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Creating Commonality Through Storytelling? Social Media Responses to Identity Appeals in Thrifting Narratives 通过讲故事创造共性?社会媒体对节俭叙事中身份诉求的回应
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155455
M. B. Harbin
ABSTRACT This article examines reactions to government officials’ disclosures about buying secondhand clothing to manage the financial obligations associated with “looking the part” when holding office. I refer to these disclosures as “thrifting narratives.” This study adopts a novel approach to analyzing the political relevance of elected officials’ physical appearance by asking: to what extent does public officials sharing thrifting narratives make them appear more relatable and help forge political commonality with the public? To answer this question, I analyze Twitter responses to a thrifting narrative shared by newly elected Representative Cori Bush in November 2020. Results of the analysis reveal that Twitter users most frequently responded to the socioeconomic dimensions of Bush’s thrifting narrative and, in this context, perceived her as an authentic leader. These findings contribute to existing literature by showcasing how wardrobe choices can operate as social class markers and be used to foster rapport with ordinary citizens.
摘要:本文考察了人们对政府官员披露购买二手服装的反应,这些二手服装是为了管理与任职时“看起来合适”相关的财务义务。我把这些披露称为“节俭叙事”。本研究采用了一种新颖的方法来分析当选官员外表的政治相关性,通过问:在多大程度上,分享节俭叙事的公职人员使他们看起来更相关,并有助于与公众建立政治共性?为了回答这个问题,我分析了Twitter对2020年11月新当选众议员科妮·布什(Cori Bush)分享的节俭叙述的回应。分析结果显示,Twitter用户最常对布什节俭叙事的社会经济维度做出回应,在这种背景下,他们认为她是一位真正的领导人。这些发现为现有文献做出了贡献,展示了着装选择如何作为社会阶层的标志,并被用来促进与普通公民的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Transformative Potential of Feminist Foreign Policy: The Case of Sweden 女性主义外交政策的变革潜力——以瑞典为例
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2113662
Mia-Lie Nylund, Sandra Håkansson, E. Bjarnegård
ABSTRACT Sweden describes its feminist foreign policy (FFP) as strategically illuminating structures of gender inequality by incorporating a feminist perspective in all areas of foreign policy, analytically and practically. This study scrutinizes the transformative potential of Sweden’s FFP discourse. Feminist scholarship argues for recognizing interrelations between gender and postcolonial structures; stressing gender hierarchies as contextual and contingent on various power structures. Using critical discourse analysis, we analyze documents, statements and speeches produced within the Swedish FFP in relation to postcolonial feminist theory. We find that a large part of the Swedish FFP discourse reproduces essentialist discourse informed by colonial legacies, but with a new feminist label. There are, however, signs of an emerging reformed discourse that strives to transform postcolonial power structures, taking intersectionality into account. This emerging discourse contributes to an understanding of how a feminist foreign policy could be articulated and practiced to become truly transformative.
摘要瑞典将其女权主义外交政策描述为通过将女权主义观点纳入外交政策的所有领域,从分析和实践角度,从战略上阐明性别不平等的结构。本研究考察了瑞典FFP话语的变革潜力。女权主义学术主张承认性别和后殖民结构之间的相互关系;强调性别等级制度是有背景的,取决于各种权力结构。使用批判性话语分析,我们分析了瑞典自由党内部与后殖民女权主义理论相关的文件、声明和演讲。我们发现,瑞典FFP话语的很大一部分再现了受殖民遗产影响的本质主义话语,但带有新的女权主义标签。然而,有迹象表明,一种新兴的改革话语正在努力改变后殖民权力结构,同时考虑到交叉性。这一新兴的话语有助于理解如何阐明和实践女权主义外交政策,使其真正具有变革性。
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引用次数: 0
Critical Analysis of the Implementation of Clean India Mission in the Rural Areas: A Gender Perspective “清洁印度”任务在农村地区执行的批判性分析:性别视角
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2115281
Sahara Basnet​, M. Hoque
ABSTRACT After completing Clean India Mission’s first phase, the government declared the campaign a success and set out plans to implement the second phase. However, emerging evidence has questioned the claim’s validity as open defecation remains a reality in the country. Acknowledging the well-established link between sanitation and gender, this study has looked into the campaign through a gender lens. Based on a discourse analysis, it critically examines the implementation phase of the campaign by analyzing how the mission developed treatises about women’s group identity, pursued women’s empowerment, and created gender-sensitive messaging. This study concludes that the campaign did not pursue its gendered objectives properly; from the policy level to the implementation, the campaign failed to – i) address existing differences within different groups of women in rural India and ii) disseminate gender-sensitive messaging. Although the campaign created some foundations for women’s empowerment, there remains untapped potential.
