Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1177/01968599221144011
Salud Adelaida Flores Borjabad
Political cartoons play an important role in society as an alternative media. This study aimed to explore the democracy in, and politics of, Syria drawing upon political cartoons as a reference The objective of this study was to examine the relationship between media and power in Syria, analyze political cartoons as an alternative voice of the society, and observe their impact on society and politics. We used a qualitative methodology, as well as a visual ethnographic method, for analysis and synthesis. The findings of this study provide insights into the monopolization of media in Syria, where political cartoons portray an alternative reality.
{"title":"Syria and Political Cartoons from the Perspective of the Cartoonist Ali Ferzat","authors":"Salud Adelaida Flores Borjabad","doi":"10.1177/01968599221144011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221144011","url":null,"abstract":"Political cartoons play an important role in society as an alternative media. This study aimed to explore the democracy in, and politics of, Syria drawing upon political cartoons as a reference The objective of this study was to examine the relationship between media and power in Syria, analyze political cartoons as an alternative voice of the society, and observe their impact on society and politics. We used a qualitative methodology, as well as a visual ethnographic method, for analysis and synthesis. The findings of this study provide insights into the monopolization of media in Syria, where political cartoons portray an alternative reality.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45726941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-04DOI: 10.1177/01968599221142030
S. Bandopadhyaya, L. Kenix
This paper explores the shifting dynamics of what constitutes a contemporary social movement and the pros and cons that emerge after movements have gone online. This paper is premised on in-depth interviews with twenty-nine interviewees regarding how social media has brought changes to the contemporary LGBTQ + movement in New Zealand among both Māori and Pākehā (white New Zealanders) communities. The interviewees testified to the shifting nature of the contemporary LGBTQ + movement after the emergence and inclusion of the Internet and social media platforms on movement messaging and participant engagement. This research found that social networking sites have led to greater awareness and better coordination among movement actors to organise LGBTQ + movements in New Zealand (NZ). The paper concludes that the Internet and social media have led to more visibility and acceptability of information within contemporary movements. The Internet was a facilitator of movement organisation even before the emergence of social media platforms; however, online activism has amplified and has taken a new meaning with the advent of several social media platforms.
{"title":"The Role of Social Media Platforms in Contemporary New Zealand LGBTQ + Movements","authors":"S. Bandopadhyaya, L. Kenix","doi":"10.1177/01968599221142030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221142030","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the shifting dynamics of what constitutes a contemporary social movement and the pros and cons that emerge after movements have gone online. This paper is premised on in-depth interviews with twenty-nine interviewees regarding how social media has brought changes to the contemporary LGBTQ + movement in New Zealand among both Māori and Pākehā (white New Zealanders) communities. The interviewees testified to the shifting nature of the contemporary LGBTQ + movement after the emergence and inclusion of the Internet and social media platforms on movement messaging and participant engagement. This research found that social networking sites have led to greater awareness and better coordination among movement actors to organise LGBTQ + movements in New Zealand (NZ). The paper concludes that the Internet and social media have led to more visibility and acceptability of information within contemporary movements. The Internet was a facilitator of movement organisation even before the emergence of social media platforms; however, online activism has amplified and has taken a new meaning with the advent of several social media platforms.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46393214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-29DOI: 10.1177/01968599221140382
Mitch Perkins
Social movements respond and adapt to the social and historical environment, and global connections have allowed activists to envision an array of alternatives. This has led present-day movements toward autonomous practices, such as non-hierarchical leadership, prefigurative politics, and decentralizing Western perspectives. Autonomous movements’ communication and media projects are formed by these political ideals and epistemologies, dependent upon their contextual situation. Such movements see change as inevitable and rigidity and dogmatism as stifling to the political imagination. Despite criticisms leveled against autonomous practices from other leftist political paradigms, these prefigured alternatives create change in the small and ephemeral ways available to them. This research outlines the political parameters of many current social movements, offering a framework by which to study grassroots media endeavors.
