Pub Date : 2023-09-22DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257123
Amy Howard, Wesley Wehde
ABSTRACTResearch has shown that LGBTQ+ candidates continue to face penalties at the ballot box, with particularly acute penalties for transgender candidates. However, the nuanced intersection of gender identity and sexual orientation has yet to be explored. Our project endeavors to do just that, by differentiating between transgender men, transgender women, and non-binary candidate gender identities, as well as including bisexual candidate sexual orientation. Our conjoint survey experiment finds, contrary to our expectations, that transgender women candidates do not face larger vote penalties than transgender men candidates, though candidates of either identity are more penalized than cisgender women and non-binary candidates. Also contrary to our expectations but in line with recent research, we find that bisexual men candidates (cis or transgender) are penalized more than bisexual women candidates (cis or transgender). Understanding the intersectionality of candidate gender identity and sexual orientation is critical for developing strategies to increase LGBTQ+ political representation.KEYWORDS: Identity politicssurvey experimentgender identitysexual orientations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257123IRB approval and fundingOur research was approved by the author’s university IRB. Informed consent was provided by all participants about the nature of the study and all participants were allowed to exit the survey at any time. The participants who completed the survey were compensated for their time with approximately 0.70 US dollars. While this pay is low, respondents again had provided informed consent regarding the compensation prior to initiating the survey. The respondent pool was recruited online but was otherwise appropriately diverse for the research across age, gender, race, economic status, and political affiliation. Our research complies with the APSA’s Principles and Guidance for Human Subjects Research. No potential conflicts of interest for either author exist. The study was funded by the authors’ university Undergraduate Research Program and Department of Political Science.Notes1. There are, of course, additional gender identities and sexual orientations to examine, but they were beyond the scope of our instrument design and this article.2. See anonymized pre-registration here: https://osf.io/3akwb/?view_only=f86c85b78cad4a7ebbbc9b638568edaf.3. Intersectional, here, refers to the ways that multiple identities, as results of social structures, combine and fundamentally shape social relationships and experiences. Intersectional approaches also require an acknowledgment that these identities and social structures cannot be fully understood separately.4. Pre-registration information was provided with manuscript submission. Note we present our pre
{"title":"Bringing the Ts and (N)Bs to the Table: Estimating Intersectional Candidate Gender Identity and Sexuality Effects on Vote Choice","authors":"Amy Howard, Wesley Wehde","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257123","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTResearch has shown that LGBTQ+ candidates continue to face penalties at the ballot box, with particularly acute penalties for transgender candidates. However, the nuanced intersection of gender identity and sexual orientation has yet to be explored. Our project endeavors to do just that, by differentiating between transgender men, transgender women, and non-binary candidate gender identities, as well as including bisexual candidate sexual orientation. Our conjoint survey experiment finds, contrary to our expectations, that transgender women candidates do not face larger vote penalties than transgender men candidates, though candidates of either identity are more penalized than cisgender women and non-binary candidates. Also contrary to our expectations but in line with recent research, we find that bisexual men candidates (cis or transgender) are penalized more than bisexual women candidates (cis or transgender). Understanding the intersectionality of candidate gender identity and sexual orientation is critical for developing strategies to increase LGBTQ+ political representation.KEYWORDS: Identity politicssurvey experimentgender identitysexual orientations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257123IRB approval and fundingOur research was approved by the author’s university IRB. Informed consent was provided by all participants about the nature of the study and all participants were allowed to exit the survey at any time. The participants who completed the survey were compensated for their time with approximately 0.70 US dollars. While this pay is low, respondents again had provided informed consent regarding the compensation prior to initiating the survey. The respondent pool was recruited online but was otherwise appropriately diverse for the research across age, gender, race, economic status, and political affiliation. Our research complies with the APSA’s Principles and Guidance for Human Subjects Research. No potential conflicts of interest for either author exist. The study was funded by the authors’ university Undergraduate Research Program and Department of Political Science.Notes1. There are, of course, additional gender identities and sexual orientations to examine, but they were beyond the scope of our instrument design and this article.2. See anonymized pre-registration here: https://osf.io/3akwb/?view_only=f86c85b78cad4a7ebbbc9b638568edaf.3. Intersectional, here, refers to the ways that multiple identities, as results of social structures, combine and fundamentally shape social relationships and experiences. Intersectional approaches also require an acknowledgment that these identities and social structures cannot be fully understood separately.4. Pre-registration information was provided with manuscript submission. Note we present our pre","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136059773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-22DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257122
