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Mobilizing the Religious Left: Linking the Movement to Individual Political Activity 动员宗教左派:将运动与个人政治活动联系起来
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000043
Kimberly H. Conger
Abstract The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016.
当代美国的宗教左派(RL)已经被证明是一个谜,无论是对学者还是对希望这种运动蓬勃发展的活动家和选民来说。在这篇论文中,我研究了一个难题:RL能够动员支持者参加政治活动吗?结合个体和运动层面的数据,本文检验了RL的运动层面的活动是否可以转化为个体支持者的政治活动。利用2008年的现有数据和2016年选举周期中新收集的RL数据,我发现该运动在2008年成功地动员了选民,但在2016年却没有。这可能与民主党在2008年吸引宗教选民的努力有关,而民主党在2016年未能做到这一点。
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引用次数: 1
A Political Profile of U.S. Pagans 美国异教徒的政治概况
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000055
Kathleen Marchetti
Abstract Although prior research has explored the demographic characteristics, religious practices, and beliefs of modern Pagans, their political attitudes and actions have yet to be studied in depth. Further, most extant research is based on non-random samples of Pagans which calls into question the generalizability of prior findings. This article examines Pagans' political attitudes and behavior using a representative sample of Pagans in the United States drawn from the 2014 Pew Religious Landscape Study. Descriptive and multivariate analyses show that Pagan religious identity shapes political views and behavior despite the varied and decentralized nature of Paganism. Overall, Pagans are relatively liberal and supportive of issues common across Pagan traditions like the environment and LGBTQ rights. However, Pagans are somewhat less politically engaged than non-Pagans as evidenced by their lower levels of party identity and voter registration.
虽然已有研究对现代异教徒的人口特征、宗教习俗和信仰进行了探讨,但对其政治态度和行为的研究还不够深入。此外,大多数现存的研究都是基于异教徒的非随机样本,这就对先前发现的普遍性提出了质疑。本文使用2014年皮尤宗教景观研究中美国异教徒的代表性样本来研究异教徒的政治态度和行为。描述性和多变量分析表明,异教的宗教身份塑造了政治观点和行为,尽管异教的多样性和分散性。总体而言,异教徒相对自由,支持异教传统中常见的问题,如环境和LGBTQ权利。然而,与非异教徒相比,异教徒在政治上的参与度较低,这可以从他们较低的党派认同和选民登记水平中看出。
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引用次数: 1
Disciples of the State? Religion and State-Building in the Former Ottoman World. By Kristin Fabbe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. xxi + 291 pp. $99.99 cloth. $34.99 paper 国家的信徒?前奥斯曼世界的宗教与国家建设。克里斯汀·法布著。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2019。Xxi + 291 pp. $99.99布。34.99美元纸
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-06 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000109
Kate Dannies
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引用次数: 2
Religious Authority in a Democratic Society: Clergy and Citizen Evidence from a New Measure 民主社会中的宗教权威:新尺度下的神职人员与公民证据
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000031
R. Burge, Paul A. Djupe
Abstract A persistent concern for democratic theorists is the degree to which religious authority trumps democratic authority. This is often assessed using generic measures of religiosity or religious beliefs ill-suited to the task. Moreover, while religion is linked to dogmatism and authoritarianism, this begs the question how much influence religion has independent of psychological dispositions. We attempt to add to these debates with a new measure of religious authority. We draw on data gathered from three samples—a sample of Christian clergy from 2014, a national sample of 1,000 Americans from Spring 2016, and a national sample of 1,010 Protestants from 2019. We examine the distribution of the religious authority measure and then compare its effects of the measure in the context of authoritarian child-rearing values, deliberative values, and democratic norms. The results indicate religious authority values represent a distinct measurement of how people connect to religion in politically salient ways.
民主理论家一直关注的问题是宗教权威在多大程度上胜过民主权威。这通常是用一般的宗教虔诚度或不适合任务的宗教信仰来评估的。此外,虽然宗教与教条主义和威权主义联系在一起,但这回避了一个问题,即宗教在独立于心理倾向的情况下有多大影响。我们试图在这些争论中加入一种新的宗教权威标准。我们从三个样本中收集数据——2014年的基督教神职人员样本,2016年春季的1000名美国人全国样本,以及2019年的1010名新教徒全国样本。我们考察了宗教权威指标的分布,然后比较了该指标在专制育儿价值观、协商价值观和民主规范背景下的影响。结果表明,宗教权威价值观代表了人们如何以政治上显著的方式与宗教联系在一起的独特衡量标准。
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引用次数: 0
Religion is Raced: Understanding American Religion in the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Grace Yukich and Penny Edgell. New York, NY: New York University Press, 2020. vi + 338pp. $99.00 cloth, $35.00 paper. 《宗教竞赛:了解21世纪的美国宗教》。Grace Yukich和Penny Edgell编辑。纽约:纽约大学出版社,2020。Vi + 338pp。布99美元,纸35美元。
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000110
F. Filomeno
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引用次数: 13
The Closed Circle: Joining and Leaving the Muslim Brotherhood in the West. By Lorenzo Vidino. New York: Columbia University Press, 2020. xii + 275 pp. $90.00 cloth, $30.00 paper, $29.99 e-book 封闭的圈子:加入和离开西方的穆斯林兄弟会。洛伦佐·维迪诺著。纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2020。12 + 275页,布料90美元,纸30美元,电子书29.99美元
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-31 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000122
C. Freer
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of Local versus National Factors in Religious and Tribal Conflict: Evidence from a Survey in Jos, Nigeria 对宗教和部落冲突中地方因素与国家因素的看法:来自尼日利亚乔斯调查的证据
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-18 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048320000590
L. Vinson, Peter Rudloff
Abstract Does the ethnic dimension of violence—religious versus tribal—shape whether individuals perceive national versus local issues as central? Based on survey data collected in Jos, Nigeria—a site of recurring ethnic violence since 2001—this paper argues that attribution to local versus national causes varies depending on whether individuals perceive the violence as religious or tribal. We also show that this has implications for peacebuilding, as views of the ethnic dimensions of violence also distinctly shape attitudes regarding national- versus local-level solutions. Broadly, this paper demonstrates the importance of a more nuanced approach to the study of ethnic conflict—specifically, the need to interrogate how perceptions of identity, conflict, and the locus of conflict interrelate.
