Pub Date : 2022-02-20DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034429
Breanne Fahs, E. Swank
ABSTRACT Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013–2014) has emerged in recent years but little is yet known about women’s responses to the cycle of Black Lives Matter/George Floyd protests that occurred in the Summer of 2020. This study analyzed semi-structured interviews with a racially diverse community sample of 20 women and two nonbinary individuals who mostly identified as feminists (mean age = 34.05, SD = 13.11). To address the salience of BLM framing practices during an ongoing protest, this study explored an awareness of structural racism and reactions to the presumed goals and tactics of this antiracism social movement. We identified six themes in how this racially diverse sample responded to these protests against racism and police brutality: 1) Caricatures of BLM protestors as criminals; 2) Protests were too extreme; 3) Concern about the COVID risks and social context of COVID; 4) More education needed about race relations; 5) Protests were long overdue; and 6) Protests were effective and necessary. Implications for better understanding the rhetoric of white liberalism, solidarity within racial justice movements, and fragmentation or unity among women were explored.
{"title":"Friends or Foes? U.S. Women’s Perceptions of Racial Justice and the Black Lives Matter Protests during the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Breanne Fahs, E. Swank","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034429","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholarship on the first waves of the Black Lives Matter protests (2013–2014) has emerged in recent years but little is yet known about women’s responses to the cycle of Black Lives Matter/George Floyd protests that occurred in the Summer of 2020. This study analyzed semi-structured interviews with a racially diverse community sample of 20 women and two nonbinary individuals who mostly identified as feminists (mean age = 34.05, SD = 13.11). To address the salience of BLM framing practices during an ongoing protest, this study explored an awareness of structural racism and reactions to the presumed goals and tactics of this antiracism social movement. We identified six themes in how this racially diverse sample responded to these protests against racism and police brutality: 1) Caricatures of BLM protestors as criminals; 2) Protests were too extreme; 3) Concern about the COVID risks and social context of COVID; 4) More education needed about race relations; 5) Protests were long overdue; and 6) Protests were effective and necessary. Implications for better understanding the rhetoric of white liberalism, solidarity within racial justice movements, and fragmentation or unity among women were explored.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"446 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45554888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-07DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034430
A. Elveren, V. Moghadam
ABSTRACT Feminist scholars have long argued that militarism and patriarchy are linked. To date, however, the relationship between militarization and gender inequality has not been empirically tested. Using the Gender Inequality Index and the Global Militarization Index for the period of 1990–2017 for 133 countries, we put the spotlight on militarization to show how it reflects and contributes to gender inequality (in terms of health, education, political representation, and labor force participation). Our article shows that higher militarization is significantly correlated with higher gender inequality, controlling for major variables such as the military in politics, the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women, conflict, democracy level, and regime type. Among other results, we find that higher representation of women in parliament correlates with less military spending. The results are significant in the case of Muslim majority countries and MENA countries, and with respect to countries with different income levels.
{"title":"Militarization and Gender Inequality: Exploring the Impact","authors":"A. Elveren, V. Moghadam","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2034430","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Feminist scholars have long argued that militarism and patriarchy are linked. To date, however, the relationship between militarization and gender inequality has not been empirically tested. Using the Gender Inequality Index and the Global Militarization Index for the period of 1990–2017 for 133 countries, we put the spotlight on militarization to show how it reflects and contributes to gender inequality (in terms of health, education, political representation, and labor force participation). Our article shows that higher militarization is significantly correlated with higher gender inequality, controlling for major variables such as the military in politics, the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women, conflict, democracy level, and regime type. Among other results, we find that higher representation of women in parliament correlates with less military spending. The results are significant in the case of Muslim majority countries and MENA countries, and with respect to countries with different income levels.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"123 36","pages":"427 - 445"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41250842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-26DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2028509
Linda Trimble, Jennifer Curtin, Meagan Auer, Angelia Wagner, V. Woodman
ABSTRACT This research note reports an intriguing finding, reached inductively from textual analysis of newspaper coverage of the leadership attributes of 22 women and men premiers in Australia and Canada. When introducing these newly selected subnational government leaders to the public, journalists articulated their capacity to work well with others as an important leadership competency. Women and men premiers alike were described as inclusive, conciliatory, and consultative, and these qualities were highlighted as integral to effective decision-making and sound governance practices. Our research challenges a central proposition of the gendered mediation thesis: that news coverage of political leaders foregrounds and lauds the agentic qualities traditionally associated with men and masculinity while downplaying and denigrating communal qualities linked to women and femininity. Evidence of media attention to and praise for collaborative leadership traits indicates a feminization of politics that disrupts gender stereotypes in a manner helpful to women’s political ambition.