Nichole M. Bauer
ABSTRACTI argue that the gender-role incongruity between being a woman and the masculine stereotypes of political leadership roles will lead to more ambivalence about women relative to men and that gendered traits will comprise the content of these ambivalent attitudes. I analyze attitudinal ambivalence toward female candidates using ANES data. The results find that ambivalence is higher among voters who hold cross-pressured identities as strong partisans with sexist beliefs for both Democratic and Republican women. In 2016, individuals held stronger ambivalent attitudes about Hillary Clinton even among strong Democrats but there was very little ambivalence in attitudes about Trump.KEYWORDS: Gender stereotypesfemale candidatesvoter decision-makingpolitical psychologypartisanship Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257122Notes1. Some scholarship suggests that some of these positive effects may be due to social desirability biases (Burden, Ono, and Yamada Citation2017; Claassen and Barry Ryan Citation2016; Krupnikov, Piston, and Bauer Citation2016).2. See Appendix 1 for more information.3. This is the only question about gender attitudes the ANES consistently asked participants in each election year.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNichole M. BauerNichole M. Bauer, PhD is an Associate Professor at Louisiana State University. She studies the role that gender stereotypes play in voter decision-making and candidate strategy. Her work is published in the Journal of Politics, Political Behavior, and Political Psychology among other outlets.
摘要本文认为，女性的性别角色与男性政治领导角色的刻板印象之间的不协调将导致女性相对于男性的矛盾心理，而性别特征将构成这些矛盾态度的内容。我使用ANES数据分析了对女性候选人的态度矛盾。结果发现，在那些拥有双重压力身份的选民中，矛盾心理更高，因为他们是强烈的党派成员，对民主党和共和党的女性都有性别歧视的信念。2016年，即使在强势的民主党人中，个人对希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的态度也更加矛盾，但对特朗普的态度几乎没有矛盾。关键词:性别刻板印象女性候选人选民决策政治心理党派关系披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。补充材料本文的补充数据可在出版商的网站https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257122Notes1上获得。一些学术研究表明，其中一些积极影响可能是由于社会可取性偏见(Burden, Ono, and Yamada citation, 2017;克拉森和巴里·瑞安引文2016;Krupnikov, Piston, and Bauer citation(2016).2。更多信息见附录1。这是ANES在每个选举年始终向参与者询问的关于性别态度的唯一问题。作者简介:nicholhole M. Bauer博士是路易斯安那州立大学的副教授。她研究性别刻板印象在选民决策和候选人策略中的作用。她的作品发表在《政治杂志》、《政治行为》和《政治心理学》等刊物上。
{"title":"Gendered Ambivalence: The Structure of Attitudes About Female Candidates","authors":"Nichole M. Bauer","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257122","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTI argue that the gender-role incongruity between being a woman and the masculine stereotypes of political leadership roles will lead to more ambivalence about women relative to men and that gendered traits will comprise the content of these ambivalent attitudes. I analyze attitudinal ambivalence toward female candidates using ANES data. The results find that ambivalence is higher among voters who hold cross-pressured identities as strong partisans with sexist beliefs for both Democratic and Republican women. In 2016, individuals held stronger ambivalent attitudes about Hillary Clinton even among strong Democrats but there was very little ambivalence in attitudes about Trump.KEYWORDS: Gender stereotypesfemale candidatesvoter decision-makingpolitical psychologypartisanship Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257122Notes1. Some scholarship suggests that some of these positive effects may be due to social desirability biases (Burden, Ono, and Yamada Citation2017; Claassen and Barry Ryan Citation2016; Krupnikov, Piston, and Bauer Citation2016).2. See Appendix 1 for more information.3. This is the only question about gender attitudes the ANES consistently asked participants in each election year.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNichole M. BauerNichole M. Bauer, PhD is an Associate Professor at Louisiana State University. She studies the role that gender stereotypes play in voter decision-making and candidate strategy. Her work is published in the Journal of Politics, Political Behavior, and Political Psychology among other outlets.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136059620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-22DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256612
Dimiter Toshkov, Giulia Cretti
We study how individual and country-level variables interact in affecting political gender attitudes in Europe. Based on data from the 2017 Eurobarometer survey, we show that there are high levels of support for more women in politics and legal measures to achieve gender parity across the EU. In fact, more people, and women in particular, put higher trust in female compared to male political representatives than the other way round. We find that – at the individual level – gender, age and education have significant effects on political gender attitudes. Contrary to theory, however, the effect of gender is not mediated by beliefs about the proper role of women in politics and society. We also do not find support for the contextual effects of masculine culture and the religiosity of society, but we do uncover significant gaps in political gender attitudes between post-communist and other countries, especially for men.
