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Bringing the Ts and (N)Bs to the Table: Estimating Intersectional Candidate Gender Identity and Sexuality Effects on Vote Choice 把t和(N) b带到表上:估计交叉候选人性别认同和性向对投票选择的影响
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257123
Amy Howard, Wesley Wehde
ABSTRACTResearch has shown that LGBTQ+ candidates continue to face penalties at the ballot box, with particularly acute penalties for transgender candidates. However, the nuanced intersection of gender identity and sexual orientation has yet to be explored. Our project endeavors to do just that, by differentiating between transgender men, transgender women, and non-binary candidate gender identities, as well as including bisexual candidate sexual orientation. Our conjoint survey experiment finds, contrary to our expectations, that transgender women candidates do not face larger vote penalties than transgender men candidates, though candidates of either identity are more penalized than cisgender women and non-binary candidates. Also contrary to our expectations but in line with recent research, we find that bisexual men candidates (cis or transgender) are penalized more than bisexual women candidates (cis or transgender). Understanding the intersectionality of candidate gender identity and sexual orientation is critical for developing strategies to increase LGBTQ+ political representation.KEYWORDS: Identity politicssurvey experimentgender identitysexual orientations Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257123IRB approval and fundingOur research was approved by the author’s university IRB. Informed consent was provided by all participants about the nature of the study and all participants were allowed to exit the survey at any time. The participants who completed the survey were compensated for their time with approximately 0.70 US dollars. While this pay is low, respondents again had provided informed consent regarding the compensation prior to initiating the survey. The respondent pool was recruited online but was otherwise appropriately diverse for the research across age, gender, race, economic status, and political affiliation. Our research complies with the APSA’s Principles and Guidance for Human Subjects Research. No potential conflicts of interest for either author exist. The study was funded by the authors’ university Undergraduate Research Program and Department of Political Science.Notes1. There are, of course, additional gender identities and sexual orientations to examine, but they were beyond the scope of our instrument design and this article.2. See anonymized pre-registration here: https://osf.io/3akwb/?view_only=f86c85b78cad4a7ebbbc9b638568edaf.3. Intersectional, here, refers to the ways that multiple identities, as results of social structures, combine and fundamentally shape social relationships and experiences. Intersectional approaches also require an acknowledgment that these identities and social structures cannot be fully understood separately.4. Pre-registration information was provided with manuscript submission. Note we present our pre
研究表明,LGBTQ+候选人在投票时继续面临惩罚,对跨性别候选人的惩罚尤其严重。然而,性别认同和性取向之间微妙的交集还有待探索。我们的项目努力做到这一点,通过区分跨性别男性、跨性别女性和非二元候选性别身份,以及包括双性恋候选性取向。我们的联合调查实验发现,与我们的预期相反,跨性别女性候选人并不比跨性别男性候选人面临更大的投票惩罚,尽管任何一种身份的候选人都比顺性别女性和非二元性别候选人受到更大的惩罚。与我们的预期相反,但与最近的研究一致,我们发现双性恋男性候选人(顺性或变性人)比双性恋女性候选人(顺性或变性人)受到的惩罚更多。了解候选人性别认同和性取向的交叉性对于制定增加LGBTQ+政治代表性的策略至关重要。关键词:身份政治调查实验性别认同性取向披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。补充材料本文的补充数据可以在出版商的网站上获得:https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257123IRB批准和资助我们的研究得到了作者所在大学的审查委员会的批准。所有参与者都提供了关于研究性质的知情同意书,所有参与者都可以随时退出调查。完成调查的参与者将获得约0.70美元的时间补偿。虽然这一薪酬很低,但受访者在开始调查之前再次就薪酬提供了知情同意。受访者是在网上招募的,但在其他方面,他们在年龄、性别、种族、经济地位和政治派别方面的研究是适当多样化的。我们的研究符合APSA的人类受试者研究原则和指南。作者之间不存在潜在的利益冲突。该研究由作者所在的大学本科研究项目和政治科学系资助。当然,还有其他的性别认同和性取向需要检查,但它们超出了我们的仪器设计和本文的范围。请参阅匿名预注册:https://osf.io/3akwb/?view_only=f86c85b78cad4a7ebbbc9b638568edaf.3。在这里,交叉指的是作为社会结构的结果,多重身份结合并从根本上塑造社会关系和经验的方式。交叉研究方法还需要认识到,这些身份和社会结构不能单独完全理解。投稿时提供了预注册信息。请注意,我们提出了预登记的假设,略微修改了2021年底和2022年初的假设。正如Feinstein等人(Citation2022)所指出的,这些交叉性主题的研究相对较少。这一点很重要,因为所引用的研究表明,双性恋男性在调查对象中更容易受到歧视,这些研究要么是在我们准备这个项目期间发表的,要么是在我们准备这个项目之后发表的。我们希望通过我们的工作对这一不断发展的研究领域作出贡献。候选人的党派关系保持不变,以绕过党派认同对投票选择的强烈影响。所有数据收集均经东田纳西州立大学IRB.7批准。目前,我们只对候选人特征和投票之间的关系感兴趣。在未来的研究中,我们希望研究这些特征解释投票选择的机制,如可选性、偏见和社会线索,以及被调查者特征之间的潜在差异;这些都超出了本研究报告的范围。本研究得到了东田纳西州立大学本科生研究室的支持。amy Howard于2021年获得东田纳西州立大学(ETSU)政治学和国际事务学士学位。她目前是ETSU测试服务的测试协调员,也是自由库尔德斯坦的倡导者。在ETSU工作期间,她的作品获得了多个奖项。广泛地说,她的研究兴趣包括少数民族在美国政治和政策中的代表性,国内外的身份政治,以及外交政策。Wesley Wehde,博士,得克萨斯理工大学公共管理与政治学助理教授。他的研究使用调查方法来研究主题,包括美国的地方应急管理,公共灾害反应,以及对环境政策和联邦制的公众舆论。
