Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911128
Reviewed by: Bernard Shaw and the Making of Modern Ireland ed. by Audrey McNamara and Nelson O'Ceallaigh Ritschel Susan Harris (bio) Bernard Shaw and the Making of Modern Ireland, edited by Audrey McNamara and Nelson O'Ceallaigh Ritschel; pp. xxvi + 274. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $119.99, $89.00 ebook. One of the consequences of what Declan Kiberd has famously called the worlding of Irish Studies has been a shift in the field's conception of who the major Irish modernists are. Widening the scope from nationalism to internationalism has created more room in the Irish canon for modern writers whose relationship to the Irish revival and/or Irish nationalism was antagonistic, tangential, or ambivalent. Figures like Oscar Wilde and Samuel Beckett—Irish-born, Irish-educated writers whose careers unfolded outside of Ireland and whose work does not overtly engage Ireland—have moved in from the margins. Somewhat belatedly, George Bernard Shaw is making that journey. In the twenty-first century, Shaw's work is getting renewed critical attention. The past decade has produced new single-author studies like Matthew Yde's Bernard Shaw and Totalitarianism: Longing for Utopia (2013) and Steven Watt's Bernard Shaw's Fiction, Material Psychology, and Affect: Shaw, Freud, Simmel (2018). Shaw has also figured in a number of new investigations of the origins of modern drama in English, including David Kornhaber's The Birth of Theater from the Spirit of Philosophy: Nietzsche and the Modern Drama (2016), Patrick Bixby's Nietzsche and Irish Modernism (2022), and my own Irish Drama and the Other Revolutions: Playwrights, Sexual Politics and the International Left, 1892–1964 (2017). With Bernard Shaw and the Making of Modern Ireland, Audrey McNamara and Nelson O'Ceallaigh Ritschel seek to establish Shaw as a major Irish modernist. Lamenting that Shaw "remained outside the realms of Irish studies until … 2010" (2), McNamara and Ritschel have assembled a group of essays that seek to "demonstrat[e] how influential a figure he was in the ongoing debate and movement toward Irish independence" and [End Page 342] "highligh[t] the international vision Shaw had for a modernizing Ireland" (5). The collection appears to have been inspired by the International Shaw Society's 2012 meeting in Dublin and includes the address given at that conference by Irish President Michael D. Higgins. The collection is part of Palgrave's series "Bernard Shaw and His Contemporaries," which was launched in 2016 with David Clare's Bernard Shaw's Irish Outlook, and which now boasts over twenty titles. Bernard Shaw and the Making of Modern Ireland is shaped by a tension between two different impulses legible in its introduction. Connecting Shaw to the Irish revival, on the one hand, is for some of these authors part of a larger attempt to reconceive that revival as international and cosmopolitan rather than nationalist and insular. On the other hand, there also seems to be a concern to
书评:《萧伯纳与现代爱尔兰的形成》，奥黛丽·麦克纳马拉和纳尔逊·奥凯拉莱·里切尔主编;第二十六页+ 274页。Cham，瑞士:Palgrave Macmillan出版社，2020,119.99美元，电子书89.00美元。德克兰·基伯德(Declan Kiberd)著名的“爱尔兰研究的世界”的一个后果是，学界对谁是主要爱尔兰现代主义者的概念发生了转变。将范围从民族主义扩大到国际主义，为那些与爱尔兰复兴和/或爱尔兰民族主义的关系是敌对的、疏远的或矛盾的现代作家在爱尔兰经典中创造了更多的空间。奥斯卡·王尔德(Oscar Wilde)和塞缪尔·贝克特(Samuel beckett)等在爱尔兰出生、接受爱尔兰教育的作家，他们的职业生涯在爱尔兰之外展开，他们的作品也没有明显地涉及爱尔兰。乔治•伯纳德•肖(George Bernard Shaw)正在踏上这一征程，虽然有些姗姗来迟。在21世纪，萧伯纳的作品重新受到评论界的关注。过去十年出现了新的单作者研究，如马修·伊德的《萧伯纳与极权主义:对乌托邦的渴望》(2013年)和史蒂文·瓦特的《萧伯纳的小说、物质心理学和情感:萧伯纳、弗洛伊德、齐美尔》(2018年)。萧伯纳还参与了一些关于英语现代戏剧起源的新研究，包括大卫·科恩哈伯的《从哲学精神看戏剧的诞生:尼采与现代戏剧》(2016)，帕特里克·比克斯比的《尼采与爱尔兰现代主义》(2022)，以及我自己的《爱尔兰戏剧与其他革命:剧作家、性政治和国际左派，1892-1964》(2017)。在《萧伯纳与现代爱尔兰的形成》一书中，奥黛丽·麦克纳马拉和纳尔逊·里切尔试图将萧伯纳确立为一位重要的爱尔兰现代主义者。哀叹萧伯纳“直到……2010年才进入爱尔兰研究的领域”，麦克纳马拉和里切尔汇集了一组文章，试图“证明他在正在进行的辩论和爱尔兰独立运动中是一个多么有影响力的人物”，并“突出了肖伯纳对现代化爱尔兰的国际视野”(5)。这本文集的灵感似乎来自2012年在都柏林举行的国际肖伯纳协会会议，其中包括爱尔兰总统迈克尔·d·希金斯在那次会议上的讲话。这本书是帕尔格雷夫“萧伯纳及其同时代人”系列的一部分，该系列于2016年与大卫·克莱尔的《萧伯纳的爱尔兰展望》一起推出，目前已有20多本。《萧伯纳与现代爱尔兰的形成》是由两种不同冲动之间的紧张关系塑造的，在前言中可以清晰地看到。将萧伯纳与爱尔兰复兴联系起来，一方面，对其中一些作者来说，是一种更大的尝试的一部分，他们试图将爱尔兰复兴重新定义为国际和世界主义，而不是民族主义和狭隘主义。另一方面，似乎也有人想把肖插入爱尔兰现代主义的概念中，这个概念更严格地由爱尔兰民族主义及其关注的问题所定义。总的来说，这些章节以欢迎和富有创造性的方式扩展了我们对萧伯纳传记、历史和政治背景的理解。书中有几章聚焦于阿比剧院历史上一个重要但未被充分讨论的时期:从爱尔兰革命时期开始(1913年都柏林大罢工)到20世纪20年代初伦诺克斯·罗宾逊成为下一任长期阿比剧院导演之间的几年。正是在这动荡的十年里——导演们几乎每年都要在修道院轮流演出，常常在阴云笼罩下离开——萧伯纳的戏剧终于登上了都柏林的舞台，就像它们长期主宰伦敦的严肃戏剧一样。安东尼·罗奇(Anthony Roche)对这一时期的调查，令人信服地证明了约瑟夫·奥古斯都·基奥(Joseph Augustus Keough) 1916-17年在修道院的萧伯纳时期，是爱尔兰现代主义发展的重要催化剂。这一时期的修道院历史还包括萧伯纳鲜为人知的戏剧《奥弗莱厄蒂，V.C.》(1915)的传奇故事。1915年，爱尔兰副部长要求萧伯纳写一部戏剧，帮助英国军队招募爱尔兰士兵。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911137