{"title":"Who is Afraid of More Women in Politics, and Why? An Analysis of Public Opinion in 28 European Countries","authors":"Dimiter Toshkov, Giulia Cretti","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256612","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256612","url":null,"abstract":"We study how individual and country-level variables interact in affecting political gender attitudes in Europe. Based on data from the 2017 Eurobarometer survey, we show that there are high levels of support for more women in politics and legal measures to achieve gender parity across the EU. In fact, more people, and women in particular, put higher trust in female compared to male political representatives than the other way round. We find that – at the individual level – gender, age and education have significant effects on political gender attitudes. Contrary to theory, however, the effect of gender is not mediated by beliefs about the proper role of women in politics and society. We also do not find support for the contextual effects of masculine culture and the religiosity of society, but we do uncover significant gaps in political gender attitudes between post-communist and other countries, especially for men.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"135 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136062150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2250040
Vjosa Musliu, Enduena Klajiqi
knew nothing about Albanian women. I knew next to nothing about Albanians. And I came to realize that there was a proper policy and politics that had made it impossible for me and the rest of the people around me from knowing the Albanians. It was easier to know them through slurs and pejorative tropes.
{"title":"Feminists, Nationalist, Combatants, Activists. A Conversation with Vjosa Musliu on the Multi-Faceted Role of Women in Kosovo","authors":"Vjosa Musliu, Enduena Klajiqi","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2250040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2250040","url":null,"abstract":"knew nothing about Albanian women. I knew next to nothing about Albanians. And I came to realize that there was a proper policy and politics that had made it impossible for me and the rest of the people around me from knowing the Albanians. It was easier to know them through slurs and pejorative tropes.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136236817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-21DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256625
Stephanie Holmsten, Melanie M. Hughes, Robert Moser
ABSTRACTThis article seeks to understand the circumstances under which minoritized women are descriptively represented. Drawing from a unique dataset of 7,978 legislators in 37 countries, we conduct the first cross-national examination of minoritized women’s representation at the level of individual legislators. We find that gender quotas, ethnic parties, and ethnic seats are effective at enhancing minoritized women’s political representation across different electoral systems, especially when clustered together. And, although ethnic parties and ethnic seats promote the representation of both minoritized women and men, ethnic seats provide a more level playing field between minoritized women and men than ethnic parties.KEYWORDS: Minority womenelectoral systemethnic seatsethnic partiesgender quotas Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Preferred concepts and terminology for marginalized groups vary widely across countries and academic fields. In this study we use the term “minority” to describe groups that have experienced social, economic, or political marginalization, either by law or by custom, and numerically small groups that may be marginalized simply due to their size. We do not consider small groups that are socially and economically dominant to be “minorities.” We use “minority” and “minoritized” interchangeably; the latter emphasizes the social construction of majority-minority boundaries and the systematic oppression that “otherizes” group members. Like other cross-national research on policies targeting minority groups (e.g., Bird Citation2014; Hughes Citation2016; Reynolds Citation2005; Tan and Preece Citation2021), we use the terminology of “ethnicity” as an umbrella that includes groups differentiated by race, religion, nationality, language, including tribes and castes (Chandra Citation2005).2. Quotas are formal rules that guarantee that a certain percentage of candidates or elected representatives are members of a targeted group, including women and ethnic minorities (e.g., Hughes et al. Citation2019; Tan and Preece Citation2022).3. Legislator data are augmented from a dataset created by Melanie Hughes (see Hughes Citation2011, Citation2013). Although the information is outdated, more recent cross-national data on the gender and minoritized status of legislators are not currently available.4. Only one transgender legislator was among the nearly 8,000 persons in our data. Although she uses feminine pronouns, she has stated publicly that she sees herself as neither a woman nor a man, so we do not code her into either category.5. For additional details on Hughes’ coding of ethnic minorities, see Hughes (Citation2013).6. For example, treating Burundi’s Tutsis as a “minority group” is questionable. Tutsis held economic, political, and military power in the decades after Burundi’s independence. Since democratization in 1993, however, political power has rested squarely in Hutu hands.