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引用次数: 0
Gendered Ambivalence: The Structure of Attitudes About Female Candidates 性别矛盾心理:女性候选人的态度结构
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2257122
Nichole M. Bauer
ABSTRACTI argue that the gender-role incongruity between being a woman and the masculine stereotypes of political leadership roles will lead to more ambivalence about women relative to men and that gendered traits will comprise the content of these ambivalent attitudes. I analyze attitudinal ambivalence toward female candidates using ANES data. The results find that ambivalence is higher among voters who hold cross-pressured identities as strong partisans with sexist beliefs for both Democratic and Republican women. In 2016, individuals held stronger ambivalent attitudes about Hillary Clinton even among strong Democrats but there was very little ambivalence in attitudes about Trump.KEYWORDS: Gender stereotypesfemale candidatesvoter decision-makingpolitical psychologypartisanship Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Supplementary materialSupplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website at https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257122Notes1. Some scholarship suggests that some of these positive effects may be due to social desirability biases (Burden, Ono, and Yamada Citation2017; Claassen and Barry Ryan Citation2016; Krupnikov, Piston, and Bauer Citation2016).2. See Appendix 1 for more information.3. This is the only question about gender attitudes the ANES consistently asked participants in each election year.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNichole M. BauerNichole M. Bauer, PhD is an Associate Professor at Louisiana State University. She studies the role that gender stereotypes play in voter decision-making and candidate strategy. Her work is published in the Journal of Politics, Political Behavior, and Political Psychology among other outlets.
摘要本文认为,女性的性别角色与男性政治领导角色的刻板印象之间的不协调将导致女性相对于男性的矛盾心理,而性别特征将构成这些矛盾态度的内容。我使用ANES数据分析了对女性候选人的态度矛盾。结果发现,在那些拥有双重压力身份的选民中,矛盾心理更高,因为他们是强烈的党派成员,对民主党和共和党的女性都有性别歧视的信念。2016年,即使在强势的民主党人中,个人对希拉里·克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的态度也更加矛盾,但对特朗普的态度几乎没有矛盾。关键词:性别刻板印象女性候选人选民决策政治心理党派关系披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。补充材料本文的补充数据可在出版商的网站https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2257122Notes1上获得。一些学术研究表明,其中一些积极影响可能是由于社会可取性偏见(Burden, Ono, and Yamada citation, 2017;克拉森和巴里·瑞安引文2016;Krupnikov, Piston, and Bauer citation(2016).2。更多信息见附录1。这是ANES在每个选举年始终向参与者询问的关于性别态度的唯一问题。作者简介:nicholhole M. Bauer博士是路易斯安那州立大学的副教授。她研究性别刻板印象在选民决策和候选人策略中的作用。她的作品发表在《政治杂志》、《政治行为》和《政治心理学》等刊物上。
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引用次数: 0
Who is Afraid of More Women in Politics, and Why? An Analysis of Public Opinion in 28 European Countries 谁害怕更多女性从政,为什么?28个欧洲国家的民意分析
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256612
Dimiter Toshkov, Giulia Cretti
We study how individual and country-level variables interact in affecting political gender attitudes in Europe. Based on data from the 2017 Eurobarometer survey, we show that there are high levels of support for more women in politics and legal measures to achieve gender parity across the EU. In fact, more people, and women in particular, put higher trust in female compared to male political representatives than the other way round. We find that – at the individual level – gender, age and education have significant effects on political gender attitudes. Contrary to theory, however, the effect of gender is not mediated by beliefs about the proper role of women in politics and society. We also do not find support for the contextual effects of masculine culture and the religiosity of society, but we do uncover significant gaps in political gender attitudes between post-communist and other countries, especially for men.