{"title":"Works Well with Others: Gendered Mediation of Collaborative Leadership Skills","authors":"Linda Trimble, Jennifer Curtin, Meagan Auer, Angelia Wagner, V. Woodman","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2028509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2028509","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This research note reports an intriguing finding, reached inductively from textual analysis of newspaper coverage of the leadership attributes of 22 women and men premiers in Australia and Canada. When introducing these newly selected subnational government leaders to the public, journalists articulated their capacity to work well with others as an important leadership competency. Women and men premiers alike were described as inclusive, conciliatory, and consultative, and these qualities were highlighted as integral to effective decision-making and sound governance practices. Our research challenges a central proposition of the gendered mediation thesis: that news coverage of political leaders foregrounds and lauds the agentic qualities traditionally associated with men and masculinity while downplaying and denigrating communal qualities linked to women and femininity. Evidence of media attention to and praise for collaborative leadership traits indicates a feminization of politics that disrupts gender stereotypes in a manner helpful to women’s political ambition.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"245 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42449426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-06DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2024045
S. Craig, Paulina S. Cossette, A. McCarthy
ABSTRACT History tells us that elected leaders who are tainted by scandal often pay a political price for their behavior. In the past few years, such allegations of sexual harassment have engulfed a large number of political (as well as entertainment, business, and even academic) figures. Many were forced to resign their positions, while others chose to end their campaigns for election or reelection. While the great majority of harassment victims are women, there are a few instances where the sex roles have been reversed – and with more women running for and winning public office (and thereby gaining positions of power and authority), it is possible that we will see more such role reversals in the future. Our study uses data from an internet-based survey of registered voters to examine citizens’ attitudes about sexual harassment and the extent to which those attitudes shape their reactions when allegations of harassment are made against a fictional member of Congress. With an innovative experimental design, we will examine whether reactions vary with (a) either the target’s or the voter’s gender or (b) the former’s response to the allegations of sexual misconduct made against him/her (denial, apology, counterframe).
{"title":"Two Sides of the Coin: Women, Men, and the Politics of Sexual Harassment","authors":"S. Craig, Paulina S. Cossette, A. McCarthy","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2024045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2024045","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT History tells us that elected leaders who are tainted by scandal often pay a political price for their behavior. In the past few years, such allegations of sexual harassment have engulfed a large number of political (as well as entertainment, business, and even academic) figures. Many were forced to resign their positions, while others chose to end their campaigns for election or reelection. While the great majority of harassment victims are women, there are a few instances where the sex roles have been reversed – and with more women running for and winning public office (and thereby gaining positions of power and authority), it is possible that we will see more such role reversals in the future. Our study uses data from an internet-based survey of registered voters to examine citizens’ attitudes about sexual harassment and the extent to which those attitudes shape their reactions when allegations of harassment are made against a fictional member of Congress. With an innovative experimental design, we will examine whether reactions vary with (a) either the target’s or the voter’s gender or (b) the former’s response to the allegations of sexual misconduct made against him/her (denial, apology, counterframe).","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"184 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43398806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004844
Nadia Elizabeth Brown, C. J. Clark, A. Mahoney
More women of color were sworn in to the 117th U.S. Congress than ever before. For instance, Cori Bush became the first Black woman elected from the state of Missouri, accomplishing this feat by taking down William Clay, whose family served in that seat for decades. Cori Bush’s victory, along with those of other women of color, is simultaneously something to celebrate and investigate. How can it be that in 2021, women of color elected officials are still achieving firsts? How have scholars assessed, theorized, and studied these women who are novel players in American government? Political Science, as a discipline, is merely decades out from viewing women of color via a single-axis lens of either race or gender. Thusly, scholars are still grappling with how to examine women of color by their own merits. This special issue seeks to do just that. The essays in this volume are chiefly concerned with studying the multiplicity of women of color political elites as distinct actors in American democracy. As guest co-editors of two issues on the subject, we wanted to curate a set of essays from both established and burgeoning thought leaders and empiricists on the complexities of seeking elected office and governing as women of color. Political scientists have long recognized that women of color experience politics in a manner distinct from White women