pages":"713-736"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79300734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100008
María Elena Gronemeyer, William Porath
The study analyzes whether the press, in the context of increasingly concentrated ownership, has shown a corresponding trend toward a uniformity of editorial viewpoints when discussing the actions of the government, political parties, or civil society. Prior findings reveal that editorials tend to assume a position by identifying an actor that is responsible for the topic being discussed. This facilitates a content analysis that uses the editorial positions of major media outlets regarding the acceptance or rejection of a specific actor. The results suggest a tendency towards an increasingly homogeneous view by the five media outlets studied, especially in the two leading newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera. Chilean newspapers tend to be very similar when judging those responsible, balancing acceptance and rejection in a way that is generally less critical of the government than it is of civil actors.
{"title":"Tendencias de la posición editorial en diarios de referencia en Chile. El arte de dosificar la crítica frente a la actuación de los actores políticos","authors":"María Elena Gronemeyer, William Porath","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100008","url":null,"abstract":"The study analyzes whether the press, in the context of increasingly concentrated ownership, has shown a corresponding trend toward a uniformity of editorial viewpoints when discussing the actions of the government, political parties, or civil society. Prior findings reveal that editorials tend to assume a position by identifying an actor that is responsible for the topic being discussed. This facilitates a content analysis that uses the editorial positions of major media outlets regarding the acceptance or rejection of a specific actor. The results suggest a tendency towards an increasingly homogeneous view by the five media outlets studied, especially in the two leading newspapers, El Mercurio and La Tercera. Chilean newspapers tend to be very similar when judging those responsible, balancing acceptance and rejection in a way that is generally less critical of the government than it is of civil actors.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"106 1","pages":"177-202"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75664323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100005
Pedro Feliú Ribeiro, Francisco Urdinez
This paper makes two contributions to the classical thesis in American Political Science on the existence of “two presidents”, as applied to the Argentine case. Analyzing rollcall votes for the recent period, we confirm the validity of the thesis in a markedly presidential and multiparty system. Furthermore, comparing international and domestic legislative topics, we analyze which factors affect the legislative support received by the president. Using robust regressions, we find that popular approval is positively associated with the level of support that the president received for domestic but not international initiatives. The use of Necessity and Urgency Decrees, the economy’s performance, the ideological polarization between the parties in Congress, and the chamber in which the initiative is submitted are all variables that affect legislative support.
{"title":"¿Hay dos presidentes en Argentina? : un análisis comparativo del apoyo legislativo en las políticas exterior y doméstica (2001-2014)","authors":"Pedro Feliú Ribeiro, Francisco Urdinez","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper makes two contributions to the classical thesis in American Political Science on the existence of “two presidents”, as applied to the Argentine case. Analyzing rollcall votes for the recent period, we confirm the validity of the thesis in a markedly presidential and multiparty system. Furthermore, comparing international and domestic legislative topics, we analyze which factors affect the legislative support received by the president. Using robust regressions, we find that popular approval is positively associated with the level of support that the president received for domestic but not international initiatives. The use of Necessity and Urgency Decrees, the economy’s performance, the ideological polarization between the parties in Congress, and the chamber in which the initiative is submitted are all variables that affect legislative support.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"112 1","pages":"95-119"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79586841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100002
D. Luján
The number of candidates competing in elections may have significant political consequences. In Latin America, presidential contests in many countries yield a large number of candidates, which contradicts theoretical expectations based on the fact that this is effectively a single-member competition. I provide an explanation based on coordination cost incurred by candidatess in unstable and low-programmatic electoral markets. Given this cost, we should expect entry decisions to exceed the theoretical upper limit. At the empirical level, the explanation is tested using statistical models of presidential election data in 18 Latin American countries between 1993 and 2010. I find evidence in support of the hypothesis that unstable and low-programmatic electoral markets are associated with a larger than expected number of presidential candidates.
{"title":"El costo de coordinar: número de candidatos presidenciales en américa latina 1993-2010","authors":"D. Luján","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100002","url":null,"abstract":"The number of candidates competing in elections may have significant political consequences. In Latin America, presidential contests in many countries yield a large number of candidates, which contradicts theoretical expectations based on the fact that this is effectively a single-member competition. I provide an explanation based on coordination cost incurred by candidatess in unstable and low-programmatic electoral markets. Given this cost, we should expect entry decisions to exceed the theoretical upper limit. At the empirical level, the explanation is tested using statistical models of presidential election data in 18 Latin American countries between 1993 and 2010. I find evidence in support of the hypothesis that unstable and low-programmatic electoral markets are associated with a larger than expected number of presidential candidates.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"29 1","pages":"25-46"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73135137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100009
J. Jordán
This paper advances a theoretical model to explain the processes of change in military organizations. It begins by setting out the main theories that have been advanced in order to explain the origin of these processes. It then applies the integrative theoretical model to a case study of particular relevance: the innovation processes of US special operations forces in the fight against Al Qaeda after the 9/11 attacks.
