Pub Date : 2021-12-17DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000316
Tom Ziv
The relations of the Evangelical movement and Israel have drawn the attention of many scholars of religion, public opinion, and political science in the last two decades. This study examines the influence of Evangelicals on their country's policy toward Israel. I conduct the first quantitative, cross-national research, investigating the links between the size of the Evangelical population of a country and its support for Israel. Analyzing 198 UN General Assembly votes of 18 Latin American countries from 2009 to 2019, my results show that as the Evangelical population in a country grows, so does its support for Israel. Unpredictably, I also find that a state of armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians does not decrease the support for Israel.
{"title":"“I Will Bless Those Who Bless You”: Evangelicalism and Support for Israel in Latin America—ADDENDUM","authors":"Tom Ziv","doi":"10.1017/s1755048321000316","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048321000316","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The relations of the Evangelical movement and Israel have drawn the attention of many scholars of religion, public opinion, and political science in the last two decades. This study examines the influence of Evangelicals on their country's policy toward Israel. I conduct the first quantitative, cross-national research, investigating the links between the size of the Evangelical population of a country and its support for Israel. Analyzing 198 UN General Assembly votes of 18 Latin American countries from 2009 to 2019, my results show that as the Evangelical population in a country grows, so does its support for Israel. Unpredictably, I also find that a state of armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians does not decrease the support for Israel.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"8 1","pages":"629 - 629"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84784212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-29DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000304
Yao Lin
Confucianism and Same-Sex Marriage, argues for a moderate Confucian position on same-sex marriage, one its legalization and endeavors to use public opinion and social and political policies to encourage heterosexual marriages, and to prevent same-sex marriages from becoming the majority form of marriages 2021, the downright homophobia Confucians in China his rendition “ show[s] a different version of Confucianism that challenges the received perception of Confucianism that it is deeply conservative, a perception that often lies at the core of the rejection of its contemporary relevance, especially by the so-called ‘ liberals ’ in China and elsewhere ” (Bai 2021, 133). Furthermore, Bai claims that his moderate Confucianism is normatively preferrable to “ the typical liberal or individualist position ” of a marriage equality supporter, because the specter of polygamy — the conservative trope of invoking polygamy as a reductio ad absurdum against same-sex marriage — imposes “ a serious challenge ” to liberals but not to moderate Confucians (Bai 2021, 146, 153).
{"title":"From the Specter of Polygamy to the Spectacle of Postcoloniality: A Response to Bai on Confucianism, Liberalism, and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate","authors":"Yao Lin","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000304","url":null,"abstract":"Confucianism and Same-Sex Marriage, argues for a moderate Confucian position on same-sex marriage, one its legalization and endeavors to use public opinion and social and political policies to encourage heterosexual marriages, and to prevent same-sex marriages from becoming the majority form of marriages 2021, the downright homophobia Confucians in China his rendition “ show[s] a different version of Confucianism that challenges the received perception of Confucianism that it is deeply conservative, a perception that often lies at the core of the rejection of its contemporary relevance, especially by the so-called ‘ liberals ’ in China and elsewhere ” (Bai 2021, 133). Furthermore, Bai claims that his moderate Confucianism is normatively preferrable to “ the typical liberal or individualist position ” of a marriage equality supporter, because the specter of polygamy — the conservative trope of invoking polygamy as a reductio ad absurdum against same-sex marriage — imposes “ a serious challenge ” to liberals but not to moderate Confucians (Bai 2021, 146, 153).","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"5 1","pages":"215 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85860544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000274
D. Gover
Abstract Christianity is in long-term decline in the United Kingdom, with decreasing levels of affiliation, practice, belief, and social authority. At the same time, however, Britain's churches and the faith they represent remain deeply embedded within culture and society. This paper offers the most comprehensive analysis to date of how the “sector” of UK Christian interest groups—that is, organizations with a Christian character that seek to influence government policy—operates within this changing socio-religious context. Based on survey and interview data, it examines the extent of Christian interest group activity in the UK, before assessing their issue agendas, lobbying strategies, and influence. The results indicate that the activities of Christian interest groups have been affected by decline, but also by Christianity's continued strengths within society. These findings provide a basis for deeper investigation of Christianity's political influence in the UK, and will also have implications beyond this case.
