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Freedom of Speech and True Threats 言论自由和真正的威胁
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2001-05-29 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.268314
J. Rothman
This article proposes a new test for determining what is a true threat - speech not protected by the First Amendment. Despite the importance of the true threats exception to the First Amendment, this is an underexplored area of constitutional law. Even though the Supreme Court has made clear that true threats are punishable, it has not clearly defined what speech constitutes a true threat. To make this determination circuit courts have adopted inconsistent and inadequate tests including a reasonable listener test. The Supreme Court has never granted certiorari to resolve the issue. The law surrounding threats has gained recent attention in two cases involving alleged threats conveyed over the internet: the Nuremberg Files case and the Jake Baker case. A Ninth Circuit decision (currently being considered for en banc review) recently reversed the district court decision in the Nuremberg Files case and its analysis highlights the circuit court confusion on what constitutes a true threat. This article discusses the failings of the current circuit tests, as well as the inadequacy of the alternatives suggested by scholars. This article proposes a new test which adds both an intent prong and an actor prong to the generally accepted reasonable listener test. An extensive test suite of cases demonstrates the efficacy of the proposed test. This article resolves the current confusion and presents a true threats test which provides greater protection for speakers while preserving the rights of potential victims.
这篇文章提出了一个新的标准来确定什么是真正的威胁——不受第一修正案保护的言论。尽管第一修正案的真正威胁例外很重要,但这是宪法中一个未被充分探索的领域。尽管最高法院已经明确表示,真正的威胁是要受到惩罚的,但它并没有明确界定什么言论构成真正的威胁。为了作出这一决定,巡回法院采用了不一致和不充分的测试,包括合理的听众测试。最高法院从未批准调卷令来解决这个问题。最近,在两起涉嫌通过互联网传播威胁的案件中,有关威胁的法律引起了人们的关注:纽伦堡档案案和杰克·贝克案。第九巡回法院的一项裁决(目前正在考虑进行全院审查)最近推翻了地区法院在纽伦堡档案案中的裁决,其分析突显了巡回法院对什么构成真正威胁的混淆。本文讨论了当前电路测试的缺陷,以及学者们提出的替代方案的不足。本文提出了一种新的测试方法,在普遍接受的合理倾听者测试中增加意图测试和行为者测试。广泛的用例测试集证明了所建议的测试的有效性。本文解决了目前的困惑,并提出了一个真正的威胁测试,为说话者提供了更大的保护,同时保留了潜在受害者的权利。
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引用次数: 11
Fourteenth Amendment unenumerated rights jurisprudence: an essay in response to Stenberg v. Carhart. 第十四修正案未列举权利的法理:对斯坦伯格诉卡哈特案的回应。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2001-01-01
D M Smolin
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引用次数: 0
The genome and the law: should increased genetic knowledge change the law? 基因组与法律:增加的基因知识应该改变法律吗?
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2001-01-01
E D Elliott
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引用次数: 0
Regulation of Franchisor Opportunism and Production of the Institutional Framework: Federal Monopoly or Competition Between the States? 特许人机会主义的规制与制度框架的产生:联邦垄断还是州间竞争?
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2000-03-21 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.186049
Alan J. Meese
The Sherman Act forbids contracts that restrain interstate commerce, and proof of significant market power is usually necessary to establish the existence of such a restraint. Recently, however, some have argued that courts should employ the Sherman Act to regulate opportunistic behavior by franchisors that do not possess the sort of market power ordinarily necessary to establish antitrust liability. Inspired by the Supreme Court's decision in Eastman Kodak v. Image Technical Services, these advocates find "market power" in the presence of relationship-specific investments and would impose antitrust liability on franchisors that abuse such power to the detriment of their franchisees. Informational asymmetries and bargaining costs, it is said, prevent franchisees from protecting themselves in the bargaining process from unduly onerous contractual terms. This essay argues that reliance upon the Sherman Act to combat franchisor opportunism would constitute an unjustified expansion of federal regulatory authority and upset the traditional division of labor between states and the national government. To be sure, scholars have provided a plausible story of opportunism in the franchising context, where bargaining and information costs can be significant. Still, these advocates have not explained why federal regulation of such behavior is warranted. As Professor Coase has recognized, bargaining and information costs do not exist in a vacuum, but are instead a function of the institutional framework, a framework constructed by background rules of (state) contract law that lower the costs of entering and maintaining relational contracts. Any argument for federal intervention to combat opportunism, then, must explain why the background rules of contract law are not adequate to minimize information and bargaining costs and thus deter opportunistic behavior. More precisely, those who advocate Sherman Act regulation of franchiser opportunism must demonstrate that competition between the states to produce the institutional framework governing the franchisor-franchisee relationship is characterized by a "race to the bottom" that warrants federal intervention. Preliminary analysis suggests that such a race to the bottom is unlikely. No state can become a "haven" for opportunistic franchisors without the cooperation of other states, who must enforce the franchisor's choice of law clauses. Moreover, states that adopt institutional frameworks that raise the cost of transacting and thus facilitate franchisor opportunism will raise the costs of intrastate transactions and make their own citizens vulnerable to opportunism. Federalizing this body of law, then, would unnecessarily deprive businesses and consumers of the benefits of interjurisdictional competition.
