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Support for Domestic Islamist Terrorism in Bangladesh: Insights from a Novel Survey 对孟加拉国国内伊斯兰恐怖主义的支持:来自一项新调查的见解
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-08 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048322000116
C. C. Fair, Parina Patel
Abstract We employ regression analysis of 2017 survey data from 4,067 Bangladeshis to exposit the lineaments of individual support for domestic Islamist violence. Our dependent variables derive from measures of public support for the stated goals and violent means of three Bangladeshi Islamist terrorist groups. Our study variables include participation in communal Friday prayer; indexed measures of other pietic practices; preferences for Shari'a and secularism; and gender. We include several well-established control variables. We find that participation in communal Friday prayers significantly correlates with diminished support for militant groups while having no effect upon support for their violent means. In four (of 10) models, we find that respondents who view Shari'a as being coterminous with scriptural literalism and harsh physical punishments are significantly more likely to support the groups' goals. Finally, we find women to be consistently more likely to support the goals and means of the militant groups.
我们对2017年来自4067名孟加拉国人的调查数据进行回归分析,以揭示个人对国内伊斯兰暴力的支持特征。我们的因变量来自公众对三个孟加拉国伊斯兰恐怖组织的既定目标和暴力手段的支持。我们的研究变量包括参与公共周五祈祷;其他虔诚行为的指数化措施;对伊斯兰教法和世俗主义的偏好;和性别。我们包括几个完善的控制变量。我们发现,参加公共星期五祈祷与对激进组织的支持减少显著相关,而对他们的暴力手段的支持没有影响。在四个(10个)模型中,我们发现认为伊斯兰教法与圣经字面主义和严厉的体罚相一致的受访者更有可能支持这些团体的目标。最后,我们发现女性始终更有可能支持激进组织的目标和手段。
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引用次数: 2
A Short Scale for Measuring Political Secularism 衡量政治世俗主义的简短尺度
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048322000104
Kai Arzheimer
Abstract As religiousness is declining across democracies, scientific interest in secular orientations and their political implications is growing. One specific and particularly important aspect of secular attitudes is political secularism. Political secularism is not merely the absence of religiousness, but rather a world view which holds that religious beliefs should play no role in politics. While there are hundreds of survey instruments that measure the strength and content of religiousness, there is no comparable measure that taps into political secularism. In this research note, I briefly review the concept of political secularism and present a cluster of items which target it. Utilizing data from four large population representative samples taken from the eastern and western states of Germany, I use confirmatory factor analysis to show that these items form a short but internally consistent scale. This scale also displays convergent and discriminant validity. It may be readily used in future surveys.
随着民主国家宗教信仰的衰落,科学对世俗取向及其政治含义的兴趣正在增长。世俗态度的一个具体和特别重要的方面是政治上的世俗主义。政治世俗主义不仅仅是缺乏宗教信仰,而是一种认为宗教信仰不应该在政治中发挥作用的世界观。虽然有数百种调查工具可以衡量宗教信仰的力量和内容,但没有一种可以与政治世俗主义相媲美的衡量标准。在这篇研究笔记中,我简要地回顾了政治世俗主义的概念,并提出了一组针对它的项目。利用来自德国东部和西部各州的四个大型人口代表性样本的数据,我使用验证性因子分析来表明这些项目形成了一个短但内部一致的量表。该量表还具有收敛效度和判别效度。它可以很容易地用于未来的调查。
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引用次数: 1
The Froman Peace Campaign: Pluralism in Judeo-Islamic Theology and Politics 弗罗曼和平运动:犹太-伊斯兰神学和政治中的多元主义
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000365
Benjamin Schvarcz, Miriam Billig
Abstract Despite intensive diplomatic efforts, achieving peace between the Palestinian and Israeli populations remains out of reach. This study investigates a recent campaign for religious peacebuilding, focusing on the political theology of Rabbi Menachem Froman and his fellow religious peacemakers, family members, and disciples. Froman's position is twofold: First, religion is necessary for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; and second, Israeli settlements should not be considered an obstacle to peace, but rather “the fingers of Israel's outstretched hand for peace.” We argue that “the Froman peace campaign” advances pluralism in both Judeo-Islamic theology and politics. It constructs a synthetic theological view incorporating principles and rituals of both religions. Politically, it promotes a plan for two states in one united confederation. By comparing the peace campaign of Rabbi Froman with that of Rabbi Michael Melchior, another well-known peacemaker, this article contributes to a growing literature on the role of theology in religious peacebuilding