Reviewed by: Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris by Seamus Flaherty Anna Vaninskaya (bio) Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris, by Seamus Flaherty; pp. ix + 271. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $99.99, $99.99 paper, $79.99 ebook, £64.99. As Seamus Flaherty reminds us in the introduction and conclusion to his Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris, from the 1880s to the 1980s the history of British socialism was largely the concern of historians who were themselves socialist. Certain preconceptions within the socialist tradition thus dictated how the historiography developed; as a result, figures like those who form the focus of Flaherty's own account were misinterpreted, caricatured, or pushed to the margins and neglected. Although William Morris, the most famous (to a general Victorianist audience) of the three figures with whom the book deals, was recuperated, neither H. M. Hyndman, the leader of the first Marxist group in Britain who has been routinely dismissed as a "Tory radical," nor E. B. Bax, the Marxist philosopher consigned to obscurity as an "impractical academic," fared too well (26, 6). Accordingly, while Morris is treated relatively briefly in the final chapter, Hyndman and Bax (the stars of the account) share the rest of the book between them. Flaherty sets out to restore not just the centrality of Hyndman and Bax to the history of Marxist thought, but the centrality of non-Marxist—especially Liberal—thought to the formulation of Hyndman's, Bax's, and Morris's own views. Flaherty succeeds much more fully in the latter task than in the former. Although the evidence for direct influence is not always as strong as could be wished (there is a general tendency in the book to assume, without providing sufficiently compelling proof, that certain texts or writers are influenced by, responding to, or invoking certain others), Flaherty does a thorough job of placing Hyndman and Bax within the broader intellectual history of the late Victorian period. The book's textual analyses situate the publications of Hyndman and Bax in their wider contexts with a level of detail not always possible in synoptic overviews such as Mark Bevir's The Making of British Socialism (2011), to which Flaherty's monograph may be seen as an addendum and, in parts, a corrective. The main strength of the book is this recontextualization of early British Marxist thought as part of a much wider conversation about the meanings of socialism carried out in [End Page 363] print, and in the periodical press in particular, in the 1870s, 1880s, and 1890s. Thanks to Flaherty, many figures including Herbert Spencer, Arnold Toynbee, John Morley, the British Comtists, Idealist philosophers like Thomas Hill Green and,
{"title":"Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris by Seamus Flaherty (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/vic.2023.a911137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/vic.2023.a911137","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris by Seamus Flaherty Anna Vaninskaya (bio) Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris, by Seamus Flaherty; pp. ix + 271. