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Assessing the Effect of Media Tone on Attitudes Toward Muslims: Evidence From an Online Experiment 评估媒体语气对穆斯林态度的影响:来自在线实验的证据
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000328
Erik Bleich, Jeffrey Carpenter, A. M. van der Veen
Abstract Media coverage of Muslims has been repeatedly shown to be negative, and attitudes toward Muslims in American society are typically more negative than attitudes toward other social groups. Does the tone of media coverage directly affect public attitudes? This relationship is not well established with respect to Muslims, nor as a proposition about social groups in general. We use an online between-subjects experiment to examine whether exposure to articles of quantifiably different valences about Muslims or Catholics affects reported attitudes toward each of those groups. We find clear support for this proposition. Our additional tests demonstrate that this effect persists but is attenuated when money is at stake. We also identify anxiety as a key mediator between exposure to articles of different valences and attitudes about each group. Our findings suggest that articles of a particular tone can influence views of social groups.
媒体对穆斯林的报道一直是负面的,美国社会对穆斯林的态度通常比对其他社会群体的态度更为负面。媒体报道的语气会直接影响公众的态度吗?对于穆斯林来说,这种关系并没有很好地建立起来,对于一般的社会群体来说,也不是一个命题。我们使用了一个在线的被试之间的实验来检验是否暴露在关于穆斯林或天主教徒的可量化的不同效价的文章中会影响对这两个群体的态度。我们发现这一主张得到了明确的支持。我们的额外测试表明,这种影响持续存在,但当金钱受到威胁时,这种影响会减弱。我们还确定焦虑是暴露于不同价的文章和对每个组的态度之间的关键中介。我们的研究结果表明,特定语气的文章可以影响社会群体的观点。
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引用次数: 2
RAP volume 15 issue 1 Cover and Front matter RAP第15卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048322000013
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引用次数: 0
RAP volume 15 issue 1 Cover and Back matter RAP第15卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-18 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048322000025
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引用次数: 0
A Content Analysis of the Friday Sermons of the Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs in Germany (DİTİB) 德国土耳其-伊斯兰宗教事务联盟星期五布道内容分析(DİTİB)
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-02-17 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000353
Sarah Carol, Lukas Hofheinz
Abstract The Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs (DİTİB) runs more than 900 mosques in Germany and circulates Friday sermons in these mosques. Our analysis provides a nuanced depiction of the link to the homeland by conducting qualitative and quantitative content analyses of 481 sermons from 2011 to 2019. To what extent are relations with Turkey reflected in the sermons? And how is the concept of “home” reflected in those sermons? While homeland-related issues constitute a minority overall, the concept “home” occurs in five different contexts within these sermons: First, sermons directly refer to the homeland and norms connected to it. Second, implicit links are created by discussing events in Turkey. Third, leaving the homeland is described as an integral part of the history of Islam. The last two contexts discuss Germany as a “new home”, and build links to Turkey's Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) through its foundation.
土耳其-伊斯兰宗教事务联盟(DİTİB)在德国经营着900多座清真寺,并在这些清真寺进行星期五的布道。我们的分析通过对2011年至2019年的481篇讲道进行定性和定量的内容分析,细致入微地描述了与祖国的联系。与土耳其的关系在多大程度上反映在布道中?“家”的概念如何反映在这些布道中?虽然与家园相关的问题总体上只占少数,但在这些讲道中,“家园”这个概念出现在五种不同的语境中:首先,讲道直接涉及家园和与之相关的规范。其次,通过讨论土耳其的事件建立了隐性联系。第三,离开家园被描述为伊斯兰历史的一个组成部分。后两篇文章将德国视为“新家”,并通过其基金会与土耳其宗教事务局(Diyanet)建立联系。
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引用次数: 4
Identification of Cross-Country Similarities and Differences in Regulation of Religion Between 2000 and 2014 with Help of Cluster Analysis 基于聚类分析的2000 - 2014年宗教监管的跨国异同
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-28 DOI: 10.1017/S175504832100033X
Felix Ettensperger, Elina Schleutker
Abstract Building on previous quantitative and qualitative research on cross-country differences and similarities in regulation of religion, this paper employs data for 2000 and 2014 from the third round of the Religion and the State project and uses various cluster analysis techniques to identify country clusters based on the form in which countries regulate religion. The analysis separates between democratic and authoritarian countries. We further study if and how the clustering of the countries changes depending on the employed indicators and the employed cut-off points in defining democracy and autocracy. Overall, the results demonstrate the potential and limits of empirical classifications. In addition to the methodological and descriptive contribution, the results are compared and contrasted with previous work on state-religion relationships.