暴力的种族维度——宗教与部落——是否决定了个人是否将国家问题与地方问题视为中心?根据在尼日利亚乔斯(Jos)收集的调查数据(自2001年以来,乔斯一直是种族暴力频发的地方),本文认为,地方原因与国家原因的差异取决于个人认为暴力是宗教原因还是部落原因。我们还表明,这对和平建设有影响,因为对暴力的种族层面的看法也明显影响了对国家和地方层面解决方案的态度。从广义上讲,本文展示了一种更细致入微的方法来研究种族冲突的重要性——具体来说,需要询问身份、冲突和冲突发生地的感知是如何相互关联的。
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引用次数: 1
Beyond Identity: What Explains Hezbollah's Popularity among Non-Shi‘a Lebanese? 超越身份:如何解释真主党在非什叶派黎巴嫩人中受欢迎?
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-08 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000018
Ekrem Karakoç, Mesut Özcan, Sevinç Alkan Özcan
Abstract This study delves into how non-Shi‘a Lebanese assess Hezbollah and its activities. Having provided empirical evidence that Hezbollah has garnered positive perception in Lebanon, it asks what explains a substantial increase or decrease in favorable attitudes toward Hezbollah among Christians, Sunnis, and Druze? It argues that those who perceive Hezbollah as a resistance organization, as it often describes itself; the political alliance across sectarian groups; as well as insecurity caused by armed groups such as Sunni militant groups and ISIS, all combine to moderate people's views toward Hezbollah. Using an original, nationally representative face-to-face survey in Lebanon in 2015 and employing a multivariate statistical method, it finds that those who hold unfavorable views of the United States, those who support the political alliance of which Hezbollah is part, and those who support the Assad regime in Syria are likely to have a positive perception of Hezbollah and or its activities in the region.
摘要本研究探讨非什叶派黎巴嫩人如何评估真主党及其活动。在提供了真主党在黎巴嫩获得积极看法的经验证据之后,它提出了一个问题:是什么解释了基督徒、逊尼派和德鲁兹派对真主党的好感度大幅增加或减少?它认为,那些认为真主党是一个抵抗组织的人,就像它经常描述的那样;跨宗派的政治联盟;以及逊尼派激进组织和ISIS等武装组织造成的不安全感,所有这些因素都缓和了人们对真主党的看法。通过2015年在黎巴嫩进行的一项具有全国代表性的面对面调查,并采用多元统计方法,该研究发现,那些对美国持负面看法的人,那些支持真主党所属政治联盟的人,以及那些支持叙利亚阿萨德政权的人,可能对真主党及其在该地区的活动有积极的看法。
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引用次数: 1
RAP volume 14 issue 1 Cover and Back matter RAP第14卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048320000711
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引用次数: 0
The Populist Pope?: Politics, Religion, and Pope Francis 民粹主义教皇?:政治、宗教和教皇方济各
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048319000506
W. McCormick
Abstract While religion and democracy have been intertwined since World War II, scholars have made little of the connections between religion and populism, largely conceptualizing religion as a tool of populism. In this paper, however, I argue that Pope Francis' deployment of Catholicism resists such instrumentalization by populist politics, and offers resources for political ills underlying populism. I show that Francis' focus on the people allows him to capitalize on populist currents in global politics, while also reforming those currents into something more constructive than populism. I further explore how his political theology and institutional autonomy render his thought and example relatively impervious to appropriation by political actors.
自第二次世界大战以来,宗教与民主一直交织在一起,但学者们很少关注宗教与民粹主义之间的联系,而主要是将宗教概念化为民粹主义的工具。然而,在本文中,我认为教皇方济各对天主教的部署抵制了民粹主义政治的这种工具化,并为民粹主义背后的政治弊病提供了资源。我展示了方济各对人民的关注使他能够利用全球政治中的民粹主义潮流,同时也将这些潮流改革成比民粹主义更具建设性的东西。我进一步探讨了他的政治神学和制度自治如何使他的思想和榜样相对不受政治行动者挪用的影响。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Politics and Religion
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