{"title":"Christian Interest Groups in A Religiously Changing United Kingdom: Issues, Strategies, Influence","authors":"D. Gover","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000274","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Christianity is in long-term decline in the United Kingdom, with decreasing levels of affiliation, practice, belief, and social authority. At the same time, however, Britain's churches and the faith they represent remain deeply embedded within culture and society. This paper offers the most comprehensive analysis to date of how the “sector” of UK Christian interest groups—that is, organizations with a Christian character that seek to influence government policy—operates within this changing socio-religious context. Based on survey and interview data, it examines the extent of Christian interest group activity in the UK, before assessing their issue agendas, lobbying strategies, and influence. The results indicate that the activities of Christian interest groups have been affected by decline, but also by Christianity's continued strengths within society. These findings provide a basis for deeper investigation of Christianity's political influence in the UK, and will also have implications beyond this case.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"39 1","pages":"462 - 484"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78303416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000213
Pavol Minarik
Kuru AT (2007) Passive and Assertive Secularism: Historical Conditions, Ideological Struggles, and State Policies Toward Religion. World Politics 59, 568–594. Minarik P (published online in 2021) From the Communists and Post-Communists Alike: State-Paid Salaries of the Clergy in the Czech Lands 1949–2012. Politics and Religion. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S1755048321000158. Nešpor ZR (2010) Příliš Slábi Ve Víře. Česká Ne/Religiozita v Evropském Kontextu. Praha: Kalich. Stepan AC (2000) Religion, Democracy, and the “Twin Tolerations.” Journal of Democracy 11, 37–57.
库鲁(2007)被动和自信的世俗主义:历史条件、意识形态斗争和国家对宗教的政策。世界政治59,568-594。Minarik P(于2021年在线出版)，《共产主义者和后共产主义者:1949-2012年捷克土地上神职人员的国家支付工资》。政治与宗教。https://doi.org/10.1017/ S1755048321000158。Nešpor ZR (2010) Příliš Slábi Ve Víře。Česká Ne/Religiozita v evropsk2013.com。行星齿轮:Kalich。宗教、民主与“双重容忍”。《民主杂志》11期，37-57页。
{"title":"From the Communists and Post-Communists Alike: State-Paid Salaries of the Clergy in the Czech Lands 1949–2012—ERRATUM","authors":"Pavol Minarik","doi":"10.1017/s1755048321000213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048321000213","url":null,"abstract":"Kuru AT (2007) Passive and Assertive Secularism: Historical Conditions, Ideological Struggles, and State Policies Toward Religion. World Politics 59, 568–594. Minarik P (published online in 2021) From the Communists and Post-Communists Alike: State-Paid Salaries of the Clergy in the Czech Lands 1949–2012. Politics and Religion. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S1755048321000158. Nešpor ZR (2010) Příliš Slábi Ve Víře. Česká Ne/Religiozita v Evropském Kontextu. Praha: Kalich. Stepan AC (2000) Religion, Democracy, and the “Twin Tolerations.” Journal of Democracy 11, 37–57.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"46 1","pages":"439 - 439"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87768196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-03DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000201
Melani Cammett, Dominika Kruszewska-Eduardo, Christiana Parreira, Sami Atallah
Abstract A large literature finds that coethnicity primarily shapes voter behavior through material exchanges, particularly clientelism. Yet identity groups provide distinct psychological and social benefits that also compel people to vote based on coethnicity. Does coethnicity matter for vote choice, net of instrumental considerations? We address this question using a conjoint experiment in Lebanon, which asked a nationally representative sample of citizens to choose between potential candidates in national elections. We find that coethnicity is the single strongest predictor of electoral support, more important than party affiliation, provision of clientelism, or programmatic platform. Coethnicity does not significantly alter perceptions of candidates who provide clientelism, including high-value goods like patronage employment. Furthermore, citizens who feel closer to their ethnic group are more likely to vote on the basis of coethnicity, as are those with lower levels of trust in state institutions. Collectively, these findings suggest that coethnic voting in diverse polities is not driven solely by clientelism, but also by less immediately material concerns about security and belonging.