摘要:本文在以往对跨国宗教监管差异和相似性进行定量和定性研究的基础上,采用第三轮“宗教与国家”项目2000年和2014年的数据,采用各种聚类分析技术,根据各国宗教监管的形式确定国家聚类。该分析将民主国家和威权国家区分开来。我们进一步研究了国家的聚类是否以及如何根据所采用的指标和在定义民主和专制时所采用的截止点而变化。总体而言,结果显示了实证分类的潜力和局限性。除了方法和描述性的贡献之外,结果还与先前关于国家-宗教关系的工作进行了比较和对比。
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引用次数: 2
Nation-Statist Soteriology and Traditions of Defeat: Religious-Zionism, the Ninth of Av, and Jerusalem Day 民族国家主义的救赎论和失败的传统:宗教犹太复国主义、犹太复国节和耶路撒冷日
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-26 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000341
Yaacov Yadgar, Noam Hadad
Abstract We ask how the theopolitics of a nation-state, and especially its soteriology, engage with traditions that preceded the state and relay messages that contradict this theopolitics. To discuss this question, we address the evolving (re-)interpretation of the Ninth of Av—a ritual commemoration of the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of Jewish (Judean) self-rule in ancient times—by Religious-Zionist commentators. We further compare this interpretation to the Religious-Zionist appropriation of Jerusalem Day, a civic holiday celebrating the establishment of Israeli control over East Jerusalem in the June 1967 war. We argue that the statist imperative of the superiority of nation-statist theopolitics suggests that traditions are co-opted to fit in with its soteriology, with varying degrees of resistance or willing accommodation by carriers of these traditions. This co-opting may result in either the de-politicization of what the statist view would see as religion or the religionization of the state's own civic and so-called secular holidays.
我们要问的是,一个民族国家的神权政治,尤其是它的救世论,是如何与先于国家的传统联系在一起的,并传递与这种神权政治相矛盾的信息。为了讨论这个问题,我们讨论了宗教犹太复国主义评论员对《圣经》第九章的演变(重新)解释——一种纪念耶路撒冷被毁和古代犹太人(犹太)自治结束的仪式。我们进一步将这种解释与宗教-犹太复国主义者对耶路撒冷日的挪用进行比较,耶路撒冷日是庆祝以色列在1967年6月战争中对东耶路撒冷建立控制的公民节日。我们认为,国家-国家主义神权政治优越性的国家主义必要性表明,传统被吸收以适应其救世论,这些传统的载体有不同程度的抵制或愿意适应。这种选择可能会导致国家主义者所认为的宗教的去政治化,或者国家自己的公民和所谓的世俗节日的宗教化。
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引用次数: 1
Religion in Indonesia's Elections: An Implementation of a Populist Strategy? 印尼选举中的宗教:民粹主义策略的实施?
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000195
Rizky Widian, P. Satya, Sylvia Yazid
Abstract In Indonesia's political strategic environment, Islamic narratives have been among the main narratives, but have not always been dominant. The 2014 presidential election displayed the beginning of a rising trend of Islamic narratives within the political context in Indonesia. Since then Islamic narratives influenced the strategy of Indonesia's populist leaders, as particularly seen during the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election and 2019 presidential election. This paper analyzes how populism as a strategy was used in recent Indonesian elections. For this purpose, it uses the conception of populism as a political strategy proposed by Weyland. Building on this approach, the paper explains the strategic adjustments made in the use of populism from 2014, 2017, and 2019 in Indonesian political events. It argues that the strategic environment faced by populist actors in Indonesia's 2019 election affected their decision to choose Islamic narratives as an instrument for mass mobilization.
在印尼的政治战略环境中,伊斯兰叙事一直是主要叙事之一,但并非一直占据主导地位。2014年的总统选举显示了印尼政治背景下伊斯兰叙事上升趋势的开始。从那以后,伊斯兰叙事影响了印尼民粹主义领导人的战略,这在2017年雅加达省长选举和2019年总统选举中尤为明显。本文分析了民粹主义作为一种策略是如何在最近的印度尼西亚选举中被使用的。为此,本文采用了Weyland提出的民粹主义概念作为政治策略。在此方法的基础上,本文解释了2014年、2017年和2019年印尼政治事件中民粹主义的战略调整。报告认为,民粹主义行动者在印尼2019年大选中面临的战略环境影响了他们选择伊斯兰叙事作为大规模动员工具的决定。
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引用次数: 4
“I Will Bless Those Who Bless You”: Evangelicalism and Support for Israel in Latin America—ADDENDUM “我要祝福那些祝福你的人”:拉丁美洲的福音主义和对以色列的支持-增编
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000316
Tom Ziv
The relations of the Evangelical movement and Israel have drawn the attention of many scholars of religion, public opinion, and political science in the last two decades. This study examines the influence of Evangelicals on their country's policy toward Israel. I conduct the first quantitative, cross-national research, investigating the links between the size of the Evangelical population of a country and its support for Israel. Analyzing 198 UN General Assembly votes of 18 Latin American countries from 2009 to 2019, my results show that as the Evangelical population in a country grows, so does its support for Israel. Unpredictably, I also find that a state of armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians does not decrease the support for Israel.