理想情况下，对少数族裔妇女选举命运的调查应该包括所有候选人的个人数据。这将使我们能够看到在不同制度安排下竞选公职的其他类似的少数族裔女性候选人——一些人获胜，另一些人失败。然而，我们无法收集所有候选人的数据，我们也不知道有任何跨国数据集包括竞争性选举中所有候选人的种族和性别的详细数据。我们在这里要解决的问题是双重的:首先，这些群体可能与我们研究中的其他少数群体差异太大，不足以证明他们被纳入研究;其次，使他们能够代表的政治制度可能不能最好地理解为民族席位和政党的结合。对于精确的多级模型所需的二级单元的数量尚无共识，但一项估计表明，随机截距模型至少需要40个单元，估计跨层相互作用需要80个单元。鉴于我们只有37个国家，我们只运行多级模型作为稳健性测试。我们担心最大似然估计的小样本偏差可能会破坏我们的逻辑回归模型(Allison Citation2012)。因为Stata中的Firth logit不能容纳聚类标准误差，所以我们更倾向于使用ML估计作为我们的主要结果。Hughes (Citation2013)基于80多个国家的数据集发现了类似的模式。在辅助模型中，我们还将公关与少数民族政党、少数民族席位和性别配额进行互动，公关的主要效应表明，如果没有这些机制，公关制度不会使少数民族妇女受益。结果可根据要求提供。参见Matland and Studlar (Citation1996);作为一个例外，参见Cowell-Meyers (Citation2014)关于运动党派的研究。本研究得到了美国国家科学基金会[SES-0703418]的支持。作者简介stephanie HolmstenDr。斯蒂芬妮·塞德尔·霍尔姆斯滕是德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校政府系和国际关系与全球研究(IRG)项目的副教授。她也是IRG的副主任和布鲁姆利下一代学者项目的联合主任。她的研究重点是妇女、少数民族和少数族裔妇女的选举。她是全球虚拟交换学习社区的教师主任，并领导智利和巴黎的海外学习。你可以听到她在校园的另一边，展示德克萨斯大学教师的教学和研究兴趣。梅勒妮·m·休斯，匹兹堡大学社会学教授，性别不平等研究实验室(GIRL)联合主任。休斯博士特别感兴趣的是，性别与其他形式的边缘化相互交织，从而影响女性的政治权力。休斯博士是《女性、政治和权力:全球视角》一书的合著者，该书现已出版第四版(Paxton, Melanie & Tiffany, 2020)。自2015年以来，她还与联合国开发计划署合作，扩大公共行政中性别平等数据的可用性和质量。Robert G. Moser是德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校政府学系的教授。他著有两本书:《意想不到的结果:俄罗斯的选举制度、政党和代表制》和《选举制度和政治背景:规则在新兴民主国家和成熟民主国家的影响如何变化》，并与人合编了三本书:《俄罗斯政治:民主化的挑战》、《共产主义后的民族政治》和《民主可以输出吗?》。他的文章曾发表在《世界政治》、《比较政治研究》、《比较政治》、《政治透视》、《选举研究》和《后苏联事务》等杂志上。2013年至2019年，他担任政府部门主席。
{"title":"Invisibility or Inclusion? Ethnic Parties, Ethnic Seats, and Gender Quotas and the Representation of Minoritized Women","authors":"Stephanie Holmsten, Melanie M. Hughes, Robert Moser","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256625","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article seeks to understand the circumstances under which minoritized women are descriptively represented. Drawing from a unique dataset of 7,978 legislators in 37 countries, we conduct the first cross-national examination of minoritized women’s representation at the level of individual legislators. We find that gender quotas, ethnic parties, and ethnic seats are effective at enhancing minoritized women’s political representation across different electoral systems, especially when clustered together. And, although ethnic parties and ethnic seats promote the representation of both minoritized women and men, ethnic seats provide a more level playing field between minoritized women and men than ethnic parties.KEYWORDS: Minority womenelectoral systemethnic seatsethnic partiesgender quotas Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Preferred concepts and terminology for marginalized groups vary widely across countries and academic fields. In this study we use the term “minority” to describe groups that have experienced social, economic, or political marginalization, either by law or by custom, and numerically small groups that may be marginalized simply due to their size. We do not consider small groups that are socially and economically dominant to be “minorities.” We use “minority” and “minoritized” interchangeably; the latter emphasizes the social construction of majority-minority boundaries and the systematic oppression that “otherizes” group members. Like other cross-national research on policies targeting minority groups (e.g., Bird Citation2014; Hughes Citation2016; Reynolds Citation2005; Tan and Preece Citation2021), we use the terminology of “ethnicity” as an umbrella that includes groups differentiated by race, religion, nationality, language, including tribes and castes (Chandra Citation2005).2. Quotas are formal rules that guarantee that a certain percentage of candidates or elected representatives are members of a targeted group, including women and ethnic minorities (e.g., Hughes et al. Citation2019; Tan and Preece Citation2022).3. Legislator data are augmented from a dataset created by Melanie Hughes (see Hughes Citation2011, Citation2013). Although the information is outdated, more recent cross-national data