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $99.99, $99.99 paper, $79.99 ebook, £64.99. As Seamus Flaherty reminds us in the introduction and conclusion to his Marx, Engels and Modern British Socialism: The Social and Political Thought of H. M. Hyndman, E. B. Bax and William Morris, from the 1880s to the 1980s the history of British socialism was largely the concern of historians who were themselves socialist. Certain preconceptions within the socialist tradition thus dictated how the historiography developed; as a result, figures like those who form the focus of Flaherty's own account were misinterpreted, caricatured, or pushed to the margins and neglected. Although William Morris, the most famous (to a general Victorianist audience) of the three figures with whom the book deals, was recuperated, neither H. M. Hyndman, the leader of the first Marxist group in Britain who has been routinely dismissed as a \"Tory radical,\" nor E. B. Bax, the Marxist philosopher consigned to obscurity as an \"impractical academic,\" fared too well (26, 6). Accordingly, while Morris is treated relatively briefly in the final chapter, Hyndman and Bax (the stars of the account) share the rest of the book between them. Flaherty sets out to restore not just the centrality of Hyndman and Bax to the history of Marxist thought, but the centrality of non-Marxist—especially Liberal—thought to the formulation of Hyndman's, Bax's, and Morris's own views. Flaherty succeeds much more fully in the latter task than in the former. Although the evidence for direct influence is not always as strong as could be wished (there is a general tendency in the book to assume, without providing sufficiently compelling proof, that certain texts or writers are influenced by, responding to, or invoking certain others), Flaherty does a thorough job of placing Hyndman and Bax within the broader intellectual history of the late Victorian period. The book's textual analyses situate the publications of Hyndman and Bax in their wider contexts with a level of detail not always possible in synoptic overviews such as Mark Bevir's The Making of British Socialism (2011), to which Flaherty's monograph may be seen as an addendum and, in parts, a corrective. The main strength of the book is this recontextualization of early British Marxist thought as part of a much wider conversation about the meanings of socialism carried out in [End Page 363] print, and in the periodical press in particular, in the 1870s, 1880s, and 1890s. Thanks to Flaherty, many figures including Herbert Spencer, Arnold Toynbee, John Morley, the British Comtists, Idealist philosophers like Thomas Hill Green and,","PeriodicalId":45845,"journal":{"name":"VICTORIAN STUDIES","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911117
Reviewed by: Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century by Amanda M. Burritt Nabil Matar (bio) Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, by Amanda M. Burritt; pp. xxi + 239. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $54.99, $59.99 paper, $44.99 ebook. The nineteenth century was the Great Age of Christian Mission. From Britain, the superpower of the century, and from other parts of Europe and America, travelers, poets, novelists, theologians, and archaeologists all ventured into the world to preach the gospels. The lands of the Bible, extending from Egypt to Palestine, drew large numbers, especially after the introduction of organized tourism by Thomas Cook. Eager to find evidence of faith in an age of growing uncertainty, Britons (and others) wandered with Bible in hand, as had their forebears for centuries, trying to verify, describe, confirm, and experience the truth of the life of Christ. In her engaging book on three British painters, Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, Amanda M. Burritt, from the Graduate School of Education at the University of Melbourne, Australia, examines the works of David Roberts, David Wilkie, and William Holman Hunt. These three painters traveled to and in the Holy Land: Roberts in 1838–39, Wilkie in 1840–41, and Hunt, four times, in 1854–55, 1869–72, 1876–78, and [End Page 319] 1892. Burritt studies their paintings in the context of their religious views expressed in their memoirs, correspondence, and other personal documents. Her aim is to show how much the painters reflected, but also helped define, the distinctively Protestant character of Christianity in England and Scotland—a Christianity that treated the Bible as a historical document to be experienced in its sacred geography. Experience is key to Burritt's argument, which is why she