我们研究了个人和国家层面的变量如何相互作用,影响欧洲的政治性别态度。根据2017年欧洲晴雨表调查的数据,我们显示,在欧盟范围内,更多女性参与政治和法律措施以实现性别平等的支持程度很高。事实上,与男性政治代表相比,更多的人,尤其是女性,更信任女性,而不是男性。我们发现,在个人层面上,性别、年龄和教育程度对政治性别态度有显著影响。然而,与理论相反,性别的影响并不受关于妇女在政治和社会中适当角色的信念的影响。我们也没有找到支持男性文化和社会宗教虔诚的背景影响的证据,但我们确实发现了后共产主义国家和其他国家之间政治性别态度的显著差异,尤其是男性。
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引用次数: 0
Feminists, Nationalist, Combatants, Activists. A Conversation with Vjosa Musliu on the Multi-Faceted Role of Women in Kosovo 女权主义者,民族主义者,战士,活动家。与Vjosa Musliu就科索沃妇女的多方面作用进行对话
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2250040
Vjosa Musliu, Enduena Klajiqi
knew nothing about Albanian women. I knew next to nothing about Albanians. And I came to realize that there was a proper policy and politics that had made it impossible for me and the rest of the people around me from knowing the Albanians. It was easier to know them through slurs and pejorative tropes.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。欲了解更多关于前南斯拉夫对罗姆人的结构性压迫,请参阅Julija Sardelic的著作《公民身份的边缘:欧洲的罗姆少数民族和公民边缘化》(2021年,曼彻斯特大学出版社)。有关罗姆妇女其他方面的细致概述,请参阅Jashari的作品(Citation2019)。https://shtepiteshkolla.org/sq/shtepi-shkollaAdditional informationfunding这项工作得到了ZAP启动信贷[na]的支持。作者简介:本文作者是VUB国际关系助理教授。她的研究兴趣包括国际和欧洲干预、冲突和国际政治经济。她关注的领域主要是巴尔干半岛和后苏联地区。她是《劳特利奇干预和国家建设研究系列》的联合编辑,也是“南斯拉夫妇女+集体”的联合创始人。她之前是VUB的博士后研究员,她的项目是将欧洲和欧洲化作为日常事件中的表演行为。在加入我们VUB团队之前,Musliu教授曾在根特大学冲突与发展系担任博士后,并在肯特大学布鲁塞尔国际研究学院担任讲师。Enduena Klajiqi是布鲁塞尔自由大学政治科学系的博士候选人。她的论文主要关注科索沃国家建设中的女权主义遭遇。她拥有根特大学和布鲁塞尔自由大学的社会科学学士学位(以优异成绩)。她还获得了布鲁塞尔自由大学国际与欧洲治理硕士学位(以优异成绩获得)。
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引用次数: 0
Invisibility or Inclusion? Ethnic Parties, Ethnic Seats, and Gender Quotas and the Representation of Minoritized Women 隐身还是包容?少数民族政党、少数民族席位、性别配额和少数民族妇女的代表性
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2256625
Stephanie Holmsten, Melanie M. Hughes, Robert Moser
ABSTRACTThis article seeks to understand the circumstances under which minoritized women are descriptively represented. Drawing from a unique dataset of 7,978 legislators in 37 countries, we conduct the first cross-national examination of minoritized women’s representation at the level of individual legislators. We find that gender quotas, ethnic parties, and ethnic seats are effective at enhancing minoritized women’s political representation across different electoral systems, especially when clustered together. And, although ethnic parties and ethnic seats promote the representation of both minoritized women and men, ethnic seats provide a more level playing field between minoritized women and men than ethnic parties.KEYWORDS: Minority womenelectoral systemethnic seatsethnic partiesgender quotas Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Preferred concepts and terminology for marginalized groups vary widely across countries and academic fields. In this study we use the term “minority” to describe groups that have experienced social, economic, or political marginalization, either by law or by custom, and numerically small groups that may be marginalized simply due to their size. We do not consider small groups that are socially and economically dominant to be “minorities.” We use “minority” and “minoritized” interchangeably; the latter emphasizes the social construction of majority-minority boundaries and the systematic oppression that “otherizes” group members. Like other cross-national research on policies targeting