在完成清洁印度任务的第一阶段后,政府宣布该运动取得了成功,并制定了实施第二阶段的计划。然而,新出现的证据对这种说法的有效性提出了质疑,因为露天排便在该国仍然存在。认识到卫生设施与性别之间已确立的联系,本研究从性别角度审视了这一运动。在话语分析的基础上,它通过分析特派团如何发展关于妇女群体认同的论文,追求妇女赋权,并创造性别敏感的信息,批判性地审视了运动的实施阶段。这项研究的结论是,该运动没有适当地追求其性别目标;从政策层面到执行,该运动未能- i)解决印度农村不同妇女群体内部存在的差异,ii)传播对性别问题敏感的信息。尽管该运动为赋予妇女权力奠定了一些基础,但仍有未开发的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Prone to Agreement: Does Context Matter for Men and Women in Political Discussions? 容易达成一致:语境对政治讨论中的男性和女性有影响吗?
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2113658
Jennie Sweet-Cushman, Mary Herring, Elizabeth Prough, F. Vultee
ABSTRACT In contemporary discourse, context matters for how people converse with one another about political topics. Discussion may occur face-to-face or online, topics of conversation may be controversial or less so, and gender dynamics may vary. We argue that men and women are affected differently by various contextual discussion factors. We employ a unique quasi-experiment that varies these factors and uses discourse analysis to examine patterns of gendered agreement and disagreement across seven exhaustive categories of response. These factors affect the likelihood of agreement by women and men, though gender-based differences are not dramatic. We do, however, find conditions that prompt men to be less agreeable than women. We also identify seven discrete rhetorical approaches to expressing agreement or disagreement in political discussion. Of these, three show evidence of gender-based patterns of usage. These findings have implications for how men and women use agreement strategies to cope with potential divisiveness in political discussion.
摘要在当代话语中,语境对人们如何就政治话题进行对话至关重要。讨论可能会面对面或在线进行,谈话主题可能会有争议或不那么有争议,性别动态可能会有所不同。我们认为,男性和女性受到各种语境讨论因素的影响是不同的。我们采用了一个独特的准实验来改变这些因素,并使用话语分析来检查七个详尽类别的反应中的性别认同和分歧模式。这些因素影响了男女达成协议的可能性,尽管基于性别的差异并不显著。然而,我们确实发现了促使男性不如女性随和的条件。我们还确定了在政治讨论中表达同意或不同意的七种不同的修辞方法。其中,有三个显示了基于性别的使用模式的证据。这些发现对男性和女性如何使用协议策略来应对政治讨论中潜在的分歧具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Bystanders or Contesters? Women’s Political Representation and Quality of Government in the Local Councils of Albania 旁观者还是参赛者?妇女在阿尔巴尼亚地方议会中的政治代表性和政府质量
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-29 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2109946
Marsela Dauti
ABSTRACT A growing body of scholarly work underscores that the relationship between women’s political representation and quality of government is stronger in democracies than in authoritarian regimes. The relationship, however, is less clear in regimes that are neither fully-fledged democratic nor authoritarian. I investigate the gender gap in representatives’ efforts to push for improvements in the quality of government in the local councils of Albania following the implementation of gender quotas in 2015. Using the transcripts of council meetings, I identify the kind of practices that councilors challenge when holding local government officials to account, and I compare women with men. The study shows that councilors contest practices that concern law enforcement, impartiality, and transparency. Women, compared to men, are more likely to contest practices that concern transparency. The greatest gender gap is observed in councils where the implementation of gender quotas has disrupted male dominance, numerically speaking, the most.
