Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2057472
Rafael Pedemonte
ABSTRACT After breaking away from ‘Stalin’s isolationism’, Moscow saw the 1959 Cuban Revolution as an opportunity to expand its influence and granted Cubans numerous scholarships for postgraduate and technical training in the USSR. Facing international hostility, preparing new specialists was crucial to Cuba’s development. However, for many uneducated Cuban students, in addition to serious external obstacles (weather, language, depression), studying in the USSR was a highly politicised experience. They formed colectivos and were called on to induce a ‘revolutionary morality’ through incentives and sanctions; they also received ongoing political orientation from the embassy, shaping a well-entrenched ‘culture of militancy’.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2123297
Megan A. Black
Tyler Priest has written extensively and convincingly on the history of global mineral flows and offshore oil operations. He has recently turned attention to my book, The Global Interior. In his review, Priest maintains that I greatly exaggerate the importance of the Interior Department to global mineral extraction, pointing to matters of proportion and evidence. Regarding the former, Priest brings attention to the multitude of operators involved in unearthing minerals, including those operators who do the most mining around the world. However, my thesis is not and never was that the Interior Department was the most important entity unearthing minerals around the world. I did and do uphold the importance of the department’s role in creating conditions favourable to mining across a vast array of thresholds, including Indigenous lands, formal territories, foreign nations, the oceans and outer space. Attention to such activities helps unravel the myth of US exceptionalism through its foundational contradictions: the department overtly declared a narrow profile yet aided in the projection of US power in ‘exterior’ places (p. 4) – a story he concedes ‘may be worth telling’. While I ask a fundamentally different set of questions than those raised by Priest in his review, I am happy to clarify my thinking within the parameters he sets regarding mineral flows. Our specific vantage point on power is what is centrally at stake in the disagreement. Priest sees my attention to figures from the Interior Department as misguided. The problem for him is one of proportion. For Priest, their role was marginal. The real procurement story centred around more important players: businessmen, financial intermediaries and firms. Their importance resides in the money they marshalled, whether by government allocation or financial will, and in a status of ‘shaping policy’ through powerful institutions, including resource advisory boards, the military and the State Department. Priest’s own work on the important Brazilian steel industry examines such features of the machinery of procurement. Through much of his review, he drills down into the case of Brazilian manganese, crucially important in the Second World War. Taking other core samples featured in my book, including iron in Liberia, we see Interior players with important, even catalytic roles. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, Lansdell K. Christie, a New York businessman and an ‘old friend’ of Liberian president William Tubman, helped the third largest steel company in the United States, Republic Steel, acquire a Liberian iron mining concession that yielded 1,250,000 tons of ore annually by 1953. What guided Christie to the region was a report by Thomas P. Thayer, a member of the Interior Department’s US Geological Survey. An
