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All in a day's work: Working-class heroes as videogame protagonists 在一天的工作:工人阶级的英雄作为电子游戏的主角
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0028
Michael Iantorno, Courtney Blamey, Lyne Dwyer, M. Consalvo
Abstract Class depictions in videogames are prevalent, yet understudied. In this article, we analyse how the working class – particularly working-class men – have been depicted in videogames over the past 30 years. In doing so, we bring together a class- and gender-based analysis to study how narratives, representations, gameplay, and game systems construct the “working-class hero” as a central protagonist. This is done by examining eight paired examples of videogames that feature working-class characters in central roles, including janitor, fire-fighter, taxi driver, and bartender. Our analysis finds that some roles are glorified (such as firefighters), positioning their protagonists in direct conflict with white-collar settings and antagonists. However, many other roles task players with “doing their job” in the face of repetitive (and sometimes outlandish) working conditions. Through these examples, we document the portrayal of working-class videogame heroes, noting how videogames can both reinforce and subvert common media tropes.
电子游戏中的抽象类描述很普遍,但研究不足。在这篇文章中,我们分析了过去30年来,工人阶级——尤其是工人阶级男性——在电子游戏中的形象。在这样做的过程中,我们将基于阶级和性别的分析结合在一起,研究叙事、表征、游戏和游戏系统如何将“工人阶级英雄”构建为中心主角。这是通过研究八个以工人阶级角色为核心的电子游戏示例来完成的,包括看门人、消防员、出租车司机和酒保。我们的分析发现,一些角色被美化了(比如消防员),使他们的主角与白领环境和对手发生直接冲突。然而,面对重复的(有时甚至是古怪的)工作条件,许多其他角色要求玩家“做好自己的工作”。通过这些例子,我们记录了工人阶级电子游戏英雄的形象,注意到电子游戏如何强化和颠覆常见的媒体比喻。
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引用次数: 3
Investigations of a journalistic blind spot: Class, constructors, and carers in Norwegian media 对新闻盲点的调查:挪威媒体中的阶级、建设者和照顾者
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0027
T. U. Figenschou, Elisabeth Eide, Ruth Einervoll Nilsen
Abstract Recent studies argue that the contemporary working class has largely disappeared from the news media. Another strand of literature demonstrates that the traditional labour beat has lost newsroom prestige due to changes in the established news media and crisis in the labour movement. Analysing how traditional working-class sectors are covered in mainstream newspapers and trade union magazines over time, we conduct a systematic, quantitative content analysis of 18 months of coverage from 1996–2017. We find a steady decline in media coverage throughout the period, indicating that the labour beat as an established specialisation is disappearing. Studying topical emphasis and source practices demonstrates marked differences between the newspapers and the trade union magazines: The mainstream newspapers are elite- and conflict-oriented (although not hostile in their coverage), while the trade union magazines largely reflect power structures and the interests of the labour movement. In the discussion, the main findings from the content analysis are explained by practitioners, to contextualise and provide insider perspectives on the findings.
最近的研究认为,当代工人阶级在很大程度上已经从新闻媒体中消失了。另一种文献表明,由于现有新闻媒体的变化和劳工运动的危机,传统的劳工beat已经失去了新闻编辑室的声望。我们分析了主流报纸和工会杂志在一段时间内对传统工人阶级部门的报道情况,对1996年至2017年18个月的报道进行了系统、定量的内容分析。我们发现,在此期间,媒体的报道稳步下降,表明作为既定专业化的劳动力正在消失。研究主题重点和来源实践表明,报纸和工会杂志之间存在显著差异:主流报纸以精英和冲突为导向(尽管在报道中没有敌意),而工会杂志则主要反映权力结构和工人运动的利益。在讨论中,从业者解释了内容分析的主要发现,以背景化并提供有关发现的内部观点。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Class in/and the media: On the importance of class in media and communication studies 导论:课堂与媒体:论课堂在媒体与传播学研究中的重要性
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0023
Peter Jakobsson,Johan Lindell,Fredrik Stiernstedt
Introduction Social class is one of the most enduring concepts in the social sciences and is associated with many of the key themes and topics across multiple disciplines. Thus, there are many uses to which the concept of social class in media and communication can be put. The ambition of this special issue is to offer a glimpse into the heterogeneity of its uses in the field. While attuned differently in relation to the various approaches and definitions of class, the eight contributions to this special issue collectively focus on the relationship between media and class. One of the ambitions of this special issue is to report on some of the current Nordic scholarship in this growing field of research and to highlight the particularities of the relationship between class, inequality and media in this region. While the special issue also includes contributions from other regions, the main focus is on social class in the Nordic countries. This introductory article begins with a discussion on the concept of social class and its analytical relevance in the contemporary social landscape. We detail the relationship between media and class as manifested in a growing body of research, followed by a brief presentation of the individual contributions to this special issue. Finally, we identify the road ahead and potential research areas for scholars of media and communication concerned about class and social inequality in the twenty-first century.