摘要越来越多的学术研究强调,在民主国家,女性的政治代表性与政府质量之间的关系比独裁政权更为密切。然而,在既不完全民主也不专制的政权中,这种关系就不那么明显了。我调查了2015年实施性别配额后,代表们在推动提高阿尔巴尼亚地方议会政府质量方面的性别差距。利用议会会议的记录,我确定了议员们在追究地方政府官员责任时所质疑的做法,并将女性与男性进行了比较。研究表明,议员们对涉及执法、公正和透明度的做法提出质疑。与男性相比,女性更有可能对涉及透明度的做法提出质疑。性别差距最大的是议会,在这些议会中,性别配额的实施破坏了男性的主导地位,从数字上讲,这是最严重的。
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引用次数: 0
Legislating as Your Full Self: Queer Women of Color in US State Legislatures 以完整的自我立法:美国州立法机构中的有色人种酷儿女性
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2068119
Hanna K. Brant, J. Butcher
ABSTRACT While recent gains in diversity in US state legislatures are notable, state legislatures remain disproportionately white and male. In this critical perspective piece, we examine the gains in representation and entrance to office of a group legislators who comprise an important intersection of identity in American politics: queer women of color. We find that the 30 Democratic queer women of color currently in office replaced fellow Democrats in all but four instances and defeated an incumbent in 13 elections. By providing an overview of these legislators, this piece contributes toward advancing a more representative understanding of the diversity of women in elective office. In doing so, we strive to pivot the center on queer women of color political elites and note several avenues for future research.
摘要尽管美国各州立法机构最近在多样性方面取得了显著进展,但州立法机构中白人和男性比例仍然不成比例。在这篇批判性的观点文章中,我们考察了一群立法者在代表性和进入办公室方面的收获,他们构成了美国政治中身份的一个重要交叉点:有色人种酷儿女性。我们发现,目前在任的30名民主党有色人种酷儿女性在除四次外的所有情况下都取代了民主党同僚,并在13次选举中击败了一名现任总统。通过对这些立法者进行概述,这篇文章有助于促进对民选职位中女性多样性的更具代表性的理解。在这样做的过程中,我们努力将中心转向有色人种的酷儿女性政治精英,并注意到未来研究的几个途径。
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引用次数: 0
Centering Black Women Political Elites, A Review 以黑人女性政治精英为中心的述评
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2078605
Jatia Wrighten
ABSTRACT Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites by Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi is simultaneously a journey of self-love and a master class in presenting an innovative and powerful study on Black women. The authors employ several methods to give voice to Black Women political elites and their experiences while uncovering and expanding our knowledge about political obstacles that Black women face that are specific to their physical appearances. This work pushes our understanding and ideas about what constitutes Political Science and lays the groundwork for future intersectional, interdisciplinary work.
Nadia E. Brown和Danielle Casarez Lemi的《姐妹风格:黑人女性政治精英的外表政治》既是一次自爱之旅,也是一次对黑人女性进行创新而有力的研究的大师课。作者采用了几种方法来为黑人女性政治精英和她们的经历发声,同时揭示并扩大了我们对黑人女性所面临的政治障碍的认识,这些障碍与她们的外表有关。这项工作推动了我们对政治学构成的理解和想法,并为未来的交叉、跨学科工作奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 0
The 2018 Congressional Midterms, Symbolic Empowerment, and Ayanna Pressley’s Mobilizing Effect: A Case Study for Future Analysis of Historic Firsts 2018年国会中期、象征性授权和Ayanna Pressley的动员效应:历史第一次未来分析的案例研究
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2074758
Evelyn M. Simien
ABSTRACT Ayanna Pressley was elected in 2018, becoming the first Black woman from Massachusetts to serve in the US House of Representatives and the first person of color to represent its only majority-minority congressional district (which includes three-quarters of Boston, and most of Cambridge). While Pressley was no political newcomer to the city of Boston, her campaign garnered widespread media attention on account of her victory – that is, having defeated a ten-term incumbent, Michael Capuano, of the same political party. Here I argue that the electoral context mattered, given the historic nature of the campaign and its mobilizing effect on a racially and ethnically diverse electorate. Although highlighting qualifications and experience was the preferred tactic of her opponent, it was important for Pressley to choose a strategy that best fit the electoral context. Here I offer a case study, with information that will bear on the applicability of causal generalizations to be empirically tested via formal modeling or large-N analysis in future studies. The sort of specific, intensive, and detailed information provided is necessary in advance of forecasting results across similar subjects and comparable target populations using quantitative or statistical methods.