泰勒·普里斯特在全球矿产流动和海上石油作业的历史方面著述广泛，令人信服。他最近把注意力转向了我的书《全球内部》。在他的评论中，普里斯特坚持认为我大大夸大了内政部对全球矿产开采的重要性，指出了比例和证据问题。对于前者，普里斯特让人们注意到参与开采矿物的众多运营商，包括那些在世界上开采最多的运营商。然而，我的论点不是，也从来都不是内政部是在世界各地挖掘矿物的最重要的实体。我过去和现在都坚持该部门在创造有利于在包括土著土地、正式领土、外国、海洋和外层空间在内的广泛范围内采矿的条件方面的作用的重要性。对这些活动的关注有助于通过其基本矛盾来解开美国例外主义的神话:该部门公开宣布一个狭隘的形象，但却帮助美国在“外部”地区投射力量(第4页)——他承认这个故事“可能值得讲述”。虽然我提出的问题与Priest在他的评论中提出的问题完全不同，但我很高兴在他设定的关于矿物流动的参数范围内澄清我的想法。我们在权力上的特殊优势是这场分歧的核心利害所在。普里斯特认为我对内政部数据的关注被误导了。他面临的问题是比例问题。对于普里斯特来说，他们的作用微不足道。真正的采购故事围绕着更重要的参与者:商人、金融中介机构和公司。它们的重要性在于它们筹集的资金(无论是通过政府拨款还是财政意愿)，以及它们通过资源咨询委员会、军方和国务院等强大机构“制定政策”的地位。普里斯特自己对重要的巴西钢铁工业的研究考察了采购机制的这些特点。在他的大部分评论中，他深入研究了巴西锰的案例，这在第二次世界大战中至关重要。以我书中提到的其他核心样本为例，包括利比里亚的铁，我们看到内部参与者发挥着重要的，甚至是催化作用。在20世纪40年代末和50年代初，纽约商人、利比里亚总统威廉·塔布曼(William Tubman)的“老朋友”兰斯戴尔·k·克里斯蒂(Lansdell K. Christie)帮助美国第三大钢铁公司共和国钢铁公司(Republic steel)收购了利比里亚的一个铁矿开采权，到1953年，该公司的铁矿石年产量达到125万吨。引导克里斯蒂前往该地区的是美国内政部地质调查局成员托马斯·p·塞耶的一份报告。一个
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2124895
David Prentice
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2103114
Vassily Klimentov
ABSTRACT During the Afghan War, the Mujahideen claimed that the Afghan communists were atheists who were subservient to Moscow and did not have the legitimacy to rule Afghanistan. The war became a contest for legitimacy in Afghanistan and internationally. The Soviets and the Afghan communists portrayed communist Afghanistan as Islamic and therefore legitimate in the international arena. The Soviets elaborated an information campaign emphasising Islam and strengthened Afghanistan’s contacts with Muslim countries to show that the Afghan communists were Muslims too. They hoped international recognition would reduce Muslim countries’ support to the Mujahideen and improve the Afghan communists’ acceptance at home.
{"title":"In search of Islamic legitimacy: the USSR, the Afghan communists and the Muslim world","authors":"Vassily Klimentov","doi":"10.1080/14682745.2022.2103114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2022.2103114","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the Afghan War, the Mujahideen claimed that the Afghan communists were atheists who were subservient to Moscow and did not have the legitimacy to rule Afghanistan. The war became a contest for legitimacy in Afghanistan and internationally. The Soviets and the Afghan communists portrayed communist Afghanistan as Islamic and therefore legitimate in the international arena. The Soviets elaborated an information campaign emphasising Islam and strengthened Afghanistan’s contacts with Muslim countries to show that the Afghan communists were Muslims too. They hoped international recognition would reduce Muslim countries’ support to the Mujahideen and improve the Afghan communists’ acceptance at home.","PeriodicalId":46099,"journal":{"name":"Cold War History","volume":"23 1","pages":"283 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42246961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2021.2016469
Tyler Priest
Megan Black’s The Global Interior reconsiders the United States’ rise to global dominance in the mid-twentieth century by emphasising how US officials ‘brought together Cold War strategy and economic globalization’ (p. 119) to promote US resource interests. Her study analyses the United States’ hunt for oil and strategic minerals – those vital to US civilian and defence industries but in short supply domestically – as a central feature of US economic expansion and geopolitical influence. This perspective is not new, but Black makes the original argument that the US Department of the Interior (DOI), the ‘innermost arm of the American state’ (p. 17), was the agent that ‘spearheaded’ the development of overseas extraction and the commitment of the United States to ‘resources globalism’ (p. 127). The Global Interior posits that US overseas expansion in the mid-twentieth century was less a product of the East Bloc-West Bloc conflict than a continuation of earlier continental expansion and settler colonialism, which, as historians have long established, was also shaped by Interior. The overarching thesis is that Interior used cooperation rather than coercion – mainly through apolitical forms of technical assistance and resource surveys – to incorporate the oil and mineral frontiers of the world into a US hinterland. Interior’s foreign activities thus ‘wrested domestic meaning from foreign space’ (p. 5) and perpetuated the myth that the United States was not an imperial nation. As the winner of several book awards, The Global Interior is likely to influence a generation of historians who study US Cold War strategy and US multinational trade and investment. The research and analysis that inform its claims about the DOI’s global ambitions thus warrant close examination. Black writes,