focuses on those British painters who traveled and then imagined/depicted scenes from the Bible, rather than on those who simply relied on their readings—as was the case for two of Hunt's fellow Pre-Raphaelites, Dante Gabriel Rossetti and John Everett Millais. Experience gave legitimacy to scriptural revelation. Although the three painters were quite different in their aesthetics, their denominational backgrounds, and their themes, they all depicted the sites and the peoples they liked to think had not changed since Jesus walked on the Sea of Galilee or in the alleys of Nazareth. Their realism was bold, sometimes audacious: they eschewed idealization, thereby assuring viewers of the historicity of the biblical past. Perhaps most dramatic in this context of authentication was Hunt, who revolutionized the figure of Jesus in British art by moving away from the complex theology of Christianity to the simplicity of Palestinian life. His The Finding of the Saviour in the Temple (1854–60) showed a boy, lost and then found by his parents: a boy, just like a boy next door, being held by his mother. The painting was viewed by thousan
{"title":"Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century by Amanda M. Burritt (review)","authors":"","doi":"10.2979/vic.2023.a911117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/vic.2023.a911117","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewed by: Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century by Amanda M. Burritt Nabil Matar (bio) Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, by Amanda M. Burritt; pp. xxi + 239. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $54.99, $59.99 paper, $44.99 ebook. The nineteenth century was the Great Age of Christian Mission. From Britain, the superpower of the century, and from other parts of Europe and America, travelers, poets, novelists, theologians, and archaeologists all ventured into the world to preach the gospels. The lands of the Bible, extending from Egypt to Palestine, drew large numbers, especially after the introduction of organized tourism by Thomas Cook. Eager to find evidence of faith in an age of growing uncertainty, Britons (and others) wandered with Bible in hand, as had their forebears for centuries, trying to verify, describe, confirm, and experience the truth of the life of Christ. In her engaging book on three British painters, Visualising Britain's Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century, Amanda M. Burritt, from the Graduate School of Education at the University of Melbourne, Australia, examines the works of David Roberts, David Wilkie, and William Holman Hunt. These three painters traveled to and in the Holy Land: Roberts in 1838–39, Wilkie in 1840–41, and Hunt, four times, in 1854–55, 1869–72, 1876–78, and [End Page 319] 1892. Burritt studies their paintings in the context of their religious views expressed in their memoirs, correspondence, and other personal documents. Her aim is to show how much the painters reflected, but also helped define, the distinctively Protestant character of Christianity in England and Scotland—a Christianity that treated the Bible as a historical document to be experienced in its sacred geography. Experience is key to Burritt's argument, which is why she focuses on those British painters who traveled and then imagined/depicted scenes from the Bible, rather than on those who simply relied on their readings—as was the case for two of Hunt's fellow Pre-Raphaelites, Dante Gabriel Rossetti and John Everett Millais. Experience gave legitimacy to scriptural revelation. Although the three painters were quite different in their aesthetics, their denominational backgrounds, and their themes, they all depicted the sites and the peoples they liked to think had not changed since Jesus walked on the Sea of Galilee or in the alleys of Nazareth. Their realism was bold, sometimes audacious: they eschewed idealization, thereby assuring viewers of the historicity of the biblical past. Perhaps most dramatic in this context of authentication was Hunt, who revolutionized the figure of Jesus in British art by moving away from the complex theology of Christianity to the simplicity of Palestinian life. His The Finding of the Saviour in the Temple (1854–60) showed a boy, lost and then found by his parents: a boy, just like a boy next door, being held by his mother. The painting was viewed by thousan","PeriodicalId":45845,"journal":{"name":"VICTORIAN STUDIES","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135448350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.2979/vic.2023.a911135
