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Italy and the Comprehensive Agreement on Investments: disappointment over the process 意大利和《全面投资协定》:对这一进程感到失望
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-25 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00630-6
Francesca Ghiretti

The formal conclusion of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investments (CAI) has drawn much criticism. Criticisms for member states did not always recognise the same critical points. The case of Italy presents an instance in which the issue rather than laying in the content of the agreement was identified in the process. Not only had Italy been marginalised in the process of negotiation that led to the conclusion of the CAI, but also exponents from the government claim that leading negotiators, amongst which France and Germany, ignored Italy’s doubts about the deal when these were raised. Beyond politics, the paper shows that the Italian business community displays a response to the agreement in line with that of the rest of the EU in its positive assessment of the outcome.

《全面投资协定》的正式缔结引起了许多批评。对成员国的批评并不总是承认相同的关键点。意大利的案例表明,在这一过程中发现了问题,而不是协议内容中的问题。意大利不仅在导致CAI达成的谈判过程中被边缘化,而且政府的支持者声称,包括法国和德国在内的主要谈判代表在提出这些问题时忽视了意大利对该协议的怀疑。除了政治之外,该文件显示,意大利商界对该协议的反应与欧盟其他国家对结果的积极评估一致。
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引用次数: 4
Economic impact of transportation infrastructure investment under the Belt and Road Initiative “一带一路”倡议下交通基础设施投资的经济影响
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-20 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00617-3
Zhenhua Chen, Xinmeng Li

China launched an ambitious strategy known as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013 with an objective to promote regional economic growth and integration. The initiative was implemented primarily through massive investment in transportation infrastructure development among the Belt and Road countries to improve transportation connectivity and reduce trade costs. While such a strategy has been implemented for more than seven years, it remains unclear to what extent the investment of transportation infrastructure has affected the regional economic performance in various countries. To clarify this question, this study provides an in-depth assessment of BRI investment in transportation infrastructure using a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. Different from previous studies, the regional economic impact was evaluated through CGE simulations based on the actual investment data obtained from various sources. In addition, both the change of intraregional and interregional trade costs as a result of BRI transportation infrastructure investment was estimated. The results show that the transportation infrastructure investment in BRI has generated different impacts among regions. In particular, China, Central and West Asian countries have gained significant growth in GDP, employment, and economic welfare, whereas the economic impact of transportation infrastructure investment in the Central and West Europe is relatively minor. Overall, the research findings provide important policy implications for future transportation infrastructure investment in BRI countries and beyond.

2013年,中国发起了一项雄心勃勃的战略,即“一带一路”倡议(BRI),旨在促进区域经济增长和一体化。“一带一路”倡议主要通过在沿线国家大规模投资发展交通基础设施,改善交通互联互通,降低贸易成本。虽然这一战略已经执行了七年多,但仍不清楚运输基础设施的投资在多大程度上影响了各国的区域经济表现。为了澄清这个问题,本研究使用可计算一般均衡(CGE)模型对“一带一路”在交通基础设施方面的投资进行了深入评估。与以往研究不同的是,本研究基于各种来源的实际投资数据,通过CGE模拟来评估区域经济影响。此外,本文还估算了“一带一路”交通基础设施投资对区域内和区域间贸易成本的影响。结果表明,“一带一路”交通基础设施投资在区域间产生了不同的影响。特别是,中国、中亚和西亚国家在GDP、就业和经济福利方面取得了显著增长,而中欧和西欧的交通基础设施投资对经济的影响相对较小。总体而言,研究结果为“一带一路”沿线国家及其他地区未来的交通基础设施投资提供了重要的政策启示。
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引用次数: 19
The EU-China CAI—perspectives from the European business community in China 欧盟-中国cai -来自在华欧洲商界的视角
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00631-5
Joerg Wuttke

The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China recognises the challenges in progressing the CAI, but remains convinced that the investment agreement is worthwhile and in the EU’s best interests. While not the ‘silver bullet’ that would be the ideal, the CAI meaningfully improves market access, equal treatment, and sustainability interests and should be ratified if political tensions can be ratchetted down.

中国欧盟商会(European Union Chamber of Commerce in China)认识到推进《中欧投资协定》所面临的挑战,但仍相信该投资协定是值得的,符合欧盟的最佳利益。虽然不是理想的“银弹”,但CAI有意地改善了市场准入、平等待遇和可持续性利益,如果政治紧张局势能够得到缓解,CAI应该得到批准。
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引用次数: 2
China connecting Europe? 中国连接欧洲?
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00616-4
Julia Gruebler