on the gender and minoritized status of legislators are not currently available.4. Only one transgender legislator was among the nearly 8,000 persons in our data. Although she uses feminine pronouns, she has stated publicly that she sees herself as neither a woman nor a man, so we do not code her into either category.5. For additional details on Hughes’ coding of ethnic minorities, see Hughes (Citation2013).6. For example, treating Burundi’s Tutsis as a “minority group” is questionable. Tutsis held economic, political, and military power in the decades after Burundi’s independence. Since democratization in 1993, however, political power has rested squarely in Hutu hands.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136237004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-19DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2249614
Fernando Tormos-Aponte, Shariana Ferrer-Núñez, Carolina Hernandez
Increasingly, progressive organizing faces pressures to adopt intersectional forms of solidarity. Intersectional solidarity consists of an ongoing process of creating ties and coalitions across social group differences by negotiating power asymmetries. This approach to organizing is not a static outcome that movements achieve and preserve. Movements that seek to enact intersectional solidarity must engage in ongoing struggles to sustain it. This article focuses on the case of the International Women’s Strike (IWS) of 2017 and 2018 in Spain. We use this case to identify circumstances that can lead to failures to sustain intersectional solidarity and the consequences of the ruptures that follow. In the case of the International Women’s Strike, initial calls to organize around the subject of women and women’s labor mobilized broad support in 2017. Black women in Spain affiliated with a group known as Afroféminas called on expanding the subject of local IWS mobilization to center the experiences of Black subjects. In a broadly circulated announcement, Afroféminas called out this experience and announced that they would not participate in the International Women’s Strike. The case of the International Women’s Strike in Spain showcases an instance under which the search for intersectional solidarity can generate broad intersectional consciousness even when it leads to separate organizing tracks. The development of autonomous Black activist spaces informed the continuity and deepening of intersectional consciousness but limited the magnitude of the praxis (e.g. Afroféminas did not participate in the broader praxis that generated disruptive tactics and mobilized larger masses). In choosing to consider racism as a form of violence within one system of capitalist exploitation, limited notions of subjectivity dominated IWS. On the other hand, Afroféminas’ withdrawal of participation limited the scope of praxis and raised questions about the representativeness and inclusiveness of the broader movement. Thus, intersectional and oppositional consciousness can emerge from the withdrawal of intersectionally marginalized groups from coalition work while challenging the enactment of mass intersectional praxis.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-15DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248856
Memory Mphaphuli
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMemory MphaphuliMemory Mphaphuli is a feminist sociologist, a scholar, and activist, whose work engages with questions related to gender and sexualities. Her writing and research focuses specifically on the everyday social construction of social inequality at the intersection of race, class and gender, with my primary analysis and focus being on heterosexuality as both an institution and practice. Memory is currently the research coordinator and senior researcher at Rhea, which is a research center with expertise on gender, diversity, and intersectionality at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB).