Reviewed by: Early Anthropocene Literature in Britain, 1750–1884 by Seth T. Reno, and: Charlotte Brontë at the Anthropocene by Shawna Ross Devin M. Garofalo (bio) Early Anthropocene Literature in Britain, 1750–1884, by Seth T. Reno; pp. xvi + 246. London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, $119.99, $119.99 paper. Charlotte Brontë at the Anthropocene, by Shawna Ross; pp. vii + 326. Albany: SUNY Press, 2020, $95.00, $24.95 paper. For scholars of nineteenth-century British literature and the environmental humanities, the Anthropocene concept poses a number of pressing challenges. Among them are preserving historical specificity while tracking transhistorical continuities, scaling between competing forms and forces (as well as levels of reading), and theorizing human species-being without obfuscating intrahuman difference and uneven landscapes of exposure. The two monographs reviewed here are organized around a common set of concerns: the relationship between anthropogenic enterprise and geologic process as emergent in the long nineteenth century, the affordances of aesthetic representation in confrontation with the so-called Anthropocene, and problems of literary history. Their scalar approaches, however, are quite different. Whereas Seth T. Reno's Early Anthropocene Literature in Britain, 1750–1884 cuts across more than a century's worth of aesthetic and scientific cultural production, Shawna Ross's Charlotte Brontë at the Anthropocene centers the oeuvre of one woman writing in a particular place and time. Considered together, these monographs throw into relief some of the possibilities and pitfalls of ecocritical nineteenth-century studies. Reno's Early Anthropocene Literature in Britain takes as its point of focus the "Romantic Century," the bookends of which are the onset of the Industrial Revolution and John Ruskin's 1884 storm-cloud lectures. Eschewing the bounds of periodization, [End Page 357] Reno emphasizes transhistorical porosity. He does so to "advocate for 1750 as a convenient starting date for the Anthropocene": it encompasses the rise of industry, agriculture, and commerce in "the global fossil fuel era"; marks "a clear rise in CO2"; and reveals how "the eighteenth century is the first time that writers recognized humanity as a geological force of nature" (4). Whereas, according to Reno, "most literary studies of the Anthropocene … argu[e] that recognition of anthropogenic climate change does not emerge until the twentieth century," Early Anthropocene Literature in Britain "proposes a novel framework built on the substrate of little-noticed" eighteenth- and nineteenth-century "acknowledgments of climate change" (7). In the project's expansive archive, Reno locates "a tension between humans as powerful geological agents and humans as insignificant in the vast immensity of deep time and deep space," a tension that he argues is constitutive of the Anthropocene (11). Taking shape across four chapters whose elemental structure (earth,
书评:英国早期人类世文学，1750-1884年，塞思·t·里诺;夏洛特Brontë在人类世，肖娜·罗斯·德文·m·加罗法洛(传记)英国早期人类世文学，1750-1884年，塞思·t·里诺;第16 + 246页。伦敦和纽约:Palgrave Macmillan出版社，2020年版，119.99美元，纸质版119.99美元。夏洛特Brontë在人类世，作者肖娜·罗斯;页7 + 326。奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社，2020年，95美元，纸质版24.95美元。对于19世纪英国文学和环境人文学科的学者来说，人类世的概念提出了许多紧迫的挑战。其中包括在追踪跨历史连续性的同时保留历史特殊性，在竞争形式和力量(以及阅读水平)之间进行缩放，在不混淆人与人之间差异和不均匀的暴露景观的情况下理论化人类物种存在。这里回顾的两篇专著围绕着一系列共同的问题进行组织:在漫长的19世纪出现的人类活动与地质过程之间的关系，与所谓的人类世对抗的美学表现的优势，以及文学史的问题。然而，它们的标量方法却大不相同。Seth T. Reno的《英国早期人类世文学，1750-1884》跨越了一个多世纪的美学和科学文化作品，Shawna Ross的《夏洛特Brontë人类世》集中了一位女性在特定地点和时间的全部作品。综合考虑，这些专著揭示了19世纪生态批评研究的一些可能性和陷阱。雷诺的《英国早期人类世文学》以“浪漫世纪”为焦点，其中工业革命的开始和约翰·罗斯金1884年的风暴云讲座是这一世纪的起点。Reno避开了分期的界限，强调了跨历史的孔隙度。