在过去的二十年里,福音派运动和以色列的关系引起了许多宗教、公众舆论和政治科学学者的注意。这项研究考察了福音派对他们国家对以色列政策的影响。我进行了第一次定量的跨国研究,调查了一个国家福音派人口的规模与其对以色列的支持之间的联系。从2009年到2019年,我分析了18个拉丁美洲国家在联合国大会上的198次投票,结果表明,随着一个国家福音派人口的增长,它对以色列的支持也会增加。出乎意料的是,我还发现,以色列和巴勒斯坦之间的武装冲突状态并没有减少对以色列的支持。
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引用次数: 1
From the Specter of Polygamy to the Spectacle of Postcoloniality: A Response to Bai on Confucianism, Liberalism, and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate 从一夫多妻制的幽灵到后殖民主义的奇观:白对儒家、自由主义和同性婚姻辩论的回应
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000304
Yao Lin
Confucianism and Same-Sex Marriage, argues for a moderate Confucian position on same-sex marriage, one its legalization and endeavors to use public opinion and social and political policies to encourage heterosexual marriages, and to prevent same-sex marriages from becoming the majority form of marriages 2021, the downright homophobia Confucians in China his rendition “ show[s] a different version of Confucianism that challenges the received perception of Confucianism that it is deeply conservative, a perception that often lies at the core of the rejection of its contemporary relevance, especially by the so-called ‘ liberals ’ in China and elsewhere ” (Bai 2021, 133). Furthermore, Bai claims that his moderate Confucianism is normatively preferrable to “ the typical liberal or individualist position ” of a marriage equality supporter, because the specter of polygamy — the conservative trope of invoking polygamy as a reductio ad absurdum against same-sex marriage — imposes “ a serious challenge ” to liberals but not to moderate Confucians (Bai 2021, 146, 153).
《儒学与同性婚姻》,主张儒家对同性婚姻持温和立场,主张同性婚姻合法化,并努力利用公众舆论和社会政治政策鼓励异性婚姻,防止同性婚姻成为主流婚姻形式。他的演绎“展示了一个不同版本的儒家思想,挑战了儒家思想根深蒂固的保守观念,这种观念往往是拒绝其当代意义的核心,尤其是中国和其他地方所谓的‘自由主义者’”(Bai 2021, 133)。此外,白声称,他的温和儒学在规范上优于婚姻平等支持者的“典型的自由主义或个人主义立场”,因为一夫多妻制的阴影——援引一夫多妻制作为反对同性婚姻的简化和荒谬的保守修辞——对自由派构成了“严重挑战”,但对温和儒学家却没有(白2021,146,153)。
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引用次数: 1
Christian Interest Groups in A Religiously Changing United Kingdom: Issues, Strategies, Influence 英国宗教变化中的基督教利益集团:问题、策略和影响
IF 1.5 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000274
D. Gover
Abstract Christianity is in long-term decline in the United Kingdom, with decreasing levels of affiliation, practice, belief, and social authority. At the same time, however, Britain's churches and the faith they represent remain deeply embedded within culture and society. This paper offers the most comprehensive analysis to date of how the “sector” of UK Christian interest groups—that is, organizations with a Christian character that seek to influence government policy—operates within this changing socio-religious context. Based on survey and interview data, it examines the extent of Christian interest group activity in the UK, before assessing their issue agendas, lobbying strategies, and influence. The results indicate that the activities of Christian interest groups have been affected by decline, but also by Christianity's continued strengths within society. These findings provide a basis for deeper investigation of Christianity's political influence in the UK, and will also have implications beyond this case.
基督教在英国长期衰落,其隶属关系、实践、信仰和社会权威水平都在下降。然而,与此同时,英国的教会及其所代表的信仰仍然深深植根于文化和社会之中。本文提供了迄今为止最全面的分析,即英国基督教利益集团的“部门”是如何在不断变化的社会宗教背景下运作的——即具有基督教特征的组织,试图影响政府政策。基于调查和访谈数据,在评估基督教利益集团的议题议程、游说策略和影响力之前,研究了基督教利益集团在英国的活动程度。结果表明,基督教利益集团的活动受到了衰落的影响,但也受到基督教在社会中的持续优势的影响。这些发现为深入研究基督教在英国的政治影响提供了基础,也将具有超出本案例的意义。
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引用次数: 1
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Politics and Religion
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