minority groups (e.g., Bird Citation2014; Hughes Citation2016; Reynolds Citation2005; Tan and Preece Citation2021), we use the terminology of “ethnicity” as an umbrella that includes groups differentiated by race, religion, nationality, language, including tribes and castes (Chandra Citation2005).2. Quotas are formal rules that guarantee that a certain percentage of candidates or elected representatives are members of a targeted group, including women and ethnic minorities (e.g., Hughes et al. Citation2019; Tan and Preece Citation2022).3. Legislator data are augmented from a dataset created by Melanie Hughes (see Hughes Citation2011, Citation2013). Although the information is outdated, more recent cross-national data on the gender and minoritized status of legislators are not currently available.4. Only one transgender legislator was among the nearly 8,000 persons in our data. Although she uses feminine pronouns, she has stated publicly that she sees herself as neither a woman nor a man, so we do not code her into either category.5. For additional details on Hughes’ coding of ethnic minorities, see Hughes (Citation2013).6. For example, treating Burundi’s Tutsis as a “minority group” is questionable. Tutsis held economic, political, and military power in the decades after Burundi’s independence. Since democratization in 1993, however, political power has rested squarely in Hutu hands.
理想情况下,对少数族裔妇女选举命运的调查应该包括所有候选人的个人数据。这将使我们能够看到在不同制度安排下竞选公职的其他类似的少数族裔女性候选人——一些人获胜,另一些人失败。然而,我们无法收集所有候选人的数据,我们也不知道有任何跨国数据集包括竞争性选举中所有候选人的种族和性别的详细数据。我们在这里要解决的问题是双重的:首先,这些群体可能与我们研究中的其他少数群体差异太大,不足以证明他们被纳入研究;其次,使他们能够代表的政治制度可能不能最好地理解为民族席位和政党的结合。对于精确的多级模型所需的二级单元的数量尚无共识,但一项估计表明,随机截距模型至少需要40个单元,估计跨层相互作用需要80个单元。鉴于我们只有37个国家,我们只运行多级模型作为稳健性测试。我们担心最大似然估计的小样本偏差可能会破坏我们的逻辑回归模型(Allison Citation2012)。因为Stata中的Firth logit不能容纳聚类标准误差,所以我们更倾向于使用ML估计作为我们的主要结果。Hughes (Citation2013)基于80多个国家的数据集发现了类似的模式。在辅助模型中,我们还将公关与少数民族政党、少数民族席位和性别配额进行互动,公关的主要效应表明,如果没有这些机制,公关制度不会使少数民族妇女受益。结果可根据要求提供。参见Matland and Studlar (Citation1996);作为一个例外,参见Cowell-Meyers (Citation2014)关于运动党派的研究。本研究得到了美国国家科学基金会[SES-0703418]的支持。作者简介stephanie HolmstenDr。斯蒂芬妮·塞德尔·霍尔姆斯滕是德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校政府系和国际关系与全球研究(IRG)项目的副教授。她也是IRG的副主任和布鲁姆利下一代学者项目的联合主任。她的研究重点是妇女、少数民族和少数族裔妇女的选举。她是全球虚拟交换学习社区的教师主任,并领导智利和巴黎的海外学习。你可以听到她在校园的另一边,展示德克萨斯大学教师的教学和研究兴趣。梅勒妮·m·休斯,匹兹堡大学社会学教授,性别不平等研究实验室(GIRL)联合主任。休斯博士特别感兴趣的是,性别与其他形式的边缘化相互交织,从而影响女性的政治权力。休斯博士是《女性、政治和权力:全球视角》一书的合著者,该书现已出版第四版(Paxton, Melanie & Tiffany, 2020)。自2015年以来,她还与联合国开发计划署合作,扩大公共行政中性别平等数据的可用性和质量。Robert G. Moser是德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校政府学系的教授。他著有两本书:《意想不到的结果:俄罗斯的选举制度、政党和代表制》和《选举制度和政治背景:规则在新兴民主国家和成熟民主国家的影响如何变化》,并与人合编了三本书:《俄罗斯政治:民主化的挑战》、《共产主义后的民族政治》和《民主可以输出吗?》。他的文章曾发表在《世界政治》、《比较政治研究》、《比较政治》、《政治透视》、《选举研究》和《后苏联事务》等杂志上。2013年至2019年,他担任政府部门主席。
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引用次数: 0
Intersectional Politics of the International Women’s Strike 国际妇女罢工的交叉政治
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2249614
Fernando Tormos-Aponte, Shariana Ferrer-Núñez, Carolina Hernandez