摘要Ayanna Pressley于2018年当选,成为第一位在美国众议院任职的马萨诸塞州黑人女性,也是第一位代表其唯一的少数族裔国会选区(包括波士顿四分之三的地区和剑桥大部分地区)的有色人种。虽然普雷斯利不是波士顿市的政治新人,但她的竞选活动因她的胜利而引起了媒体的广泛关注——也就是说,她击败了同一政党的十届现任总统迈克尔·卡普亚诺。在这里,我认为,鉴于竞选活动的历史性质及其对种族和族裔多样性选民的动员作用,选举背景很重要。尽管强调资历和经验是她的对手的首选策略,但对Pressley来说,选择最适合选举环境的策略很重要。在这里,我提供了一个案例研究,其中的信息将涉及因果概括的适用性,这些信息将在未来的研究中通过形式建模或大N分析进行实证检验。在使用定量或统计方法预测类似受试者和可比目标人群的结果之前,需要提供具体、密集和详细的信息。
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引用次数: 0
The Link Between Familial Care, the Covid Pandemic and Gender Linked Fate 家庭护理、新冠肺炎疫情和与性别相关的命运之间的联系
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-24 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2087161
Christopher Stout, Kelsy Kretschmer, L. Ruppanner
ABSTRACT In this research note, we assess whether White and Black women who left the labor force to take care of family during the COVID-19 pandemic display higher levels of gender linked fate. The COVID pandemic compounded existing inequality in domestic labor as many women were forced to leave the workforce when schools moved to remote learning and many daycares closed. The gendered impact of the pandemic may have disproportionately fostered a sense of a common bond among women who altered their employment because of the pandemic. We test this hypothesis using a survey administered on a non-probability representative sample of American adults. We find that White and Black women who altered their employment to take care of family displayed higher levels of gender linked fate than others. Our findings suggest that changes in the social context along with personal experiences are tied to women’s perceptions of a common fate.
摘要在本研究报告中,我们评估了在新冠肺炎大流行期间离开劳动力队伍照顾家庭的白人和黑人女性是否表现出更高水平的与性别相关的命运。新冠肺炎疫情加剧了现有的家务劳动不平等,因为当学校转向远程学习和许多日托中心关闭时,许多女性被迫离开劳动力市场。疫情的性别影响可能不成比例地培养了因疫情而改变工作的女性之间的共同纽带感。我们使用一项对美国成年人的非概率代表性样本进行的调查来检验这一假设。我们发现,为了照顾家庭而改变工作的白人和黑人女性比其他女性表现出更高的性别命运。我们的研究结果表明,社会环境的变化以及个人经历与女性对共同命运的看法有关。
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引用次数: 1
An Invitation 一个邀请
IF 1.1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2072105
Nadia E. Brown, C. J. Clark, A. Mahoney
ABSTRACT This essay serves as the introduction to the special issue that focuses squarely on the political leadership of women of color in the United States. In recent years, it is becoming increasingly common for women of color to seek and attain elected office. As these actors become more prominent in politics, then it will become increasingly difficult for scholars of American politics to ignore them. We argue that if the discipline wants to remain relevant, and if it wants to produce the best work possible, then it is imperative that scholars of all backgrounds familiarize themselves with research that centers women of color. In the spirit of intersectionality research, we see our clarion call not as coercion, but as an invitation.
这篇文章是关于美国有色人种女性政治领导的特刊的介绍。近年来,有色人种女性寻求并获得民选公职的现象越来越普遍。随着这些行动者在政治中的地位越来越突出,研究美国政治的学者将越来越难以忽视他们。我们认为,如果这门学科想要保持相关性,如果它想要产生最好的研究成果,那么所有背景的学者都必须熟悉以有色人种女性为中心的研究。本着交叉性研究的精神,我们认为我们的号召不是强迫,而是一种邀请。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Women Politics & Policy
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