梅根·布莱克（Megan Black）的《全球内政》（The Global Interior）通过强调美国官员如何“将冷战战略和经济全球化结合起来”（第119页）来促进美国的资源利益，重新思考了美国在20世纪中期崛起为全球主导地位的过程。她的研究分析了美国对石油和战略矿产的追求，这些矿产对美国民用和国防工业至关重要，但在国内供应短缺，是美国经济扩张和地缘政治影响力的核心特征。这种观点并不新鲜，但布莱克提出了最初的论点，即美国内政部（DOI）是“美国国家最内部的部门”（第17页），是“带头”发展海外开采和美国致力于“资源全球主义”的代理人（第127页）。《全球内政》认为，美国在20世纪中期的海外扩张与其说是东西集团冲突的产物，不如说是早期大陆扩张和定居者殖民主义的延续，正如历史学家长期以来所确定的那样，这也是由内政部塑造的。总体论点是，内政部利用合作而非胁迫——主要通过非政治形式的技术援助和资源调查——将世界石油和矿产边界纳入美国腹地。因此，内政部的对外活动“从外国空间中夺取了国内意义”（第5页），并使美国不是一个帝国国家的神话永久化。作为多个图书奖的得主，《全球内政》可能会影响一代研究美国冷战战略和美国跨国贸易与投资的历史学家。因此，为其关于内政部全球雄心的声明提供信息的研究和分析值得仔细审查。布莱克写道，
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Pub Date : 2022-09-25DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2101975
Lori Maguire
In this book, François Doppler-Speranza has written a detailed and fascinating account of the situation in which the US military found itself after the Second World War because of the large number of troops it had stationed on the territory of its ally, France. Considered of vital strategic importance to the United States, Paris contained the headquarters of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), increasing its value to Washington. However, political activists in France were far from content with the large-scale US presence in their country – especially, members of the French Communist Party with its determined anti-Americanism – but the Gaullists were similarly distressed. Meanwhile, many ordinary French people, with memories of the German occupation still fresh, also found the US military bases disturbing. Unsurprisingly, this situation led to tensions and cultural clashes between the Americans and the French at the local, national and international levels. Given the importance of France to the United States, the Pentagon sought to smooth relations between the French population and the US soldiers, and so the US military developed its own strategy of public diplomacy. This book studies the paradox the author describes on the very first page of the introduction: ‘soldiers make war but, at the same time, they represent America abroad’ (p. 1). Trained as a fighting force, the US military found itself exercising essentially diplomatic functions towards a major ally. This situation was further complicated by the fact that the United States already had a bureau charged with diplomacy, the US State Department, whose leadership resented seeing a number of their functions taken over by the Defence Department. This led to rivalries, conflicts and turf wars between the two offices over the conduct of US foreign policy, notably public diplomacy. François Doppler-Speranza does an excellent job describing this complicated tapestry of international and intragovernmental tensions and detailing the Pentagon’s response to them. The book begins in 1944 when the French population largely welcomed US troops during the Liberation and examines the countries’ – often rocky – relations over the following years, notably after the creation of NATO (whose headquarters were in Paris from 1952-67). During this postwar period, large numbers of GIs took up long-term residence in France, reminding many French people of the trauma of the German occupation during the Second World War. These US military bases were often established far from major cities and cultural centres, and thus from the traditional diplomatic apparatus. Realising the tensions with local French people and seeking to ease the way for the US soldiers, the US Defence Department embarked on a large programme of public diplomacy. The author studies the cultural image that Washington sought to project in France and examines how it was received by the French population during this short but key period in re