《谢尔曼法》禁止限制州际贸易的合同,通常需要证明具有重要的市场力量才能确定这种限制的存在。然而,最近一些人认为,法院应该采用《谢尔曼法》来规范特许经营商的机会主义行为,这些特许经营商通常不具备确立反垄断责任所必需的那种市场力量。受最高法院在伊士曼柯达诉图像技术服务案中判决的启发,这些倡导者发现“市场力量”存在于特定关系投资中,并将对滥用这种力量损害其被特许人的特许人施加反垄断责任。据说,信息不对称和议价成本使特许经营商无法在议价过程中保护自己免受过于繁重的合同条款的影响。本文认为,依靠《谢尔曼法案》来打击特许经营权的机会主义,将构成联邦监管权力的不合理扩张,并扰乱州与国家政府之间的传统分工。可以肯定的是,学者们在特许经营的背景下提供了一个看似合理的机会主义故事,在这个背景下,讨价还价和信息成本可能很重要。然而,这些支持者并没有解释为什么联邦政府有必要对此类行为进行监管。正如科斯教授所认识到的那样,议价和信息成本不是真空存在的,而是制度框架的一个功能,而制度框架是由(国家)合同法的背景规则构建的,它降低了签订和维持关系合同的成本。因此,任何支持联邦政府干预以打击机会主义的论点都必须解释,为什么合同法的背景规则不足以将信息和议价成本降到最低,从而阻止机会主义行为。更确切地说,主张《谢尔曼法案》对特许人机会主义进行监管的人必须证明,各州之间为建立管理特许人与特许人关系的制度框架而展开的竞争,具有“逐底竞争”的特点,需要联邦政府的干预。初步分析表明,这种逐底竞争不太可能发生。没有其他州的合作,任何一个州都不可能成为机会主义的特许人的“避风港”,因为其他州必须执行特许人选择的法律条款。此外,采用提高交易成本从而促进特许人机会主义的制度框架的国家将提高内部交易的成本,并使其本国公民容易受到机会主义的影响。因此,将这一法律体系联邦化,将不必要地剥夺企业和消费者从跨司法管辖区竞争中获得的好处。
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引用次数: 1
Death, ethics and the state. 死亡,道德和国家。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2000-01-01
B C Kalt
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引用次数: 0
The right to assisted suicide and euthanasia. 协助自杀和安乐死的权利。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2000-01-01
N M Gorsuch
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引用次数: 0
"Typhoid Mary" meets the ADA: a case study of the "direct threat" standard under the Americans with Disabilities Act. “伤寒玛丽”符合美国残疾人法:美国残疾人法下“直接威胁”标准的案例研究。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1999-01-01
J A Van Detta
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引用次数: 0
Toward a Principled Interpretation of the Commerce Clause 商事条款的原则性解释
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.7916/D86H4H17
T. Merrill
Formalism is the jurisprudence of rules.1 Functionalism is the jurisprudence of balancing tests.2 If forced to choose between formalism and functionalism, I would probably corne down on the side of formalism. I would not do so, however, because there is some meta-rule that prescribes formalism. Rather, it would be because formalism, on balance, has better consequences than functionalism-in other words, because there are good functionalist reasons to be a formalist.3 Where I part company with many constitutional formalists is not so much over the desirability of rules as opposed to ad hoc balancing,4 but rather over the generality and the source of the
形式主义是规则的法学功能主义是平衡检验的法理学如果必须在形式主义和功能主义之间做出选择,我可能会选择形式主义。但我不会这么做,因为存在一些规定形式主义的元规则。相反,这可能是因为形式主义总的来说比功能主义有更好的结果——换句话说,因为功能主义者有很好的理由成为一名形式主义者我与许多宪法形式主义者的分歧并不在于规则的可取性,而在于与临时平衡相对立,而是在于规则的普遍性和来源
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引用次数: 2
Judicial Review and Federalism 司法审查与联邦制
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv56fggn.12
J. Yoo
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引用次数: 6
Does Public Choice Theory Justify Judicial Activism After All 公共选择理论是否为司法能动主义辩护
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 1997-01-01 DOI: 10.7916/D8Z037S2
T. Merrill
Some legal scholars have argued that public choice theory justifies certain kinds of judicial activism.! Others have said it does not. 2 Given the present state of the debate, it would appear that those finding no necessary support for judicial activism have the stronger argument. I will suggest, however, that if we tweak the analysis a little further, it may turn out that public choice theory provides limited support for judicial activism after all. From an economic perspective-which is to say, the public choice perspective-it may be useful to think of judicial activism as part of a larger market in which a product called "law change" is bought and sold.3 This market has many potential buyers, in the form of the interest groups to which the previous panelists have already referred. Virtually every group has some change in law it would like to see adopted, whether it be producer groups that would like to see new limitations on entry by potential competitors, or environmental groups that would like to see new limitations on the development of natural resources. On the seller side, we can simplifY the analysis by assuming that there are only two firms in the market for law change-the legislature and the courts. We can then reformulate the inquiry as follows: what sorts of factors will determine the demand for
一些法律学者认为,公共选择理论为某些类型的司法能动主义辩护。其他人则表示并非如此。考虑到辩论的现状,那些认为没有必要支持司法能动主义的人似乎有更有力的论据。然而,我建议,如果我们进一步调整分析,可能会发现公共选择理论对司法能动主义提供的支持毕竟是有限的。从经济的角度来看,也就是说,从公共选择的角度来看,把司法能动主义看作一个更大的市场的一部分可能是有用的,在这个市场中,一种被称为“法律变革”的产品被买卖这个市场有许多潜在的买家,以利益集团的形式,前面的小组成员已经提到了。实际上,每一个团体都希望在法律上有所改变,无论是希望看到对潜在竞争者进入的新限制的生产者团体,还是希望看到对自然资源开发的新限制的环境团体。在卖方方面,我们可以通过假设法律变更市场上只有两家公司——立法机构和法院——来简化分析。然后,我们可以重新制定如下的调查:什么样的因素将决定需求
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引用次数: 14
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Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy
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