{"title":"Queer in Africa: LGBTQI Identities, Citizenship, and Activism","authors":"Memory Mphaphuli","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248856","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMemory MphaphuliMemory Mphaphuli is a feminist sociologist, a scholar, and activist, whose work engages with questions related to gender and sexualities. Her writing and research focuses specifically on the everyday social construction of social inequality at the intersection of race, class and gender, with my primary analysis and focus being on heterosexuality as both an institution and practice. Memory is currently the research coordinator and senior researcher at Rhea, which is a research center with expertise on gender, diversity, and intersectionality at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB).","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"205 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135397021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248858
Alex J. Moffett-Bateau
Black women living in poverty in the United States have been shown to develop non-traditional, or what I call extra-systemic, political engagement to combat their vulnerability to government power. With that in mind, I ask the following question: what conceptual framework of “politics” is best suited to fully understanding the politics of poor Black women living in the US? To answer this question, I examined an ethnographic case study of the politics of 31 Black women living in Chicago public housing, over the course of one year (2011 through 2012). The evidence suggests some marginalized Black women incorporate an oft-hidden resistance strategy against forces exerting a disproportionate amount of power over their lives. The political strategies used by the marginalized Black women I observed, were best understood using an expanded extra-systemic conceptualization of politics, informed by Black feminist political theory.
{"title":"Strategies of Resistance in the Everyday: The Political Approaches of Black Women Living in a Public Housing Development in Chicago","authors":"Alex J. Moffett-Bateau","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248858","url":null,"abstract":"Black women living in poverty in the United States have been shown to develop non-traditional, or what I call extra-systemic, political engagement to combat their vulnerability to government power. With that in mind, I ask the following question: what conceptual framework of “politics” is best suited to fully understanding the politics of poor Black women living in the US? To answer this question, I examined an ethnographic case study of the politics of 31 Black women living in Chicago public housing, over the course of one year (2011 through 2012). The evidence suggests some marginalized Black women incorporate an oft-hidden resistance strategy against forces exerting a disproportionate amount of power over their lives. The political strategies used by the marginalized Black women I observed, were best understood using an expanded extra-systemic conceptualization of politics, informed by Black feminist political theory.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135979598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247630
Rukmini Sen
While it is true that there have been and continues to be multiple ways in which intersectional feminist agendas are invisibilized, it is equally important to foreground ways in which intersectional feminists affirm themselves as transformatory agents and create new directions in practice and pedagogy. This article will engage with three legal moments of intersectional feminist transformation: legislation on transgender persons (2019), an intersectional political mobilization against (contested) legislation on citizenship (2019–2020), and responses to a gang-rape on women from dalit community (2020). This article analyzes legislation, interprets posters and interviews given by participants in the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act mobilizations, and uses newspaper archives to understand a narrative of invisibility. In conclusion, the article proposes ways that feminist assessments of intersectional political moments can provide a more holistic pedagogical practice in the teaching of intersectional feminisms.
{"title":"Intersectional Feminist Activism and Practices of Transformation: Perspectives from Indian Feminisms","authors":"Rukmini Sen","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247630","url":null,"abstract":"While it is true that there have been and continues to be multiple ways in which intersectional feminist agendas are invisibilized, it is equally important to foreground ways in which intersectional feminists affirm themselves as transformatory agents and create new directions in practice and pedagogy. This article will engage with three legal moments of intersectional feminist transformation: legislation on transgender persons (2019), an intersectional political mobilization against (contested) legislation on citizenship (2019–2020), and responses to a gang-rape on women from dalit community (2020). This article analyzes legislation, interprets posters and interviews given by participants in the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act mobilizations, and uses newspaper archives to understand a narrative of invisibility. In conclusion, the article proposes ways that feminist assessments of intersectional political moments can provide a more holistic pedagogical practice in the teaching of intersectional feminisms.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135980204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-10DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247631
Adryan Wallace
{"title":"At the Intersections of Gender Inequality and State Fragility in Africa","authors":"Adryan Wallace","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247631","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136072360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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