and men of color. Scholars such as Ange-Marie Hancock (2007) and Wendy Smooth (2006) have convincingly argued for the theoretical benefits of intersectionality research. In 2006, Smooth authored a piece in which she argued that intersectionality was “a mess worth making” and growing numbers followed suit by making a mess of traditional approaches to studying politics. For instance, Becki Scola wrote one of the first research articles with empirical data to show that the factors that account for the presence of women in state legislatures are really predictors of whether White women serve (Scola 2008). In 2014, Nadia Brown published the first book on Black women state lawmakers, and in the process introduced a novel framework, representational identity theory, for understanding these understudied actors. Just a year before, Christina Bejarano published a book arguing that Latina candidates are not doubly disadvantaged, but instead benefit from their racial and gender identities. In 2020, Reingold, Haynie, and Widner empirically demonstrated that when multiple identities are considered we learn something about politics that we otherwise would have missed. This is not an exhaustive or comprehensive list of research on the subject. We simply cite these studies as examples of a larger discourse of how scholars have begun to study women of color political elites. From an even bigger picture perspective, let’s consider the creation of new journals centered on identity. Politics, Groups, and Identities was launched in 2013, and it is an outlet that has consistently published work on women of color and intersectiona
{"title":"Women of Color Political Elites in the US: An Introduction, Personal Reflections, and a Call for Scholarly Engagement","authors":"Nadia Elizabeth Brown, C. J. Clark, A. Mahoney","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2004844","url":null,"abstract":"More women of color were sworn in to the 117th U.S. Congress than ever before. For instance, Cori Bush became the first Black woman elected from the state of Missouri, accomplishing this feat by taking down William Clay, whose family served in that seat for decades. Cori Bush’s victory, along with those of other women of color, is simultaneously something to celebrate and investigate. How can it be that in 2021, women of color elected officials are still achieving firsts? How have scholars assessed, theorized, and studied these women who are novel players in American government? Political Science, as a discipline, is merely decades out from viewing women of color via a single-axis lens of either race or gender. Thusly, scholars are still grappling with how to examine women of color by their own merits. This special issue seeks to do just that. The essays in this volume are chiefly concerned with studying the multiplicity of women of color political elites as distinct actors in American democracy. As guest co-editors of two issues on the subject, we wanted to curate a set of essays from both established and burgeoning thought leaders and empiricists on the complexities of seeking elected office and governing as women of color. Political scientists have long recognized that women of color experience politics in a manner distinct from White women and men of color. Scholars such as Ange-Marie Hancock (2007) and Wendy Smooth (2006) have convincingly argued for the theoretical benefits of intersectionality research. In 2006, Smooth authored a piece in which she argued that intersectionality was “a mess worth making” and growing numbers followed suit by making a mess of traditional approaches to studying politics. For instance, Becki Scola wrote one of the first research articles with empirical data to show that the factors that account for the presence of women in state legislatures are really predictors of whether White women serve (Scola 2008). In 2014, Nadia Brown published the first book on Black women state lawmakers, and in the process introduced a novel framework, representational identity theory, for understanding these understudied actors. Just a year before, Christina Bejarano published a book arguing that Latina candidates are not doubly disadvantaged, but instead benefit from their racial and gender identities. In 2020, Reingold, Haynie, and Widner empirically demonstrated that when multiple identities are considered we learn something about politics that we otherwise would have missed. This is not an exhaustive or comprehensive list of research on the subject. We simply cite these studies as examples of a larger discourse of how scholars have begun to study women of color political elites. From an even bigger picture perspective, let’s consider the creation of new journals centered on identity. Politics, Groups, and Identities was launched in 2013, and it is an outlet that has consistently published work on women of color and intersectiona","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"1 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45295064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007466
C. Phillips, Paru Shah, Patrick Vossler
ABSTRACT In this paper, we develop a theory of intersectional substantive representation of and by immigrant communities grounded in two concepts: representational orientation to constituents and representational activity to achieve goals. We argue that Asian American women and Latinas are more likely than Latinos and Asian American men to hold an “embedded” orientation to politics, and view community networks and ties as deeply intertwined with the way they frame their identities and goals as representatives. We test our theoretical expectations regarding formal legislative processes by analyzing bill sponsorship by Asian American and Latina/o Democrats serving in state legislatures from 2014–2017, and draw on a set of interviews with Latina/o and Asian American legislators to argue that our findings account for a wider range of experiences related to overlapping group identities than previous scholarship focused on race and gender alone.
