Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies最新文献

Transboundary fine dust has been a leading cause of dispute between China and Korea since the mid-2010s. This study observes that transboundary fine dust is not purely an environmental issue, but rather mixed with political and diplomatic challenges. Despite the emerging bilateral and multilateral efforts to tackle this issue, this research sheds light on how political and diplomatic factors have undermined the outcomes of environmental negotiations between China and Korea. We highlight three dimensions of policy-based studies: scientific joint research on source-receptor relationships, interstate environmental negotiations, and multilateral environmental institutions in Northeast Asia. This study argues that transboundary fine dust cooperation has been extensively entangled with national political interests and proceeded via diplomatic channels, leading to the current absence of binding agreements and policy commitments. Therefore, a steady process of de-linking environmental cooperation and diplomatic fluctuations would be the best direction to proceed in a long-term perspective.

Notwithstanding the increasing place of tourism exports, the rural sector and its agricultural production remain important contributors to Fijiʼs economy. But their contribution is compromised by policies and institutions that distort the farm sectorʼs resource use, with too many resources employed by sugar and livestock producers at the expense of other farmers and producers of non-farm products. Subsidies to the sugar industry could be used instead to boost investment in rural public goods such as infrastructure and agricultural research. That would benefit a much larger proportion of rural people, many of whom are below the poverty line. So too would a lowering of tariffs on imports of meat and milk products. And by thereby lowering food prices in urban areas, such re-purposing of support would benefit their poorest households most. It would also lower the prices of high-protein livestock products and nutrient-rich fruits and vegetables, which could well improve nutrition and health.

Existing research suggests that housing demolition negatively affects labour supply through the wealth effect of the demolition compensation. However, there is limited research on the gender differences in the impact of housing demolition on labour force participation. This study investigates the effects of housing demolition on labour force participation, with a specific focus on the gender difference. Using data from the Chinese Family Panel Studies, this study reveals a significant decline in labour force participation resulting from housing demolition, primarily driven by females. Moreover, housing demolition exerts a stronger effect on the labour force participation of married women, who tend to take on more responsibilities for household chores, while its impact on married men is less evident. These findings offer valuable insights into the issue of labour shortage and underscore the importance of reducing the traditional gender-based division of household labour.

The global COVID-19 vaccination has been marred by the problem of inequity. Low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), including Indonesia, must overcome global and local barriers to provide doses to their population. Due to a lack of domestic R&D capability, Indonesia relied on global vaccine producers that are subject to the whims of their own governments. Ensuring equitable access domestically was also a challenge as public sector resources were limited. Using the four dimensions of vaccine access to examine Indonesiaʼs COVID-19 inoculation campaign reveals gaps in the governmentʼs perception of vaccination inequity. While the administration fervently advocates for global vaccination equity, local barriers received minimal attention. Indonesiaʼs case highlights how domestic political dynamics can stymie a global effort and that resolving vaccination inequity requires lowering both global and local barriers. Finally, LMICs should also consider including private sector resources in their pandemic response to complement their limited public sector resources.

The Pacific Small Island Developing State (SIDS) of Kiribati has met the formal, minimal criteria for graduation from the Least Developed Country (LDC) category of the United Nations on multiple occasions from 2003 to 2018. Nevertheless, in light of both structural, long-standing constraints and severe more recent challenges – such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the exacerbation of the climate crisis – that past assessments took into only partial consideration, the country still appears, at present, unready to lose the support measures that come with the LDC inclusion and to graduate, once and for all, with sustained “momentum.” The analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats conducted in this paper suggests the need to further delay any decisions on graduation until more holistic, thorough readiness assessments can be conducted on the basis of new, additional indicators closely reflecting the full range of vulnerabilities that Kiribati, and other similar SIDS, currently face.

Chinese diplomacy has been proactive under Xi Jinping and overseas Chinese are an important target. A better understanding of how overseas Chinese perceive Chinese diplomacy can increase our knowledge, but it is under-studied in the literature. To fill part of this gap, this research focuses on the Pacific region where Chinaʼs activities have triggered growing geostrategic competition between traditional powers and China. Based on a survey of 182 ordinary overseas Chinese in Fiji and Tonga, this paper examines Chinese diasporaʼs perceptions of three aspects that are related to Chinaʼs diplomacy, including the Belt and Road Initiative, China-Pacific bilateral relations, and old-new Chinese issues. The survey reveals nuances in ordinary overseas Chinese views about Chinaʼs diplomacy, especially the concerns and apathy among some of them. It suggests that ordinary overseas Chinese support for Chinaʼs diplomacy is unlikely to grow substantially unless their views about this diplomacy become more positive.

Like many countries, the Philippines faced severe economic, social, and political challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic. In March 2020 President Duterte issued an executive order announcing a national state of emergency that introduced a highly restrictive system for community quarantine and lockdown. While these measures led international observers to rank the Philippinesʼ pandemic response among the worldʼs most stringent, it is unclear whether subsequent health outcomes were sufficient to justify the severity. In this article, we evaluate discrepancies between COVID-19 policy goals and outcomes in the Philippines via a compelling but under-utilized method of democratic deliberation, the ‘mini-public’. The mini-public that we held brought together a random sample of citizens who heard testimony from local public health experts and political leaders, and then used this information in conjunction with their own experiences to identify policy shortcomings and develop recommendations for policymakers. The most substantial challenges to the governmentʼs pandemic response were reported to be inadequate enforcement and under-resourcing of government officials tasked with policy implementation. These challenges created a disconnect between policy objectives and their performance in practice. We conclude by summarizing the mini-public participantsʼ recommendations.

Meat consumption and production in Asia have boomed over the last decade to meet growing regional and global demand. Asia now supplies around 40% of the global broiler or meat chicken industry. Dominant policy frameworks such as ‘One Health’ aim to manage the health risks associated with factory livestock farming, which has rightly become a major concern because of regular disease outbreaks. Yet this approach provides a limited basis for addressing broader risks and challenges associated with what we term the Asian ‘broiler complex’. This includes the intertwined networks of feed production, factory farming and meat distribution nodes through which health and environmental risks can accumulate and be amplified. By applying this broader lens, we highlight the need to better understand the industry's pressing environmental, animal welfare, social and health challenges to inform more integrated policy approaches.

Pacific Island workers contribute significantly to Australiaʼs agriculture and food security through the Seasonal Worker Programme (SWP). Previous studies show the economic benefits of the SWP to both Australian agro-industries and Pacific workers. However, there are limited studies about the agricultural knowledge exchange that occurs via the circular migration enabled by the SWP, and the experiences of workers and employers as agricultural knowledge holders. With the SWP merged into the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility Scheme, there is an opportunity to help define how circular migration is both an economic and agricultural development policy. In this paper, we present findings from interviews with 63 workers (from Solomon Islands, Tonga, and Vanuatu) about agricultural knowledge and skills acquired and exchanged via SWP participation. We provide a discussion of opportunities for knowledge exchange in international labour mobility, and areas of future research in circular migration.