The significance of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for Europe is increasing. The diplomatic initiative “16 + 1,” comprising China and 16 Central, East and Southeast European economies (CESEE), expanded to a “17 + 1” format in April 2019, when Greece officially joined the cooperation forum. This expansion revived interest in Chinese activities aimed at better physical and digital connectivity in Europe and their effects. The article descriptively shows a geographical division of Chinese infrastructure development activities in Europe: the “17 + 1” region is targeted more intensively by Chinese construction projects. Moreover, roughly 90% of all construction contracts with the “17 + 1” region are attributable to connectivity sectors, while Chinese activities in other European regions are more diversified. In Europe, the Western Balkans are expected to economically benefit the most from the BRI, as they show particularly high deficiencies in infrastructure, and so far, have limited access to EU grants. Economic effects of infrastructure projects, however, trickle through European production and supply chains, affecting a larger number of countries than information on projects would suggest. EU initiatives presented since 2018 may help to increase complementarity between Chinese and European infrastructure development plans and reduce associated risks, such as unsustainable debt or new trade barriers arising from increased competition for Chinese investments. The BRI is about to change physical and digital connectivity within Europe, while the EU has yet to become an active player engaging in the initiative, in order to enable improved connectivity in Europe to drive economic convergence and not political divergence.

中国的“一带一路”倡议对欧洲的意义越来越大。2019年4月,中国与16个中东欧和东南欧经济体的“16 + 1”外交倡议扩大为“17 + 1”形式,希腊正式加入该合作论坛。这种扩张重新激起了人们对中国旨在改善欧洲物理和数字连接的活动及其影响的兴趣。文章描述了中国在欧洲基础设施发展活动的地理分布:“17 + 1”地区是中国建设项目更集中的目标。此外,在与“17 + 1”地区签订的所有建筑合同中,约90%属于互联互通领域,而中国在欧洲其他地区的活动更为多样化。在欧洲,西巴尔干地区预计将从“一带一路”倡议中获得最大的经济利益,因为这些地区在基础设施方面存在特别严重的不足,而且迄今为止获得欧盟赠款的机会有限。然而,基础设施项目的经济效应会渗透到欧洲的生产和供应链中,影响到的国家数量比项目信息所显示的要多。欧盟自2018年以来提出的倡议可能有助于加强中欧基础设施发展计划之间的互补性,并减少相关风险,如不可持续的债务或因中国投资竞争加剧而产生的新贸易壁垒。“一带一路”倡议将改变欧洲内部的物理和数字互联互通,而欧盟尚未成为这一倡议的积极参与者,以促进欧洲互联互通,推动经济趋同,而不是政治分化。
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引用次数: 4
The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment: context and content 中欧全面投资协定:背景与内容
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00622-6
François Godement

Abstract

The negotiations for an EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) were completed, after seven years and 35 rounds, on December 30, 2020. The main text was published by the European Commission on January 22, and important annexes (which actually list sectors open for investment and the reservations made by each party) were published on March 12. According to François Godement, Senior Advisor for Asia at Institut Montaigne and author of this piece, “CAI is now in danger from both ends: it is hard to envisage a European Parliament ratifying the agreement while some of its members are sanctioned by China, and easy to imagine that China can sustain a test of will in today’s charged political atmosphere.”

摘要中欧投资全面协定(CAI)谈判于2020年12月30日完成,历时7年,历经35轮。欧盟委员会于1月22日公布了主要文本,并于3月12日公布了重要附件(实际上列出了开放投资的部门和各方提出的保留意见)。根据蒙田研究所亚洲高级顾问、这篇文章的作者François Godement的说法,“蔡现在面临着来自两端的危险:很难想象欧洲议会在其一些成员受到中国制裁的情况下批准该协议,也很容易想象中国能够在当今充满火药味的政治氛围中经受住意志的考验。”
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引用次数: 1
Turning pressure into opportunity: CAI and the future of China’s structural reform 化压力为机遇:CAI与中国结构性改革的未来
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00628-0
Xiaolin Duan, Xinning Song

Many pundits and media believe that China under Mr. Xi Jinping is politically and economically illiberal with concentration of political power to Xi himself and the expansion of state capitalism. This article believes that China is still in transition and the Daobi (倒逼) mechanism, namely, a planned strategy of introducing foreign competition and international rules to advance domestic reform, takes effect. The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) is a milestone that could possibly contribute to structural economic and even political changes in China. This article centres on the Daobi mechanism and explains how the synergies among CAI, domestic socioeconomic changes and Chinese leaders’ self-consciousness may set the agenda of China’s domestic reform.

本文认为,中国仍处于转型期(倒逼) 机制,即引入外国竞争和国际规则以推进国内改革的有计划的战略,开始生效。中欧投资全面协议(CAI)是一个里程碑,可能有助于中国的结构性经济甚至政治变革。本文以道必机制为中心,解释了蔡、国内社会经济变化和中国领导人自我意识之间的协同作用如何制定中国国内改革的议程。
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引用次数: 1
CAI: Merkel’s choice 蔡:默克尔的选择
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00626-2
Reinhard Bütikofer
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引用次数: 1
The enforceability of the trade and sustainable development chapters of the European Union’s free trade agreements 欧盟自由贸易协定中贸易和可持续发展章节的可执行性
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00627-1
Demy van ‘t Wout

Since 2011, the European Union’s (EU) free trade agreements (FTAs) include a Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapter which provides for environmental and labour commitments. Nevertheless, the ratification and implementation of these commitments remain insufficient. It is therefore essential to analyse whether the EU has become more ambitious in enforcing the TSD chapter. To analyse the chapter’s enforceability, the EU’s FTAs with South Korea, Canada and Japan have been compared. The comparative analysis was based on three elements: the labour and environmental commitments, institutional mechanisms and the enforcement procedure. Concerning the latter, the ongoing EU-Korea dispute settlement case over workers’ rights in South Korea is the leading example. Until the Commission reveals more assertive enforcement plans, it can be said that the EU has not become more ambitious in enforcing its TSD chapter. Since no major changes were detected in the comparative analysis, several interviewees proposed enforcement mechanisms.