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引用次数: 1
Class and everyday media use: A case study from Norway 课堂和日常媒体使用:来自挪威的案例研究
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0030
J. Hovden, Lennart Rosenlund
Abstract In this article, we consider how contemporary media use is structured by social class, following the theoretical and methodical framework derived from Bourdieu's book Distinction, published in 1984, with a detailed study of everyday use of media platforms, brands, and content among Norwegian citizens (N = 2,064). First, we analyse how such media use varies in the overall social space using multiple correspondence analysis. Second, we independently explore the main differences and groupings of media practices, combining multifactor analysis and cluster analysis. While identifying important gender and generational differences, this study clearly shows how media use inside both younger and older generations are marked by class differences, which we argue demonstrates the fundamental and continuing importance of class for understanding mediated lifestyles.
摘要在这篇文章中,我们考虑了当代媒体使用是如何由社会阶层构成的,遵循布迪厄1984年出版的《区别》一书中的理论和系统框架,详细研究了挪威公民对媒体平台、品牌和内容的日常使用(N=2064)。首先,我们使用多重对应分析来分析这种媒体使用在整个社会空间中是如何变化的。其次,我们结合多因素分析和聚类分析,独立探索媒体实践的主要差异和分组。在确定重要的性别和代际差异的同时,这项研究清楚地表明,年轻一代和老年一代的媒体使用是如何以阶级差异为标志的,我们认为这表明了阶级对理解中介生活方式的根本和持续重要性。
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引用次数: 4
Class struggle in the era of post-politics: Representing the Swedish port conflict in the news media 后政治时代的阶级斗争:在新闻媒体中再现瑞典港口冲突
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0024
Ernesto Abalo, Diana Jacobsson
Abstract This article addresses how class as a category of conflict and struggle is understood and shaped discursively in mainstream media today. We utilise a case study of how Swedish news media represents the long-lasting conflict in the Swedish labour market between the Swedish Dockworkers’ Union and the employer organisation, Sweden's Ports. Using critical discourse analysis, we show two ways in which class relations are recontextualised in three Swedish newspapers. One is through obscuring class and centring the conflict around business and nationalist discourses, which in the end legitimise a corporate perspective. The other, more marginalised, way is through the critique of class relations that appears in subjective discourse types. This handling of class, we argue, serves the reproduction of a post-political condition.
摘要本文论述了阶级作为一种冲突和斗争的范畴是如何在当今主流媒体中被理解和塑造的。我们利用瑞典新闻媒体如何代表瑞典码头工人工会和雇主组织瑞典港口之间在瑞典劳动力市场上的长期冲突的案例研究。通过批判性话语分析,我们展示了三家瑞典报纸对阶级关系进行文本重构的两种方式。一种是通过模糊阶级,将冲突集中在商业和民族主义话语上,最终使企业观点合法化。另一种更边缘化的方式是通过对主观话语类型中出现的阶级关系的批判。我们认为,这种对阶级的处理是后政治条件的再现。
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引用次数: 0
The space of media usage in Finland, 2007 and 2018: The impact of online activities on its structure and its association with sociopolitical divisions 2007年和2018年芬兰媒体使用空间:网络活动对其结构的影响及其与社会政治分裂的关联
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0029
Semi Purhonen, A. Leguina, Riie Heikkilä
Abstract In Nordic countries and beyond, there exists a lack of longitudinal, population-level research focused on sociopolitical polarisation and the proliferation of new online activities in the context of changing media usage. In this article, we examine media usage in Finland in 2007 and 2018. We use two nationally representative surveys (N = 1,388 in 2007 and N = 1,425 in 2018) to make comparisons over time and include a wide set of media usage indicators. Applying multiple correspondence analysis, we assess the impact of the proliferation of online activities on the structure of the space of media usage and examine whether the association between media usage and sociopolitical divisions has become more sharply pronounced. The results suggest stability of the structure of media use rather than dramatic change. We discuss these results by reflecting on the relatively strong persistence of “traditional” models of stratification in digital cultural consumption and media practices.