他这样做是为了“倡导把1750年作为人类世的起始日期”:它涵盖了“全球化石燃料时代”工业、农业和商业的兴起;标志着“二氧化碳的明显上升”;并揭示了“18世纪是作家们第一次认识到人类是一种自然的地质力量”(4)。然而，根据雷诺的说法，“大多数关于人类世的文学研究……都认为，直到20世纪才出现了对人为气候变化的认识。”英国早期人类世文学“提出了一个新框架，它建立在18世纪和19世纪鲜为人知的“对气候变化的认识”的基础上(7)。在该项目庞大的档案中，里诺发现了“人类作为强大的地质媒介与人类在浩瀚的深时空中无足轻重之间的紧张关系”，他认为这种紧张关系构成了人类世(11)。《英国早期人类世文学》分为四章，其基本结构(土、火、水、空气)源自伊拉斯谟·达尔文的《植物园》(1791)。该书调查了大量自觉地将“工业革命作为一个新地质时代的开端”编年史的著作。《英国早期人类世文学》调查了极其丰富的档案，并观察了人类活动与地球物理过程之间的许多联系。但这本书在论证或方法论上的许多新颖之处，往往与现有的学术研究相呼应。其中一些可能归结于读者，因为《英国早期人类世文学》一书的读者被认为没有跟上18世纪和19世纪生态研究的最新发展。然而，如果“大众观点”或已确立的学术“大叙述”确实像雷诺所说的那样，倾向于把对人类地球物理力量的自觉“承认”定位在20世纪，那么18世纪和19世纪研究领域的学者们一段时间以来一直在争论另一种观点。尽管简要地承认了人类世概念的平面化，以及宣称“黄金尖峰”——当代关于我们新的后全新世时代起源的争论围绕着这个地理历史标志——的麻烦，这本书还是提出了一个自认为“方便”的(对该领域的学者来说)熟悉的:1750年(4)。在这个过程中，关键的历史、文化、概念和美学的区别往往会消失。所有的文本都成为地质过程和人类活动之间的“联系”(本书大量使用的一个词)的统一实例。
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Pub Date : 2022-11-22DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-24158-2
E. Courtemanche
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Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.09
D. Morse
Periodical culture, steeped as it was in partisan politics, constitutes an important historical backdrop for the book. Keen’s staging of these debates is meticulously detailed while also marking out quarries of knowledge that have yet to be excavated. In chapter 3, for instance, Keen reflects on the pedagogical limitations of classical learning articulated by a critic in the Edinburgh Review (1802–1929) in a consideration of Robert Edgeworth’s Essays on Professional Education (1809). It would have been interesting to see Keen engage with the volume itself, for Edgeworth was a widely read and vocal proponent of practical education; while Edgeworth remarks that the “value of all knowledge must ultimately be decided by its utility,” these claims are also underwritten by an extensive literature appealing to the concept of learning by doing (Essays on Professional Education [J. Johnson, 1809], 371). Such omissions are regrettable, however, chiefly because they might affirm the idea that Keen already makes so convincingly: namely, that the history of these debates reveals how little we actually understand the terms that underlie our own sense of purpose as humanists. And this is not, moreover, a book about education alone. It is about a cultural impulse to justify pursuits that do not always garner immediate or quantifiable results in the real world. The book’s title refers to the early nineteenth-century world Keen recreates for us—a “Utilitarian Age” replete with fears that, as Thomas Carlyle put it, we are becoming “Mechanical in head and in heart” (“Signs of the Times,” Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, vol. 2 [James Munroe and Company, 1838], 150). But we too live in a “Utilitarian Age,” as Keen puts it, in which an “atmosphere of belligerent intolerance . . . has begun to erode the foundation of the public sphere that, however imperfect, remains crucial for any genuinely democratic society” (158). In our troubled present, the humanities might constitute a form of vital activism not through the promotion of specific precepts or practices, but rather by questioning what we think we know and facing what we do not. Kimberly J. Stern University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
{"title":"The Edinburgh Companion to Anthony Trollope, edited by Frederik Van Dam, David Skilton, and Ortwin de Graef","authors":"D. Morse","doi":"10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.09","url":null,"abstract":"Periodical culture, steeped as it was in partisan politics, constitutes an important historical backdrop for the book. Keen’s staging of these debates is meticulously detailed while also marking out quarries of knowledge that have yet to be excavated. In chapter 3, for instance, Keen reflects on the pedagogical limitations of classical learning articulated by a critic in the Edinburgh Review (1802–1929) in a consideration of Robert Edgeworth’s Essays on Professional Education (1809). It would have been interesting to see Keen engage with the volume itself, for Edgeworth was a widely read and vocal proponent of practical