尽管密集的外交努力,实现巴勒斯坦和以色列人民之间的和平仍然遥不可及。本研究调查了最近的宗教和平建设运动,重点关注拉比梅纳赫姆·弗罗曼(Menachem Froman)和他的宗教和平使者、家庭成员和门徒的政治神学。弗罗曼的立场是双重的:首先,宗教是解决巴以冲突的必要条件;第二,以色列定居点不应被视为和平的障碍,而应被视为“以色列伸出和平之手的手指”。我们认为,“弗罗曼和平运动”推进了犹太-伊斯兰神学和政治的多元化。它构建了一个综合的神学观点,结合了两种宗教的原则和仪式。在政治上,它提倡在一个统一的联邦中建立两个州的计划。通过比较弗罗曼拉比与另一位著名的和平缔造者迈克尔·梅尔基奥拉比的和平运动,本文为神学在宗教和平建设中的作用这一日益增长的文献做出了贡献
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引用次数: 1
Assessing the Effect of Media Tone on Attitudes Toward Muslims: Evidence From an Online Experiment 评估媒体语气对穆斯林态度的影响:来自在线实验的证据
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000328
Erik Bleich, Jeffrey Carpenter, A. M. van der Veen
Abstract Media coverage of Muslims has been repeatedly shown to be negative, and attitudes toward Muslims in American society are typically more negative than attitudes toward other social groups. Does the tone of media coverage directly affect public attitudes? This relationship is not well established with respect to Muslims, nor as a proposition about social groups in general. We use an online between-subjects experiment to examine whether exposure to articles of quantifiably different valences about Muslims or Catholics affects reported attitudes toward each of those groups. We find clear support for this proposition. Our additional tests demonstrate that this effect persists but is attenuated when money is at stake. We also identify anxiety as a key mediator between exposure to articles of different valences and attitudes about each group. Our findings suggest that articles of a particular tone can influence views of social groups.
媒体对穆斯林的报道一直是负面的,美国社会对穆斯林的态度通常比对其他社会群体的态度更为负面。媒体报道的语气会直接影响公众的态度吗?对于穆斯林来说,这种关系并没有很好地建立起来,对于一般的社会群体来说,也不是一个命题。我们使用了一个在线的被试之间的实验来检验是否暴露在关于穆斯林或天主教徒的可量化的不同效价的文章中会影响对这两个群体的态度。我们发现这一主张得到了明确的支持。我们的额外测试表明,这种影响持续存在,但当金钱受到威胁时,这种影响会减弱。我们还确定焦虑是暴露于不同价的文章和对每个组的态度之间的关键中介。我们的研究结果表明,特定语气的文章可以影响社会群体的观点。
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引用次数: 2
RAP volume 15 issue 1 Cover and Front matter RAP第15卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048322000013
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引用次数: 0
RAP volume 15 issue 1 Cover and Back matter RAP第15卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048322000025
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引用次数: 0
A Content Analysis of the Friday Sermons of the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs in Germany (DİTİB) 德国土耳其-伊斯兰宗教事务联盟星期五布道内容分析(DİTİB)
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000353
Sarah Carol, Lukas Hofheinz
Abstract The Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DİTİB) runs more than 900 mosques in Germany and circulates Friday sermons in these mosques. Our analysis provides a nuanced depiction of the link to the homeland by conducting qualitative and quantitative content analyses of 481 sermons from 2011 to 2019. To what extent are relations with Turkey reflected in the sermons? And how is the concept of “home” reflected in those sermons? While homeland-related issues constitute a minority overall, the concept “home” occurs in five different contexts within these sermons: First, sermons directly refer to the homeland and norms connected to it. Second, implicit links are created by discussing events in Turkey. Third, leaving the homeland is described as an integral part of the history of Islam. The last two contexts discuss Germany as a “new home”, and build links to Turkey's Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) through its foundation.