在北欧国家及其他地区,缺乏关注社会政治两极分化和媒体使用变化背景下新在线活动激增的纵向、人口水平研究。在本文中,我们研究了2007年和2018年芬兰的媒体使用情况。我们使用两项具有全国代表性的调查(2007年N = 1388, 2018年N = 1425)来进行长期比较,并包括一系列广泛的媒体使用指标。运用多重对应分析,我们评估了网络活动的扩散对媒体使用空间结构的影响,并考察了媒体使用与社会政治分歧之间的联系是否变得更加明显。结果表明,媒体使用的结构是稳定的,而不是剧烈的变化。我们通过反思数字文化消费和媒体实践中相对较强的“传统”分层模型来讨论这些结果。
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引用次数: 6
The institutionalisation of populist political discourse and conservative uncivil society in the European Union: From the margins to the mainstream? 欧盟民粹主义政治话语的制度化和保守的不文明社会:从边缘到主流?
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0010
C. Ruzza
Abstract This article analyses the ideational features of conservative civil society groups at EU level and compares them to progressive groups. Through a frame analysis of the textual materials of these two types of organisations, I examine their reactions to the success of populist formations in several European member states and at EU level. I argue that the long-established EU ethos of fostering progressive civil society is undergoing a redefinition, which impacts their strategies. I posit that in a changing political climate, EU institutions are less interested in some of the contributions progressive civil society offers, such as its contributions to public deliberation, governance, and the legitimacy of the EU. Progressive civil society reacts to the threat of a loss of standing and attempts to retain its historical centrality, legitimacy, and access. In contrast, conservative civil society groups seek to establish themselves in a political environment previously off-limits to them.
摘要本文分析了欧盟层面保守的公民社会团体的思想特征,并将其与进步团体进行了比较。通过对这两类组织文本材料的框架分析,我考察了它们对几个欧洲成员国和欧盟层面民粹主义组织成功的反应。我认为,欧盟长期以来培养进步公民社会的精神正在重新定义,这影响了他们的战略。我认为,在不断变化的政治气候下,欧盟机构对进步民间社会提供的一些贡献不太感兴趣,比如它对公众审议、治理和欧盟合法性的贡献。进步的民间社会对失去地位的威胁作出反应,并试图保持其历史中心地位、合法性和准入。相比之下,保守的民间社会团体则试图在以前禁止他们进入的政治环境中站稳脚跟。
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引用次数: 3
Who are you, the people?: Constructing the people in MV-lehti's refugee coverage 你们是谁,这些人吗?:构建MV-lehti难民报道中的人物
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0006
S. Tuomola
Abstract One of the cornerstones of right-wing populist websites is their challenge to traditional mainstream media to give voice to “the people”. In Finland, one of the best known of these websites is MV-lehti [WTF-Magazine], which claims to exist for this reason. In this article, I investigate how MV-lehti constructs the people, in particular in texts about refugees. I approach the research data by using the concepts of right-wing populist rhetoric. The results show that, in MV-lehti, the people is a constructed and politicised concept reflecting ideas of ethnonationalism and antidemocratic values, illustrating the connection between uncivility, racism, and populism.