education; while Edgeworth remarks that the “value of all knowledge must ultimately be decided by its utility,” these claims are also underwritten by an extensive literature appealing to the concept of learning by doing (Essays on Professional Education [J. Johnson, 1809], 371). Such omissions are regrettable, however, chiefly because they might affirm the idea that Keen already makes so convincingly: namely, that the history of these debates reveals how little we actually understand the terms that underlie our own sense of purpose as humanists. And this is not, moreover, a book about education alone. It is about a cultural impulse to justify pursuits that do not always garner immediate or quantifiable results in the real world. The book’s title refers to the early nineteenth-century world Keen recreates for us—a “Utilitarian Age” replete with fears that, as Thomas Carlyle put it, we are becoming “Mechanical in head and in heart” (“Signs of the Times,” Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, vol. 2 [James Munroe and Company, 1838], 150). But we too live in a “Utilitarian Age,” as Keen puts it, in which an “atmosphere of belligerent intolerance . . . has begun to erode the foundation of the public sphere that, however imperfect, remains crucial for any genuinely democratic society” (158). In our troubled present, the humanities might constitute a form of vital activism not through the promotion of specific precepts or practices, but rather by questioning what we think we know and facing what we do not. Kimberly J. Stern University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill","PeriodicalId":45845,"journal":{"name":"VICTORIAN STUDIES","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42493523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.24
D. Moore
poor was part of a larger social movement that clarifies even larger ties to his betterremembered contemporaries, such as William Booth, W. T. Stead, Margaret Harkness, and Jack London, who worked alongside Besant in the struggle to help the working classes. In his contribution to the volume, Eliot notes that Besant believed that, for the “popular minor novelist” (130), literary success “was all ephemeral and fleeting and would eventually evaporate into nothing” (129). The essays in this volume prompt us to question Besant on this point, if not for his stodgy and misguided views then for his prolific and wide-ranging contributions to Victorian literary culture. Heidi Kaufman University of Oregon
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Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.15
H. Ellis
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Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.32
L. Topp
court, the criminal trial) became increasingly important venues to watch the play of justice and the reactions of the condemned. Their readings, combined with Low’s analysis of the tensions between local and national authorities, remind us that the elimination of public hanging created new issues even as it purported to solve old ones. Finally, Stephanie Emma Brown (in a study of Wales) demonstrates the complexity of national and racial issues by demonstrating that there was no simple creation of a so-called Other in the depiction of the condemned according to national, ethnic, and racial categories. As mentioned above, Execution Culture offers a series of intriguing case studies in the ways that an absence becomes present in a culture. Although hangings were always, in part, mediated through description and debate (after all, not everyone attended every hanging), with the passage of the Capital Punishment Amendment Act that mediation assumed even greater importance. Without denying the continued materiality of executions (Low’s essay is particularly strong on this issue), the contributors force us to contend with the possibility that the transfer of the hanging behind prison walls may have increased the cultural presence of the execution within British culture even as it went, as the volume’s title has it, “from public spectacle to hidden ritual.” In his introduction, Low rehearses the ongoing debate