{"title":"Immigrants, Intersectionality and the Politics of Substantive Representation","authors":"C. Phillips, Paru Shah, Patrick Vossler","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2007466","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, we develop a theory of intersectional substantive representation of and by immigrant communities grounded in two concepts: representational orientation to constituents and representational activity to achieve goals. We argue that Asian American women and Latinas are more likely than Latinos and Asian American men to hold an “embedded” orientation to politics, and view community networks and ties as deeply intertwined with the way they frame their identities and goals as representatives. We test our theoretical expectations regarding formal legislative processes by analyzing bill sponsorship by Asian American and Latina/o Democrats serving in state legislatures from 2014–2017, and draw on a set of interviews with Latina/o and Asian American legislators to argue that our findings account for a wider range of experiences related to overlapping group identities than previous scholarship focused on race and gender alone.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"64 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46735812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2008398
Christina E. Bejarano, W. Smooth
ABSTRACT Pundits and scholars alike point to recent elections as evidence of a changing American electorate with women of color (WOC) at the center of creating a more diverse electorate. Similarly, we are also witnessing an increase in WOC seeking political office at all levels. We focus on the apparatuses driving increased participation of WOC in these aspects of electoral politics. We argue that much of the growth in WOC voting and running as candidates for public office stem from strategic networks of WOC-centered mobilizations working to extend democratic inclusion. We build a framework to theorize the interconnected relationships of these groups and depict the complex ecosystem of WOC formations in operation as they cultivate a more diverse electorate and candidate base simultaneously. Specifically, we focus on WOC-centered groups during the 2020 election cycle, providing a typology of political activism based upon the types of labor they contribute to the democratic process.
{"title":"Women of Color Mobilizing: Sistahs are Doing It for Themselves from GOTV to Running Candidates for Political Office","authors":"Christina E. Bejarano, W. Smooth","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2008398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2008398","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Pundits and scholars alike point to recent elections as evidence of a changing American electorate with women of color (WOC) at the center of creating a more diverse electorate. Similarly, we are also witnessing an increase in WOC seeking political office at all levels. We focus on the apparatuses driving increased participation of WOC in these aspects of electoral politics. We argue that much of the growth in WOC voting and running as candidates for public office stem from strategic networks of WOC-centered mobilizations working to extend democratic inclusion. We build a framework to theorize the interconnected relationships of these groups and depict the complex ecosystem of WOC formations in operation as they cultivate a more diverse electorate and candidate base simultaneously. Specifically, we focus on WOC-centered groups during the 2020 election cycle, providing a typology of political activism based upon the types of labor they contribute to the democratic process.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"8 - 24"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48264931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-19DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2022.2008167
E. Wiener
{"title":"Which Women, Exactly? Examining Gender Gaps in Legislative Responsiveness to Women’s Issue Advocacy through an Intersectional Lens","authors":"E. Wiener","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2022.2008167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2022.2008167","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44914496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-16DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2012994
A. Mhajne, Gregory W. Saxton
ABSTRACT How do attitudes about women’s equality affect political support for Islamist parties? Women’s issues remain a key point of contention between religious groups and the government in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Given Islamists’ conservative stances on women’s rights, individuals who support gender equality may naturally be skeptical of Islamist parties participating in politics. Nevertheless, democratic stability in the region requires creating inclusive political institutions, including women’s movements and the Islamic opposition. Where democracy is inclusive and competitive, Islamist parties may moderate their positions to remain electorally viable, thus alleviating gender equality proponents’ concerns. To test these expectations, we draw on two different survey data sources from the MENA region. Our results, consistent across time and data sources, demonstrate that gender egalitarian individuals are less likely to trust Islamist parties or tolerate their inclusion in formal politics. Nevertheless, democracy mitigates this negative relationship.
{"title":"Gender Egalitarian Attitudes and Support for Islamist Parties in the Middle East and North Africa","authors":"A. Mhajne, Gregory W. Saxton","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2012994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2012994","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How do attitudes about women’s equality affect political support for Islamist parties? Women’s issues remain a key point of contention between religious groups and the government in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Given Islamists’ conservative stances on women’s rights, individuals who support gender equality may naturally be skeptical of Islamist parties participating in politics. Nevertheless, democratic stability in the region requires creating inclusive political institutions, including women’s movements and the Islamic opposition. Where democracy is inclusive and competitive, Islamist parties may moderate their positions to remain electorally viable, thus alleviating gender equality proponents’ concerns. To test these expectations, we draw on two different survey data sources from the MENA region. Our results, consistent across time and data sources, demonstrate that gender egalitarian individuals are less likely to trust Islamist parties or tolerate their inclusion in formal politics. Nevertheless, democracy mitigates this negative relationship.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"227 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43087780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2022.2007468
G. Caballero
{"title":"Toward Intersectionality, A Review","authors":"G. Caballero","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2022.2007468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2022.2007468","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44411666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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