Increasingly, progressive organizing faces pressures to adopt intersectional forms of solidarity. Intersectional solidarity consists of an ongoing process of creating ties and coalitions across social group differences by negotiating power asymmetries. This approach to organizing is not a static outcome that movements achieve and preserve. Movements that seek to enact intersectional solidarity must engage in ongoing struggles to sustain it. This article focuses on the case of the International Women’s Strike (IWS) of 2017 and 2018 in Spain. We use this case to identify circumstances that can lead to failures to sustain intersectional solidarity and the consequences of the ruptures that follow. In the case of the International Women’s Strike, initial calls to organize around the subject of women and women’s labor mobilized broad support in 2017. Black women in Spain affiliated with a group known as Afroféminas called on expanding the subject of local IWS mobilization to center the experiences of Black subjects. In a broadly circulated announcement, Afroféminas called out this experience and announced that they would not participate in the International Women’s Strike. The case of the International Women’s Strike in Spain showcases an instance under which the search for intersectional solidarity can generate broad intersectional consciousness even when it leads to separate organizing tracks. The development of autonomous Black activist spaces informed the continuity and deepening of intersectional consciousness but limited the magnitude of the praxis (e.g. Afroféminas did not participate in the broader praxis that generated disruptive tactics and mobilized larger masses). In choosing to consider racism as a form of violence within one system of capitalist exploitation, limited notions of subjectivity dominated IWS. On the other hand, Afroféminas’ withdrawal of participation limited the scope of praxis and raised questions about the representativeness and inclusiveness of the broader movement. Thus, intersectional and oppositional consciousness can emerge from the withdrawal of intersectionally marginalized groups from coalition work while challenging the enactment of mass intersectional praxis.
越来越多的进步组织面临着采取交叉形式的团结的压力。跨部门团结包括通过协商权力不对称,在社会群体差异中建立联系和联盟的持续过程。这种组织方式不是运动实现和保存的静态结果。寻求实现跨部门团结的运动必须参与持续的斗争来维持它。本文关注的是2017年和2018年发生在西班牙的国际妇女罢工(IWS)。我们用这个案例来确定可能导致无法维持交叉团结的情况以及随之而来的破裂的后果。以国际妇女罢工为例,围绕妇女和妇女劳动主题组织起来的最初呼吁在2017年得到了广泛支持。西班牙的黑人妇女加入了一个名为afrofsamina的组织,呼吁扩大当地IWS动员的主题,以黑人主体的经历为中心。在一份广为流传的声明中,affrof米纳斯组织指出了这一经历,并宣布他们不会参加国际妇女罢工。西班牙国际妇女罢工的例子表明,寻求交叉的团结可以产生广泛的交叉意识,即使它导致不同的组织轨道。自主黑人活动家空间的发展使交叉意识得以延续和深化,但限制了实践的规模(例如,非洲人没有参与产生破坏性策略和动员更多群众的更广泛的实践)。在选择将种族主义视为资本主义剥削制度中的一种暴力形式时,有限的主观性概念主导了IWS。另一方面,非洲经委会的退出限制了实践的范围,并对更广泛的运动的代表性和包容性提出了问题。因此,交叉和对立的意识可以从交叉边缘群体退出联合工作中出现,同时挑战大规模交叉实践的制定。
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引用次数: 0
Queer in Africa: LGBTQI Identities, Citizenship, and Activism 《非洲酷儿:LGBTQI身份、公民身份和行动主义
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248856
Memory Mphaphuli
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Additional informationNotes on contributorsMemory MphaphuliMemory Mphaphuli is a feminist sociologist, a scholar, and activist, whose work engages with questions related to gender and sexualities. Her writing and research focuses specifically on the everyday social construction of social inequality at the intersection of race, class and gender, with my primary analysis and focus being on heterosexuality as both an institution and practice. Memory is currently the research coordinator and senior researcher at Rhea, which is a research center with expertise on gender, diversity, and intersectionality at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB).