among scholars about Michel Foucault and Pieter Spierenburg’s explanations for the decline of public executions. In this debate the usual reference is to Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1977). But I wonder if the lesson of Execution Culture is that we should look elsewhere: to Foucault’s History of Sexuality, volume 1 (1978). After all, a central theme of that book was that repression led not to silence but rather to a proliferation of discourse, with the Victorian period as a crucial moment for this proliferation. We need histories of the death penalty that will link its privatization with the larger discourses around crime, sexuality, disease, and crisis. The chapters in Execution Culture in Nineteenth Century Britain may not provide that history, but they do point a way toward it with careful research and argumentation. Michael Meranze University of California, Los Angeles
法庭、刑事审判）成为观看正义和被判刑者反应的越来越重要的场所。他们的解读，再加上Low对地方和国家当局之间紧张关系的分析，提醒我们，取消公开绞刑会产生新的问题，尽管它旨在解决旧的问题。最后，斯蒂芬妮·艾玛·布朗（Stephanie Emma Brown）（在对威尔士的一项研究中）证明了国家和种族问题的复杂性，她证明了在根据国家、种族和种族类别描述被谴责者的过程中，并没有简单地创造出所谓的“他者”。如上所述，《执行文化》提供了一系列有趣的案例研究，探讨缺席在文化中的表现方式。尽管绞刑在一定程度上总是通过描述和辩论来调解的（毕竟，并不是每个人都参加了每一次绞刑），但随着《死刑修正案》的通过，调解变得更加重要。在不否认处决的持续实质性的情况下（Low的文章在这个问题上特别有力），撰稿人迫使我们应对这样一种可能性，即监狱墙后绞刑的转移可能增加了处决在英国文化中的文化存在，即使正如该卷的标题所说，“从公共奇观到隐藏的仪式”。在他的引言中，Low排练了学者们正在进行的关于米歇尔·福柯和皮特·斯皮伦堡对公开处决减少的解释的辩论。在这场争论中，通常提到的是福柯的《纪律与惩罚：监狱的诞生》（1977）。但我想知道执行文化的教训是否是我们应该另眼相看：看看福柯的《性史》，第1卷（1978年）。毕竟，这本书的一个中心主题是，镇压并没有导致沉默，而是导致话语的扩散，维多利亚时期是这种扩散的关键时刻。我们需要死刑的历史，将其私有化和围绕犯罪、性、疾病和危机的更大讨论联系起来。《19世纪英国的处决文化》中的章节可能没有提供这段历史，但它们确实通过仔细的研究和论证指明了通往这段历史的道路。Michael Meranze加州大学洛杉矶分校
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Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.2979/victorianstudies.64.3.28
P. Gilbert
For decades, public health practitioners have located the origins of epidemiology in Britain in the mid-nineteenth century, with John Snow’s famous study of the 1854 London cholera epidem‐ ic. His spatial analysis implicating the Broad Street Pump and the Southern and Vauxhall Water Com‐ pany is often seen as a work of unparalleled in‐ spiration and heroic scientific genius. However, in The Filth Disease: Typhoid Fever and the Practices of Epidemiology in Victorian England, historian Jacob Steere-Williams unveils a vibrant world of Victorian epidemiological practice and emerging professionalization far more expansive than this traditional narrative suggests. In this engaging look at nineteenth-century British public health, Steere-Williams explores the origins of the field of epidemiology, looking to high-profile and explos‐ ive epidemics of typhoid fever to trace how epi‐ demiological practice formed, how its boundaries were negotiated, and how evolving theories of transmission and investigative practices shaped etiologies of typhoid. Crucial to this analysis is Steere-Williams’s methodical examination of the extensive Medical Officer of Health Reports pro‐ duced by urban and rural sanitary officials in their search for the index case in outbreaks of the “Filth Disease.” Through these reports and SteereWilliams’s sharp analysis, the dual role of typhoid in public health becomes evident: first, as a lens through which to examine the changing nature of public health and the emergence of epidemiology as a unified profession; and second, as a model disease, shaping epidemiological practice, public health epistemology, and urban and rural concep‐ tions of cleanliness and filth during the same peri‐ od.
几十年来，公共卫生从业者一直在寻找19世纪中期英国流行病学的起源，约翰·斯诺对1854年伦敦霍乱流行进行了著名的研究。他对布罗德街水泵公司、南部和沃克斯豪尔水务公司的空间分析经常被视为无与伦比的灵感和英雄般的科学天才。然而，历史学家雅各布·斯蒂尔·威廉姆斯（Jacob Steere Williams）在《肮脏的疾病：伤寒和维多利亚时代英格兰的流行病学实践》（The Filth Disease:Typhoid Fever and The Practices of Epidemiology in Victoria England）一书中揭示了一个充满活力的维多利亚时代流行病学实践和新兴职业化的世界，其范围远比传统叙事所暗示的要广。在这篇引人入胜的关于19世纪英国公共卫生的文章中，斯蒂尔·威廉姆斯探索了流行病学领域的起源，着眼于备受瞩目的伤寒流行，以追踪流行病实践是如何形成的，其边界是如何协商的，以及传播理论和调查实践的演变如何影响伤寒的病因。对这一分析至关重要的是，斯蒂尔·威廉姆斯有条不紊地检查了城市和农村卫生官员在寻找“费思病”爆发的指数病例时编制的大量卫生官员报告。通过这些报告和斯蒂尔·威廉姆斯的尖锐分析，伤寒在公共卫生中的双重作用变得显而易见：首先，作为一个镜头，通过它来审视公共卫生性质的变化和流行病学作为一个统一专业的出现；其次，作为一种模式疾病，在同一时期形成了流行病学实践、公共卫生认识论以及城市和农村对清洁和肮脏的概念。
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