自2011年以来,欧洲联盟(欧盟)的自由贸易协定包括贸易和可持续发展一章,其中规定了环境和劳工承诺。然而,批准和执行这些承诺仍然不够。因此,有必要分析欧盟在执行TSD章节方面是否变得更加雄心勃勃。为了分析本章的可执行性,对欧盟与韩国、加拿大和日本的自由贸易协定进行了比较。比较分析基于三个要素:劳工和环境承诺、体制机制和执行程序。关于后者,正在进行的关于韩国工人权利的欧盟-韩国争端解决案就是一个典型例子。在欧盟委员会公布更加果断的执行计划之前,可以说欧盟在执行TSD章节方面并没有变得更加雄心勃勃。由于在比较分析中没有发现重大变化,一些受访者提出了执行机制。
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引用次数: 4
Does infrastructure facilitate trade connectivity? Evidence from the ASEAN 基础设施是否有助于贸易互联互通?来自东盟的证据
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00614-6
C. T. Vidya, Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary

This paper explores the impact of infrastructure on trade connectivity among ASEAN and three Asian countries—India, China, and Japan. Our study is mainly motivated by the increased infrastructure investment and trade among these countries in recent years. The main results of trade network analysis include high trade density and interconnectedness among ASEAN, India, China, and Japan. There are specific “trade intensive paths” among the few countries in the group. It highlights the “export hubs” or main “suppliers of intermediate goods” in the region. Further, the paper analyzed the nexus between trade connectivity and infrastructure by applying the panel fixed effects method and Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood. Moreover, the robustness of the results is tested by estimating two-stage least square. Hard infrastructure, foreign direct investment plays a crucial role in bringing the nexus to trade connectivity. Reducing trade barriers and improving infrastructure quality are essential for deepening regional trade integration.

本文探讨了基础设施对东盟与印度、中国和日本这三个亚洲国家之间贸易连通性的影响。我们研究的主要动机是近年来这些国家之间基础设施投资和贸易的增加。贸易网络分析的主要结果包括东盟、印度、中国和日本之间的高贸易密度和互联性。该集团中为数不多的几个国家之间存在特定的“贸易密集型路径”。它突出了该地区的“出口中心”或主要“中间产品供应商”。在此基础上,运用面板固定效应法和泊松拟极大似然分析了贸易连通性与基础设施之间的关系。此外,通过估计两阶段最小二乘来检验结果的稳健性。硬基础设施和外国直接投资在实现贸易互联互通方面发挥着至关重要的作用。减少贸易壁垒,提高基础设施质量,是深化区域贸易一体化的必要条件。
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引用次数: 8
WTO + and WTO-X provisions in the European Union-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement: a ‘fruit salad tree’ is yet to grow 欧盟-越南自由贸易协定中的WTO +和WTO- x条款:“水果沙拉树”尚未生长
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-13 DOI: 10.1007/s10308-021-00618-2
Tran Thi Thuy Duong

The European Union-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) is an ambitious regional trade agreement, signed by both parties in 2019 and ratified by the European Parliament in February 2020. Like many other ‘new-generation’ RTAs, this agreement is well known for its WTO + and WTO-X provisions. This paper analyzes typical WTO + and WTO-X provisions of the EVFTA, focusing on their concepts, contents and legal enforceability. This paper argues that environmental and human rights protection provisions, which are ‘grafted’ into the regional trade legal system under the form of WTO-X provisions, do not have the same legal value as WTO + provisions. As a result, the EVFTA remains mainly a trade agreement and cannot be counted upon as the sufficient condition to establish harmonization between pillars of sustainable development.

欧盟-越南自由贸易协定(EVFTA)是一项雄心勃勃的区域贸易协定,双方于2019年签署,并于2020年2月获得欧洲议会批准。与许多其他“新一代”区域贸易协定一样,该协定以其WTO而闻名 + 以及WTO-X条款。本文分析了典型的WTO + 以及EVFTA的WTO-X条款,重点是其概念、内容和法律可执行性。本文认为,环境和人权保护条款以世贸组织第十条的形式“嫁接”到区域贸易法律体系中,与世贸组织不具有同等的法律价值 + 条款。因此,EVFTA仍然主要是一项贸易协议,不能被视为建立可持续发展支柱之间协调一致的充分条件。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Asia Europe Journal
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