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Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2109289
Elisabeth Leake
institutionalisation of the region as the Alps-Adriatic Working Community in 1982 was a successful implementation of the Helsinki Accords, and what the author calls ‘détente from below’ (p. 202). Petar Dragišić’s analysis of Yugoslavia’s relations with the Vatican shows that while most of the Western world was willing to cooperate with Tito after 1948, the Holy See remained an outlier, primarily due to Pope Pius XII’s ardent anticommunism. Pius’ successors, however, were invested in dialogue with socialist states, facilitating better relations and eventually leading to the Vatican accepting a non-political role in Yugoslavia and the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1970, despite resistance from domestic Church representatives. Yugoslavia’s European turn during the 1970s is best exemplified by its relations with the EEC. Branislav Radeljić argues that although Yugoslavia was eager to maintain good relations with individual EEC member-states, it struggled to find common ground with the organisation as a whole. Balancing between its socialist status and reaping the rewards of closer ties with the EEC proved difficult, leading Belgrade to consider abandoning the rapprochement with Brussels. However, the EEC feared a possible crisis following Tito’s death, pushing Brussels to accept Yugoslavia’s political system and offer it a favourable cooperation agreement – including easier access to loans. This agreement helped to stabilise the Yugoslav government in the aftermath of Tito’s passing. Benedetto Zacharia’s chapter on Yugoslav prime minister Ante Marković’s economic reforms in 1989–90 demonstrates how the European Community (EC) became increasingly involved in aiding the Yugoslav government following Tito’s death. As a key element of his reforms, Marković pursued closer ties with the EC, but despite active engagement from both sides, he failed to devise a timely and viable strategy for his reforms, contributing to Yugoslavia’s eventual disintegration. Meanwhile, the EC’s role transformed from that of an economic partner to one of mediator. While one might have expected more focus on Yugoslavia’s relations with the Global South, this volume is nevertheless a strong contribution to the concept of a Global Cold War. It demonstrates that Yugoslavia’s foreign policy had a global influence, but that it also shaped regional relations with its neighbours and Central Europe and Balkan security, creating unlikely connections across local geopolitical divides. Breaking Down Bipolarity reinforces the argument that, despite ideological foundations, Yugoslav foreign policy was often driven by pragmatism. As such, this volume will be a valuable resource for students and historians studying Yugoslavia and the broader politics of non-alignment during the Cold War.
1982年该地区作为阿尔卑斯-亚得里亚海工作共同体的制度化是《赫尔辛基协定》的成功实施，也是作者所谓的“从下而来”(第202页)。Petar Dragišić对南斯拉夫与梵蒂冈关系的分析表明，尽管大多数西方世界在1948年后愿意与铁托合作，但罗马教廷仍然是一个局外人，这主要是由于教皇庇护十二世(Pope Pius XII)强烈的反共主义。然而，庇护的继任者致力于与社会主义国家的对话，促进了更好的关系，最终导致梵蒂冈接受了在南斯拉夫的非政治角色，并在1970年建立了外交关系，尽管遭到了国内教会代表的抵制。南斯拉夫在1970年代向欧洲转变的最好例证是它与欧洲经济共同体的关系。布拉尼斯拉夫·拉德季奇认为，尽管南斯拉夫渴望与欧共体个别成员国保持良好关系，但它很难找到与整个欧共体的共同点。事实证明，在其社会主义地位和与欧洲经济共同体建立更紧密联系的回报之间取得平衡是困难的，这导致贝尔格莱德考虑放弃与布鲁塞尔的友好关系。然而，欧洲经济共同体担心铁托去世后可能出现危机，促使布鲁塞尔接受南斯拉夫的政治体制，并向其提供有利的合作协议——包括更容易获得贷款。这项协议有助于在铁托去世后稳定南斯拉夫政府。贝内代托·扎卡里亚关于南斯拉夫总理安特·马尔科维奇1989-90年经济改革的章节，展示了铁托去世后，欧共体如何越来越多地参与援助南斯拉夫政府。作为他改革的一个关键因素，马尔科维奇寻求与欧共体建立更紧密的联系，但尽管双方都积极参与，他未能为他的改革制定出及时可行的战略，导致南斯拉夫最终解体。与此同时，欧共体的角色也从经济伙伴转变为调解人。虽然人们可能期望更多地关注南斯拉夫与全球南方的关系，但这本书仍然是对全球冷战概念的有力贡献。这表明南斯拉夫的外交政策具有全球影响力，但它也塑造了与邻国的地区关系，以及中欧和巴尔干地区的安全，在当地地缘政治分歧之间建立了不太可能的联系。《打破两极分化》强化了这样一种观点:尽管有意识形态基础，南斯拉夫的外交政策往往是由实用主义驱动的。因此，本书将成为研究南斯拉夫和冷战期间不结盟政治的学生和历史学家的宝贵资源。