{"title":"Autonomous Movements and Their Media","authors":"Mitch Perkins","doi":"10.1177/01968599221140382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221140382","url":null,"abstract":"Social movements respond and adapt to the social and historical environment, and global connections have allowed activists to envision an array of alternatives. This has led present-day movements toward autonomous practices, such as non-hierarchical leadership, prefigurative politics, and decentralizing Western perspectives. Autonomous movements’ communication and media projects are formed by these political ideals and epistemologies, dependent upon their contextual situation. Such movements see change as inevitable and rigidity and dogmatism as stifling to the political imagination. Despite criticisms leveled against autonomous practices from other leftist political paradigms, these prefigured alternatives create change in the small and ephemeral ways available to them. This research outlines the political parameters of many current social movements, offering a framework by which to study grassroots media endeavors.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49245464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-28DOI: 10.1177/01968599221141073
B. Goss
Mad Men is often assumed to be “subversive” in the academic literature whereas this investigation interprets the astutely promoted series as questioning capitalism before it ratifies market relations. Alongside convulsive change under capitalism that Mad Men captures, class-striated market societies require narratives that posit class division as compatible with meritocracy. Mad Men delivers such legitimizing narratives through Don Draper's and Peggy Olson's realization of class promotions—whereas Roger Sterling, Jr. and Pete Campbell present the privileges of inherited wealth. Don's performance in advertising illustrates Mad Men's often divided view of capitalism. Don melts down during one pitch and reveals his primordial experiences of capitalism as conditioned by poverty, theft and prostitution. However, by the final episode, Don's Coke ad affirms the market as a vehicle toward transcendental community. While Mad Men interrogates capitalism, it is solidly neoliberal in its disregard for State activity (regulation, implications of elected office). The narratively privileged moment of the series’ extended closing montage doubles-down on capitalism as the flawed but optimal steering mechanism for human aspiration. With the conspicuous exception of Betty Draper Francis who never participated in corporate work, core characters realize wealth and fulfillment by mastering market relations.
{"title":"Mad Men (2007–15), not “Rad Men”: Or, from Brothel Pickpocket to Transcendental Advertiser","authors":"B. Goss","doi":"10.1177/01968599221141073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221141073","url":null,"abstract":"Mad Men is often assumed to be “subversive” in the academic literature whereas this investigation interprets the astutely promoted series as questioning capitalism before it ratifies market relations. Alongside convulsive change under capitalism that Mad Men captures, class-striated market societies require narratives that posit class division as compatible with meritocracy. Mad Men delivers such legitimizing narratives through Don Draper's and Peggy Olson's realization of class promotions—whereas Roger Sterling, Jr. and Pete Campbell present the privileges of inherited wealth. Don's performance in advertising illustrates Mad Men's often divided view of capitalism. Don melts down during one pitch and reveals his primordial experiences of capitalism as conditioned by poverty, theft and prostitution. However, by the final episode, Don's Coke ad affirms the market as a vehicle toward transcendental community. While Mad Men interrogates capitalism, it is solidly neoliberal in its disregard for State activity (regulation, implications of elected office). The narratively privileged moment of the series’ extended closing montage doubles-down on capitalism as the flawed but optimal steering mechanism for human aspiration. With the conspicuous exception of Betty Draper Francis who never participated in corporate work, core characters realize wealth and fulfillment by mastering market relations.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43171225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/01968599221139283
Christof Demont-Heinrich
The United States has long been characterized by American Cultural Insularity (ACI). According to a theory of ACI that I have developed in previous work ( Author 2019 , 2020 ), compared to most people in most other countries, Americans tend to consume much more of their own cultural media products and much fewer cultural media products produced in other countries than people in other countries consume. This paper compares long-running and deeply-entrenched American resistance to foreign and non-English language film in movie theaters to the (lack of) popularity of foreign, non-American and feature film-length content originally produced in a language other than English on major digital online video streaming platforms such as Netflix, Amazon Prime and Google Video. It does so primarily via a discussion of, and analysis of, digital online video streaming platform popularity charts compiled by flixpatrol.com (Flixpatrol), a Netherlands-based online video streaming data collection and analysis web site/company. An analysis of Flixpatrol's Top Streaming in the United States popularity chart for 10 major digital online video streaming platforms from February 2020 to September 2021 shows little evidence of a movement among American-based consumers toward more consumption of foreign, non-English-language feature length films.