右翼民粹主义网站向传统主流媒体发起挑战,为“人民”发声,是右翼民粹主义网站的基石之一。在芬兰,其中最著名的网站是MV-lehti [WTF-Magazine],它声称就是因为这个原因而存在的。在这篇文章中,我研究了MV-lehti是如何建构人民的,特别是在关于难民的文本中。我使用右翼民粹主义修辞的概念来处理研究数据。结果表明,在MV-lehti中,人民是一个被建构和政治化的概念,反映了民族主义和反民主价值观的思想,说明了不文明、种族主义和民粹主义之间的联系。
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引用次数: 1
Åland – a peculiar media system Åland -一个特殊的媒体系统
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0014
C. Lindén
Abstract This article captures the dynamics of a special case when it comes to media systems, namely the Åland Islands, or Åland, with 6,700 islands and 30,000 inhabitants. Åland is one of three self-governed areas in the Nordic region (the others being the Faroe Islands and Greenland) and is an officially monolingual Swedish-speaking part of Finland, where the majority speak Finnish. In this article, I describe how Åland, despite its small size, has a media system characterised by a diverse and complete offering of local media: two daily newspapers, its own public service and public service offerings from both mainland Finland and neighbouring Sweden, a commercial radio station, and several magazines. However, media diversity is limited by the fact that the same person – a local business tycoon, Anders Wiklöf – controls both newspapers. There is one main research question motivating this study: What are the specific features of the media system in Åland? To be able to answer that, I relied on the analysis of three sets of data: nine interviews, a two-part survey and the media policy adopted in 2018, and transcripts of the preceding political debate.
本文捕捉到媒体系统的一个特殊案例的动态,即Åland群岛,或Åland,拥有6,700个岛屿和30,000名居民。Åland是北欧地区三个自治地区之一(其他两个是法罗群岛和格陵兰岛),是芬兰的官方单一语言瑞典语部分,其中大多数人说芬兰语。在这篇文章中,我描述了Åland,尽管它的规模很小,但其媒体系统的特点是提供多样化和完整的当地媒体:两份日报,自己的公共服务以及来自芬兰大陆和邻国瑞典的公共服务,一个商业广播电台和一些杂志。然而,媒体的多样性受到一个事实的限制,即同一个人——当地的商业大亨安德斯Wiklöf——控制着两家报纸。有一个主要的研究问题激发了这项研究:Åland的媒体系统的具体特征是什么?为了回答这个问题,我依赖于对三组数据的分析:九次采访、一项分两部分的调查和2018年采取的媒体政策,以及之前政治辩论的记录。
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引用次数: 1
“The new extreme right”: Uncivility, irony, and displacement in the French re-information sphere “新极右翼”:法国再信息领域的不文明、讽刺和位移
IF 1.1 Q2 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.2478/nor-2021-0008
Per-Erik Nilsson
Abstract Contemporary France is a prolific arena for post-fascist actors, parties, and movements. Self-proclaimed alternative news outlets and publishing houses serve as forums for information and mobilisation, through various strategies, to resist an alleged onslaught by the enemies of the nation and its people: multiculturalism, feminism, political correctness, political corruption, and civilisational decay. In this article, I explore uncivility as a discursive logic within the French post-fascist media-ecology, focusing on the conspicuous use of irony and discursive displacement. More specifically, I discuss how sardonic irony as an uncivil discursive strategy is employed to navigate the legal boundaries of free speech and how discursive displacement, coupled with irony, is used as an affective identificatory technique in post-fascist discourse.
当代法国是后法西斯主义演员、政党和运动的多产舞台。自称另类的新闻媒体和出版社通过各种策略充当信息和动员的论坛,以抵抗所谓的来自国家和人民的敌人的攻击:多元文化主义、女权主义、政治正确、政治腐败和文明衰败。在这篇文章中,我将不文明作为一种话语逻辑在法国后法西斯媒体生态中进行探索,重点关注讽刺和话语置换的明显使用。更具体地说,我讨论了讽刺性的反讽作为一种不文明的话语策略是如何被用来驾驭言论自由的法律界限的,以及话语置换如何与反讽相结合,在后法西斯话语中被用作一种情感识别技术。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Nordicom Review
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