{"title":"UN MODELO EXPLICATIVO DE LOS PROCESOS DE CAMBIO EN LAS ORGANIZACIONES MILITARES. LA RESPUESTA DE ESTADOS UNIDOS DESPUÉS DEL 11- S COMO CASO DE ESTUDIO","authors":"J. Jordán","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100009","url":null,"abstract":"This paper advances a theoretical model to explain the processes of change in military organizations. It begins by setting out the main theories that have been advanced in order to explain the origin of these processes. It then applies the integrative theoretical model to a case study of particular relevance: the innovation processes of US special operations forces in the fight against Al Qaeda after the 9/11 attacks.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"57 1","pages":"203-226"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84558985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100003
P. Navia, Steffan Sternberg
In Chile, the difficulty of winning both district seats under the binominal electoral system has generated opposite motivations for office-seeking political parties, which want to maximize their seat share, and individual candidates who want to win. Carey and Siavelis (2003) argue that the Concertacion rewarded good losers who contributed to its overall vote share. We apply that explanation to the 2009 election, when the right-wing Alianza coalition was ahead and, therefore, any future rewards would be most likely to be distributed among its good losers. Our contribution clarifies doubts about the causes of strong legislative tickets at the district level in the coalition that would most likely win. In showing that the Alianza had stronger tickets in 2009 than in previous elections, we support the thesis of good losers’ insurance.
{"title":"El seguro para los subcampeones electorales de la Alianza en 2009","authors":"P. Navia, Steffan Sternberg","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100003","url":null,"abstract":"In Chile, the difficulty of winning both district seats under the binominal electoral system has generated opposite motivations for office-seeking political parties, which want to maximize their seat share, and individual candidates who want to win. Carey and Siavelis (2003) argue that the Concertacion rewarded good losers who contributed to its overall vote share. We apply that explanation to the 2009 election, when the right-wing Alianza coalition was ahead and, therefore, any future rewards would be most likely to be distributed among its good losers. Our contribution clarifies doubts about the causes of strong legislative tickets at the district level in the coalition that would most likely win. In showing that the Alianza had stronger tickets in 2009 than in previous elections, we support the thesis of good losers’ insurance.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"23 1","pages":"47-68"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90983702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100007
Iñaki Sagarzazu, Fernando Mouron
Since Hugo Chavez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezuela has strengthened ties with most of its Latin American neighbors, particularly those where sympathetic leftist administrations also managed to assume power, including Argentina. With our analysis we show: 1) that Argentine media, divided between pro- and anti-government positions, presents a polarized view of chavismo; and 2) that Argentine public opinion regarding Chavez is not necessarily divided on the basis of ideological affiliations (left-right), but rather by the rejection or support of the former Argentine government. With these findings, we argue that in such a polarized information environment, chavismo is a polarizing issue and a tool that can be exploited in the domestic realm.
{"title":"HUGO CHAVEZ’S POLARIZING LEGACY: CHAVISMO, MEDIA, AND PUBLIC OPINION IN ARGENTINA’S DOMESTIC POLITICS","authors":"Iñaki Sagarzazu, Fernando Mouron","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100007","url":null,"abstract":"Since Hugo Chavez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezuela has strengthened ties with most of its Latin American neighbors, particularly those where sympathetic leftist administrations also managed to assume power, including Argentina. With our analysis we show: 1) that Argentine media, divided between pro- and anti-government positions, presents a polarized view of chavismo; and 2) that Argentine public opinion regarding Chavez is not necessarily divided on the basis of ideological affiliations (left-right), but rather by the rejection or support of the former Argentine government. With these findings, we argue that in such a polarized information environment, chavismo is a polarizing issue and a tool that can be exploited in the domestic realm.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"36 1","pages":"147-175"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82775888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-08-28DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100001
Pablo Marshall
This article offers a brief conceptual framework for understanding the allocation of the right to vote in a democratic community. It explores one of the main reasons for setting the electoral age at 18 years. The article focuses on the popular argument that minors lack electoral capacity, critically analyzing the consistency with which rules on electoral capacity are applied, and exploring alternatives to the use of a minimum age restriction. It concludes that there are good reasons to believe that this age could be lowered 16 years, as the capacity of individuals is already clearly recognized by the legal system at that age. This may be a powerful argument in support of the hypothesis that a democracy attributes democratic rights as a consequence of the recognition of deliberative personality, on which the attribution of legal capacity associated with the legal subject is also based.
{"title":"El derecho a sufragio de los menores de edad: capacidad y edad electoral","authors":"Pablo Marshall","doi":"10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2017000100001","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a brief conceptual framework for understanding the allocation of the right to vote in a democratic community. It explores one of the main reasons for setting the electoral age at 18 years. The article focuses on the popular argument that minors lack electoral capacity, critically analyzing the consistency with which rules on electoral capacity are applied, and exploring alternatives to the use of a minimum age restriction. It concludes that there are good reasons to believe that this age could be lowered 16 years, as the capacity of individuals is already clearly recognized by the legal system at that age. This may be a powerful argument in support of the hypothesis that a democracy attributes democratic rights as a consequence of the recognition of deliberative personality, on which the attribution of legal capacity associated with the legal subject is also based.","PeriodicalId":45507,"journal":{"name":"Revista De Ciencia Politica","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-24"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2017-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82320344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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