{"title":"The West and the birth of Bangladesh: foreign policy in the face of mass atrocity","authors":"Elisabeth Leake","doi":"10.1080/14682745.2022.2109289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2022.2109289","url":null,"abstract":"institutionalisation of the region as the Alps-Adriatic Working Community in 1982 was a successful implementation of the Helsinki Accords, and what the author calls ‘détente from below’ (p. 202). Petar Dragišić’s analysis of Yugoslavia’s relations with the Vatican shows that while most of the Western world was willing to cooperate with Tito after 1948, the Holy See remained an outlier, primarily due to Pope Pius XII’s ardent anticommunism. Pius’ successors, however, were invested in dialogue with socialist states, facilitating better relations and eventually leading to the Vatican accepting a non-political role in Yugoslavia and the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1970, despite resistance from domestic Church representatives. Yugoslavia’s European turn during the 1970s is best exemplified by its relations with the EEC. Branislav Radeljić argues that although Yugoslavia was eager to maintain good relations with individual EEC member-states, it struggled to find common ground with the organisation as a whole. Balancing between its socialist status and reaping the rewards of closer ties with the EEC proved difficult, leading Belgrade to consider abandoning the rapprochement with Brussels. However, the EEC feared a possible crisis following Tito’s death, pushing Brussels to accept Yugoslavia’s political system and offer it a favourable cooperation agreement – including easier access to loans. This agreement helped to stabilise the Yugoslav government in the aftermath of Tito’s passing. Benedetto Zacharia’s chapter on Yugoslav prime minister Ante Marković’s economic reforms in 1989–90 demonstrates how the European Community (EC) became increasingly involved in aiding the Yugoslav government following Tito’s death. As a key element of his reforms, Marković pursued closer ties with the EC, but despite active engagement from both sides, he failed to devise a timely and viable strategy for his reforms, contributing to Yugoslavia’s eventual disintegration. Meanwhile, the EC’s role transformed from that of an economic partner to one of mediator. While one might have expected more focus on Yugoslavia’s relations with the Global South, this volume is nevertheless a strong contribution to the concept of a Global Cold War. It demonstrates that Yugoslavia’s foreign policy had a global influence, but that it also shaped regional relations with its neighbours and Central Europe and Balkan security, creating unlikely connections across local geopolitical divides. Breaking Down Bipolarity reinforces the argument that, despite ideological foundations, Yugoslav foreign policy was often driven by pragmatism. As such, this volume will be a valuable resource for students and historians studying Yugoslavia and the broader politics of non-alignment during the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":46099,"journal":{"name":"Cold War History","volume":"23 1","pages":"467 - 469"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44680741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2113010
Richard M. Filipink
{"title":"Political fallout: nuclear weapons testing and the making of a global environmental crisis","authors":"Richard M. Filipink","doi":"10.1080/14682745.2022.2113010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2022.2113010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46099,"journal":{"name":"Cold War History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46024548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1080/14682745.2022.2121359
Marina Pérez de Arcos
{"title":"A través del Telón de Acero: Historia de las relaciones políticas entre España y la RDA (1973–1990)","authors":"Marina Pérez de Arcos","doi":"10.1080/14682745.2022.2121359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2022.2121359","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46099,"journal":{"name":"Cold War History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42774231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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