{"title":"American Cultural Insularity and Global Online Video: Are Netflix, Amazon Prime and Other Digital Streaming Platforms Broadening Americans’ Foreign Film Consumption Horizons?","authors":"Christof Demont-Heinrich","doi":"10.1177/01968599221139283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221139283","url":null,"abstract":"The United States has long been characterized by American Cultural Insularity (ACI). According to a theory of ACI that I have developed in previous work ( Author 2019 , 2020 ), compared to most people in most other countries, Americans tend to consume much more of their own cultural media products and much fewer cultural media products produced in other countries than people in other countries consume. This paper compares long-running and deeply-entrenched American resistance to foreign and non-English language film in movie theaters to the (lack of) popularity of foreign, non-American and feature film-length content originally produced in a language other than English on major digital online video streaming platforms such as Netflix, Amazon Prime and Google Video. It does so primarily via a discussion of, and analysis of, digital online video streaming platform popularity charts compiled by flixpatrol.com (Flixpatrol), a Netherlands-based online video streaming data collection and analysis web site/company. An analysis of Flixpatrol's Top Streaming in the United States popularity chart for 10 major digital online video streaming platforms from February 2020 to September 2021 shows little evidence of a movement among American-based consumers toward more consumption of foreign, non-English-language feature length films.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43628009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-24DOI: 10.1177/01968599221139488
Ziyin Li
Data feminism theory believes data visualization that embraces feminism can be used to reshape the world and powerfully reveal inequalities around women, people of color, and other disadvantaged groups. This paper seeks to find visualization works that are close to the thrust of data feminism and discusses their rhetorical, narrative, and other dimensions. From concrete works of practice, rather than guiding philosophies, it may be possible to present the current development of data feminism and respond to the call for “visualization as a starting point for data feminism”.
{"title":"Approaching “Data Feminism”: Visualizations to Shed Light on Inequality","authors":"Ziyin Li","doi":"10.1177/01968599221139488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221139488","url":null,"abstract":"Data feminism theory believes data visualization that embraces feminism can be used to reshape the world and powerfully reveal inequalities around women, people of color, and other disadvantaged groups. This paper seeks to find visualization works that are close to the thrust of data feminism and discusses their rhetorical, narrative, and other dimensions. From concrete works of practice, rather than guiding philosophies, it may be possible to present the current development of data feminism and respond to the call for “visualization as a starting point for data feminism”.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43441460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-13DOI: 10.1177/01968599221139486
B. Trifiro
{"title":"Book Review: Why we're polarized by Ezra Klein","authors":"B. Trifiro","doi":"10.1177/01968599221139486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221139486","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47954140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1177/01968599221133899
Ali A. Dashti, Ali A. Al-Kandari, Talal M. Almutairi, Albaraa F. Altourah, Abdulmohsen Jamal
This study explores the political branding of a powerless small state, the state of Kuwait during the reign of Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem, from 1950 to 1965. The study uses models developed by Anholt for a strategic perspective on nation branding and by Bolin and Miazhevich for tactical communication in nation branding. This study explores the use of strategic communication in an Islamic-Arabic culture to brand Kuwait as a sovereign nation. At the strategic level, it employs the components of strategy, substance, and symbolic action, and at the tactical level, it uses the components of agents, audience analysis, temporal orientation and media to examine symbolic action. Using those models and following a qualitative historical analysis, the study identifies and analyzes the efforts of Sheikh Al-Salem to transform Kuwait from a Sheikhdom to Statehood in the 1950s. Those efforts helped to deter Iraq's threat to the Kuwaiti sovereignty as well as establish a self-governing, constitutional monarchy in the 1960s. The study concludes by evaluating the effectiveness of Sheikh Al-Salem's efforts as measured by tangible outcomes.
本研究探讨了一个无能为力的小国，即谢赫·阿卜杜拉·塞勒姆(Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem)统治时期的科威特，从1950年到1965年的政治烙印。本研究采用了安霍尔特(Anholt)的国家品牌战略视角模型和博林(Bolin)和米亚泽维奇(Miazhevich)的国家品牌战术传播模型。本研究探讨了在伊斯兰-阿拉伯文化中使用战略沟通来将科威特打造成一个主权国家。在战略层面，它采用战略、实质和象征行动的组成部分;在战术层面，它采用代理人、受众分析、时间取向和媒介的组成部分来考察象征行动。利用这些模型并进行定性历史分析，本研究确定并分析了Sheikh Al-Salem在1950年代为将科威特从一个酋长国转变为一个国家所做的努力。这些努力有助于阻止伊拉克对科威特主权的威胁，并在1960年代建立了一个自治的君主立宪制国家。研究最后以实际成果来评估谢赫·塞勒姆努力的有效性。