{"title":"Coethnicity Beyond Clientelism: Insights from an Experimental Study of Political Behavior in Lebanon","authors":"Melani Cammett, Dominika Kruszewska-Eduardo, Christiana Parreira, Sami Atallah","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000201","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A large literature finds that coethnicity primarily shapes voter behavior through material exchanges, particularly clientelism. Yet identity groups provide distinct psychological and social benefits that also compel people to vote based on coethnicity. Does coethnicity matter for vote choice, net of instrumental considerations? We address this question using a conjoint experiment in Lebanon, which asked a nationally representative sample of citizens to choose between potential candidates in national elections. We find that coethnicity is the single strongest predictor of electoral support, more important than party affiliation, provision of clientelism, or programmatic platform. Coethnicity does not significantly alter perceptions of candidates who provide clientelism, including high-value goods like patronage employment. Furthermore, citizens who feel closer to their ethnic group are more likely to vote on the basis of coethnicity, as are those with lower levels of trust in state institutions. Collectively, these findings suggest that coethnic voting in diverse polities is not driven solely by clientelism, but also by less immediately material concerns about security and belonging.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"34 1","pages":"417 - 438"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87875405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-29DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000237
{"title":"RAP volume 14 issue 4 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1755048321000237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048321000237","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"37 1","pages":"b1 - b4"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75856739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-29DOI: 10.1017/s1755048321000225
{"title":"RAP volume 14 issue 4 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s1755048321000225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1755048321000225","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"9 1","pages":"f1 - f6"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87946270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-21DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000298
Neil Ketchley, S. Brooke, Brynjar Lia
Abstract Scholarship on political Islam suggests that support for early Islamist movements came from literate merchants, government officials, and professionals who lacked political representation. We test these claims with a unique tranche of microlevel data drawn from a Muslim Brotherhood petition campaign in interwar Egypt. Matching the occupations of over 2,500 Brotherhood supporters to contemporaneous census data, we show that Egyptians employed in commerce, public administration, and the professions were more likely to sign the movement's petitions. The movement's supporters were also overwhelmingly literate. Contrary to expectations, the early Brotherhood also attracted support from Egyptians employed in agriculture, albeit less than we would expect given the prevalence of agrarian workers in the population. A case study tracing Muslim Brotherhood branch formation and petition activism in a Nile Delta village illustrates how literate, socially mobile agrarian families were key to the propagation of the movement in rural areas.
{"title":"Who Supported the Early Muslim Brotherhood?","authors":"Neil Ketchley, S. Brooke, Brynjar Lia","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000298","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000298","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Scholarship on political Islam suggests that support for early Islamist movements came from literate merchants, government officials, and professionals who lacked political representation. We test these claims with a unique tranche of microlevel data drawn from a Muslim Brotherhood petition campaign in interwar Egypt. Matching the occupations of over 2,500 Brotherhood supporters to contemporaneous census data, we show that Egyptians employed in commerce, public administration, and the professions were more likely to sign the movement's petitions. The movement's supporters were also overwhelmingly literate. Contrary to expectations, the early Brotherhood also attracted support from Egyptians employed in agriculture, albeit less than we would expect given the prevalence of agrarian workers in the population. A case study tracing Muslim Brotherhood branch formation and petition activism in a Nile Delta village illustrates how literate, socially mobile agrarian families were key to the propagation of the movement in rural areas.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"34 1","pages":"388 - 416"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77256460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-19DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000262
J. Guth, Corwin E. Smidt
Abstract Given their strategic position within American society, clergy continue to remain important actors in American politics. This article examines the partisan identifications and electoral behavior of American Protestant clergy in the 2016 presidential election. Although clergy partisanship may be of interest in any election, the 2016 contest, given the milieu of political polarization and the presence of the Trump candidacy, provides an intriguing context for assessing the profession's electoral behavior, particularly among Republican clergy. Based on survey results from over 2,500 clergy drawn from ten Protestant (five mainline and five evangelical) denominations, the study finds that, during the early stages of the 2016 nomination process, only a small percentage of Republican clergy supported Trump and that, despite the high level of political polarization, a sizable segment of Republican clergy resisted partisan pressures and refused to vote for Trump in the general election. The propensity of both independent and Republican clergy to vote for the GOP nominee varied largely with the level of perceived “threats”: to the Christian heritage of the nation, from Islam, and from the process of “globalization.”