土耳其-伊斯兰宗教事务联盟(DİTİB)在德国经营着900多座清真寺,并在这些清真寺进行星期五的布道。我们的分析通过对2011年至2019年的481篇讲道进行定性和定量的内容分析,细致入微地描述了与祖国的联系。与土耳其的关系在多大程度上反映在布道中?“家”的概念如何反映在这些布道中?虽然与家园相关的问题总体上只占少数,但在这些讲道中,“家园”这个概念出现在五种不同的语境中:首先,讲道直接涉及家园和与之相关的规范。其次,通过讨论土耳其的事件建立了隐性联系。第三,离开家园被描述为伊斯兰历史的一个组成部分。后两篇文章将德国视为“新家”,并通过其基金会与土耳其宗教事务局(Diyanet)建立联系。
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引用次数: 4
Identification of Cross-Country Similarities and Differences in Regulation of Religion Between 2000 and 2014 with Help of Cluster Analysis 基于聚类分析的2000 - 2014年宗教监管的跨国异同
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-28 DOI: 10.1017/S175504832100033X
Felix Ettensperger, Elina Schleutker
Abstract Building on previous quantitative and qualitative research on cross-country differences and similarities in regulation of religion, this paper employs data for 2000 and 2014 from the third round of the Religion and the State project and uses various cluster analysis techniques to identify country clusters based on the form in which countries regulate religion. The analysis separates between democratic and authoritarian countries. We further study if and how the clustering of the countries changes depending on the employed indicators and the employed cut-off points in defining democracy and autocracy. Overall, the results demonstrate the potential and limits of empirical classifications. In addition to the methodological and descriptive contribution, the results are compared and contrasted with previous work on state-religion relationships.
摘要:本文在以往对跨国宗教监管差异和相似性进行定量和定性研究的基础上,采用第三轮“宗教与国家”项目2000年和2014年的数据,采用各种聚类分析技术,根据各国宗教监管的形式确定国家聚类。该分析将民主国家和威权国家区分开来。我们进一步研究了国家的聚类是否以及如何根据所采用的指标和在定义民主和专制时所采用的截止点而变化。总体而言,结果显示了实证分类的潜力和局限性。除了方法和描述性的贡献之外,结果还与先前关于国家-宗教关系的工作进行了比较和对比。
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引用次数: 2
Nation-Statist Soteriology and Traditions of Defeat: Religious-Zionism, the Ninth of Av, and Jerusalem Day 民族国家主义的救赎论和失败的传统:宗教犹太复国主义、犹太复国节和耶路撒冷日
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000341
Yaacov Yadgar, Noam Hadad
Abstract We ask how the theopolitics of a nation-state, and especially its soteriology, engage with traditions that preceded the state and relay messages that contradict this theopolitics. To discuss this question, we address the evolving (re-)interpretation of the Ninth of Av—a ritual commemoration of the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of Jewish (Judean) self-rule in ancient times—by Religious-Zionist commentators. We further compare this interpretation to the Religious-Zionist appropriation of Jerusalem Day, a civic holiday celebrating the establishment of Israeli control over East Jerusalem in the June 1967 war. We argue that the statist imperative of the superiority of nation-statist theopolitics suggests that traditions are co-opted to fit in with its soteriology, with varying degrees of resistance or willing accommodation by carriers of these traditions. This co-opting may result in either the de-politicization of what the statist view would see as religion or the religionization of the state's own civic and so-called secular holidays.
我们要问的是,一个民族国家的神权政治,尤其是它的救世论,是如何与先于国家的传统联系在一起的,并传递与这种神权政治相矛盾的信息。为了讨论这个问题,我们讨论了宗教犹太复国主义评论员对《圣经》第九章的演变(重新)解释——一种纪念耶路撒冷被毁和古代犹太人(犹太)自治结束的仪式。我们进一步将这种解释与宗教-犹太复国主义者对耶路撒冷日的挪用进行比较,耶路撒冷日是庆祝以色列在1967年6月战争中对东耶路撒冷建立控制的公民节日。我们认为,国家-国家主义神权政治优越性的国家主义必要性表明,传统被吸收以适应其救世论,这些传统的载体有不同程度的抵制或愿意适应。这种选择可能会导致国家主义者所认为的宗教的去政治化,或者国家自己的公民和所谓的世俗节日的宗教化。
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引用次数: 1
Religion in Indonesia's Elections: An Implementation of a Populist Strategy? 印尼选举中的宗教:民粹主义策略的实施?
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000195
Rizky Widian, P. Satya, Sylvia Yazid
Abstract In Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.
在印尼的政治战略环境中,伊斯兰叙事一直是主要叙事之一,但并非一直占据主导地位。2014年的总统选举显示了印尼政治背景下伊斯兰叙事上升趋势的开始。从那以后,伊斯兰叙事影响了印尼民粹主义领导人的战略,这在2017年雅加达省长选举和2019年总统选举中尤为明显。本文分析了民粹主义作为一种策略是如何在最近的印度尼西亚选举中被使用的。为此,本文采用了Weyland提出的民粹主义概念作为政治策略。在此方法的基础上,本文解释了2014年、2017年和2019年印尼政治事件中民粹主义的战略调整。报告认为,民粹主义行动者在印尼2019年大选中面临的战略环境影响了他们选择伊斯兰叙事作为大规模动员工具的决定。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Politics and Religion
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