{"title":"The Political Branding of a Powerless Nation: A Historical Account of the Branding of Kuwait During the Reign of Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem (1950–1965)","authors":"Ali A. Dashti, Ali A. Al-Kandari, Talal M. Almutairi, Albaraa F. Altourah, Abdulmohsen Jamal","doi":"10.1177/01968599221133899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221133899","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the political branding of a powerless small state, the state of Kuwait during the reign of Sheikh Abdullah Al-Salem, from 1950 to 1965. The study uses models developed by Anholt for a strategic perspective on nation branding and by Bolin and Miazhevich for tactical communication in nation branding. This study explores the use of strategic communication in an Islamic-Arabic culture to brand Kuwait as a sovereign nation. At the strategic level, it employs the components of strategy, substance, and symbolic action, and at the tactical level, it uses the components of agents, audience analysis, temporal orientation and media to examine symbolic action. Using those models and following a qualitative historical analysis, the study identifies and analyzes the efforts of Sheikh Al-Salem to transform Kuwait from a Sheikhdom to Statehood in the 1950s. Those efforts helped to deter Iraq's threat to the Kuwaiti sovereignty as well as establish a self-governing, constitutional monarchy in the 1960s. The study concludes by evaluating the effectiveness of Sheikh Al-Salem's efforts as measured by tangible outcomes.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45201206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1177/01968599221133097
Michael McDevitt
This study considers the possibility that students are subversive actors in a hidden curriculum of anti-intellectualism. Mass communication provides the arena in which intellectuals are held up to public judgment, and consequently media education represents a promising context for observing the enculturation of resentment. The hidden curriculum framework incorporates three sources of influence: socio-demographics, student-oriented anti-intellectualism (impatience with education, disliking instructors), and three dimensions of journalism ideology: the consumer-oriented and loyal roles and accountability to the public. Data are drawn from questionnaires distributed to undergraduates at five U.S. colleges with comprehensive programs in journalism and mass communication (JMC). Republican identity, student anti-intellectualism, and journalism ideology predict support for news media exposing faculty as subversive. The study concludes with suggestions for future research on how JMC education, from a comparative perspective, could be vulnerable to anti-intellectual incursions depending on media system and populist climate.
{"title":"The Attraction of Anti-intellectualism: Appropriation of Journalism Ideology in Media Education","authors":"Michael McDevitt","doi":"10.1177/01968599221133097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221133097","url":null,"abstract":"This study considers the possibility that students are subversive actors in a hidden curriculum of anti-intellectualism. Mass communication provides the arena in which intellectuals are held up to public judgment, and consequently media education represents a promising context for observing the enculturation of resentment. The hidden curriculum framework incorporates three sources of influence: socio-demographics, student-oriented anti-intellectualism (impatience with education, disliking instructors), and three dimensions of journalism ideology: the consumer-oriented and loyal roles and accountability to the public. Data are drawn from questionnaires distributed to undergraduates at five U.S. colleges with comprehensive programs in journalism and mass communication (JMC). Republican identity, student anti-intellectualism, and journalism ideology predict support for news media exposing faculty as subversive. The study concludes with suggestions for future research on how JMC education, from a comparative perspective, could be vulnerable to anti-intellectual incursions depending on media system and populist climate.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45122460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-11DOI: 10.1177/01968599221130750
Anqi Peng
The tendency of late marriage and the increasing single population in Chinese society have galvanized a considerable amount of anxiety in recent years. Part of such anxiety has been manifested through the constant media representations of “shengnü” or “leftover women” since 2010. Referring to women in their late twenties or over thirties while still not getting married, the term “leftover women” indicates a continuous patriarchal policing of single women circulated in mass media. This study, by comparing two popular Chinese television series— We Get Married (2013) and Nothing but Thirty (2020), discusses the altering constructions of unmarried women on Chinese television against the backdrop of China's post-socialist gender politics. The comparison provides a useful vantage point to examine the emerging gendered structures and new cultural imperatives under specific historical contexts.
{"title":"Representing Single Women: The Transformation of “Leftover Women” on Chinese TV Series","authors":"Anqi Peng","doi":"10.1177/01968599221130750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/01968599221130750","url":null,"abstract":"The tendency of late marriage and the increasing single population in Chinese society have galvanized a considerable amount of anxiety in recent years. Part of such anxiety has been manifested through the constant media representations of “shengnü” or “leftover women” since 2010. Referring to women in their late twenties or over thirties while still not getting married, the term “leftover women” indicates a continuous patriarchal policing of single women circulated in mass media. This study, by comparing two popular Chinese television series— We Get Married (2013) and Nothing but Thirty (2020), discusses the altering constructions of unmarried women on Chinese television against the backdrop of China's post-socialist gender politics. The comparison provides a useful vantage point to examine the emerging gendered structures and new cultural imperatives under specific historical contexts.","PeriodicalId":45677,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Communication Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49385302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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