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。memory Mphaphuli是一位女权主义社会学家、学者和活动家,其工作涉及与性别和性行为有关的问题。她的写作和研究主要集中在种族、阶级和性别交叉点的社会不平等的日常社会建构上,我的主要分析和重点是异性恋作为一种制度和实践。Memory目前是Rhea的研究协调员和高级研究员,Rhea是布鲁塞尔自由大学(VUB)的一个研究中心,专门研究性别、多样性和交叉性。
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引用次数: 0
Strategies of Resistance in the Everyday: The Political Approaches of Black Women Living in a Public Housing Development in Chicago 日常抵抗的策略:芝加哥公共住房开发中黑人妇女的政治途径
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2248858
Alex J. Moffett-Bateau
Black women living in poverty in the United States have been shown to develop non-traditional, or what I call extra-systemic, political engagement to combat their vulnerability to government power. With that in mind, I ask the following question: what conceptual framework of “politics” is best suited to fully understanding the politics of poor Black women living in the US? To answer this question, I examined an ethnographic case study of the politics of 31 Black women living in Chicago public housing, over the course of one year (2011 through 2012). The evidence suggests some marginalized Black women incorporate an oft-hidden resistance strategy against forces exerting a disproportionate amount of power over their lives. The political strategies used by the marginalized Black women I observed, were best understood using an expanded extra-systemic conceptualization of politics, informed by Black feminist political theory.
在美国,生活在贫困中的黑人女性已经被证明发展了非传统的,或者我称之为非系统的,政治参与来对抗她们在政府权力面前的脆弱性。考虑到这一点,我提出了以下问题:什么样的“政治”概念框架最适合全面理解生活在美国的贫穷黑人妇女的政治?为了回答这个问题,我研究了一个人种学案例,研究了31名住在芝加哥公共住房的黑人女性在一年内(2011年至2012年)的政治行为。有证据表明,一些被边缘化的黑人妇女采用了一种经常隐藏的抵抗策略,以反对对她们的生活施加不成比例的权力。我所观察到的被边缘化的黑人妇女所使用的政治策略,最好的理解是使用一种扩展的、系统外的政治概念,由黑人女权主义政治理论提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
Intersectional Feminist Activism and Practices of Transformation: Perspectives from Indian Feminisms 交叉性女权主义行动与转型实践:来自印度女权主义的视角
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247630
Rukmini Sen
While it is true that there have been and continues to be multiple ways in which intersectional feminist agendas are invisibilized, it is equally important to foreground ways in which intersectional feminists affirm themselves as transformatory agents and create new directions in practice and pedagogy. This article will engage with three legal moments of intersectional feminist transformation: legislation on transgender persons (2019), an intersectional political mobilization against (contested) legislation on citizenship (2019–2020), and responses to a gang-rape on women from dalit community (2020). This article analyzes legislation, interprets posters and interviews given by participants in the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act mobilizations, and uses newspaper archives to understand a narrative of invisibility. In conclusion, the article proposes ways that feminist assessments of intersectional political moments can provide a more holistic pedagogical practice in the teaching of intersectional feminisms.
虽然确实存在并将继续存在多种方式使交叉女权主义议程隐形,但同样重要的是,交叉女权主义者肯定自己是变革的推动者,并在实践和教学中创造新的方向。本文将探讨交叉女权主义转型的三个法律时刻:关于跨性别者的立法(2019),反对(有争议的)公民身份立法的交叉政治动员(2019 - 2020),以及对达利特社区妇女轮奸案的回应(2020)。本文分析立法,解读反公民修正案动员参与者的海报和访谈,并利用报纸档案来理解隐形叙事。综上所述,本文提出了交叉政治时刻的女权主义评估方法,可以为交叉女权主义的教学提供更全面的教学实践。
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引用次数: 0
At the Intersections of Gender Inequality and State Fragility in Africa 在非洲性别不平等和国家脆弱性的交叉点
3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-10 DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247631
Adryan Wallace
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Journal of Women Politics & Policy
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