{"title":"The Partisanship of Protestant Clergy in the 2016 Presidential Election","authors":"J. Guth, Corwin E. Smidt","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000262","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000262","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Given their strategic position within American society, clergy continue to remain important actors in American politics. This article examines the partisan identifications and electoral behavior of American Protestant clergy in the 2016 presidential election. Although clergy partisanship may be of interest in any election, the 2016 contest, given the milieu of political polarization and the presence of the Trump candidacy, provides an intriguing context for assessing the profession's electoral behavior, particularly among Republican clergy. Based on survey results from over 2,500 clergy drawn from ten Protestant (five mainline and five evangelical) denominations, the study finds that, during the early stages of the 2016 nomination process, only a small percentage of Republican clergy supported Trump and that, despite the high level of political polarization, a sizable segment of Republican clergy resisted partisan pressures and refused to vote for Trump in the general election. The propensity of both independent and Republican clergy to vote for the GOP nominee varied largely with the level of perceived “threats”: to the Christian heritage of the nation, from Islam, and from the process of “globalization.”","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"3 1","pages":"291 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86740496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-15DOI: 10.1017/S1755048321000249
Flavio R. Hickel, Andrew R. Murphy
Abstract Donald Trump's campaign slogan to “Make America Great Again” captivated the imagination of millions of Americans by contextualizing disparate sources of social resentment as emblematic of a broader story of American decline. Employing a “traditionalist civil religious jeremiad,” Trump called for a reassertion of American exceptionalism, and extolled a romanticized golden age predating transformative social changes (e.g., sexuality, gender roles, racial equality). As such, his rhetoric legitimized the defense of white male privilege as a vital component of this restoration. While this use of civil religious themes emboldened those who harbor prejudicial views, it alienated others who interpret such rhetoric as an assault on the soul of the nation. Relying on a unique module within the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we demonstrate that adherence to the tenets of American civil religion significantly exacerbated the effects of symbolic racism and modern sexism on support for Trump.
唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)的竞选口号“让美国再次伟大”(Make America Great Again)吸引了数百万美国人的想象力，他将社会怨恨的不同来源置于一个更广泛的美国衰落故事的背景下。特朗普用一种“传统主义的民间宗教哀诉”，呼吁重申美国例外论，并颂扬了一个浪漫化的黄金时代，这个时代早于变革性的社会变革(如性、性别角色、种族平等)。因此，他的言辞使对白人男性特权的捍卫合法化，并将其作为这种恢复的重要组成部分。虽然这种对民间宗教主题的使用使那些怀有偏见观点的人胆大妄为，但也疏远了那些将这种言论解读为对国家灵魂的攻击的人。依托2018年国会选举合作研究中的一个独特模块，我们证明了对美国公民宗教信条的坚持显著加剧了象征性种族主义和现代性别歧视对特朗普支持率的影响。
{"title":"Making America Exceptional Again: Donald Trump's Traditionalist Jeremiad, Civil Religion, and the Politics of Resentment","authors":"Flavio R. Hickel, Andrew R. Murphy","doi":"10.1017/S1755048321000249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755048321000249","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Donald Trump's campaign slogan to “Make America Great Again” captivated the imagination of millions of Americans by contextualizing disparate sources of social resentment as emblematic of a broader story of American decline. Employing a “traditionalist civil religious jeremiad,” Trump called for a reassertion of American exceptionalism, and extolled a romanticized golden age predating transformative social changes (e.g., sexuality, gender roles, racial equality). As such, his rhetoric legitimized the defense of white male privilege as a vital component of this restoration. While this use of civil religious themes emboldened those who harbor prejudicial views, it alienated others who interpret such rhetoric as an assault on the soul of the nation. Relying on a unique module within the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we demonstrate that adherence to the tenets of American civil religion significantly exacerbated the effects of symbolic racism and modern sexism on support for Trump.","PeriodicalId":45674,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion","volume":"80 1","pages":"247 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79192622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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