Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2249619
Fatima El Sayed
ABSTRACT This article explores how Muslim women’s activism unfolds in the context of anti-Muslim racism and Islamism in contemporary Germany. In particular, it identifies both gendered forms of anti-Muslim racism and Islamism encountered by Muslim women’s organizations and ways they respond to it. Drawing on theories of intersectionality and boundary making, this study identifies the most common strategies used to confront anti-Muslim racism and Islamism and their implications for intersectional boundary making. For this purpose, six expert interviews with representatives of major Muslim women’s organizations were conducted and supplemented by data from internet research and participatory observation. Based on a Grounded Theory-inspired approach, the findings show that the responses of Muslim women’s organizations to anti-Muslim racism and Islamism reconfigure group boundaries. They create more inclusive spaces in which boundary formations by religion, race, and ethnicity and gender are transcended.
{"title":"Confronting Anti-Muslim Racism and Islamism: An Intersectional Perspective on Muslim Women’s Activism in Germany","authors":"Fatima El Sayed","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2249619","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2249619","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores how Muslim women’s activism unfolds in the context of anti-Muslim racism and Islamism in contemporary Germany. In particular, it identifies both gendered forms of anti-Muslim racism and Islamism encountered by Muslim women’s organizations and ways they respond to it. Drawing on theories of intersectionality and boundary making, this study identifies the most common strategies used to confront anti-Muslim racism and Islamism and their implications for intersectional boundary making. For this purpose, six expert interviews with representatives of major Muslim women’s organizations were conducted and supplemented by data from internet research and participatory observation. Based on a Grounded Theory-inspired approach, the findings show that the responses of Muslim women’s organizations to anti-Muslim racism and Islamism reconfigure group boundaries. They create more inclusive spaces in which boundary formations by religion, race, and ethnicity and gender are transcended.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45525649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247927
R. Simon-Kumar
ABSTRACT Intersectionality, as scholarship and praxis, has traversed boundaries far beyond its roots in Black American feminism into population groups whose histories of marginalization are vastly different to those envisioned by Kimberlé Crenshaw. In translation, intersectionality can articulate with new clarity the voices of the invisibilized but also reveal fundamental fissures. This article discusses these contradictions in the context of “ethnic” populations in Aotearoa New Zealand. Comprising 17% of the total population, ethnic groups are peoples who come from Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle East. In this article, I set out to interrogate the viability of an Antipodean ethnic feminism given the distinct backdrop of white-settler colonialism, biculturalism, and multiculturalism extant in contemporary New Zealand. I point to five “fault lines” – around positioning, culture, minoritization, place and the subject – where conceptual clarity will deepen ethnic feminism’s theoretical roots and relevance for NZ’s fastest growing population group.
{"title":"Affirming Fissures: Conceptualizing Intersectional ‘Ethnic’ Feminism in Aotearoa New Zealand","authors":"R. Simon-Kumar","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247927","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Intersectionality, as scholarship and praxis, has traversed boundaries far beyond its roots in Black American feminism into population groups whose histories of marginalization are vastly different to those envisioned by Kimberlé Crenshaw. In translation, intersectionality can articulate with new clarity the voices of the invisibilized but also reveal fundamental fissures. This article discusses these contradictions in the context of “ethnic” populations in Aotearoa New Zealand. Comprising 17% of the total population, ethnic groups are peoples who come from Asia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle East. In this article, I set out to interrogate the viability of an Antipodean ethnic feminism given the distinct backdrop of white-settler colonialism, biculturalism, and multiculturalism extant in contemporary New Zealand. I point to five “fault lines” – around positioning, culture, minoritization, place and the subject – where conceptual clarity will deepen ethnic feminism’s theoretical roots and relevance for NZ’s fastest growing population group.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48744786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2250036
Aurora Perego
ABSTRACT Although Western-based LGBTQIA* mobilizations have often been considered rather internally fragmented and isolated from other movements, recent investigations show that LGBTQIA* organizations have increasingly addressed multiple discriminations and built solidarity ties with communities coping with various inequality structures – such as race, class, and dis/abilities. This article addresses this puzzle by analyzing how political solidarity was framed by Spanish and Italian LGBTQIA* organizations during the 2011–2020 decade, paying particular attention to the nexus between diagnostic framing and solidarity discourses. To do so, this article examines the collective action events published on Facebook by LGBTQIA* organizations based in Milan and Madrid. Results show that, while LGBTQIA* actors dealt with cross-sectional issues in both cities, they differently framed problems and articulated diverse solidarity discourses.
{"title":"Solidarity Through Difference? How Italian and Spanish LGBTQIA* Organizations Frame Solidarity Through an Intersectional Lens","authors":"Aurora Perego","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2250036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2250036","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although Western-based LGBTQIA* mobilizations have often been considered rather internally fragmented and isolated from other movements, recent investigations show that LGBTQIA* organizations have increasingly addressed multiple discriminations and built solidarity ties with communities coping with various inequality structures – such as race, class, and dis/abilities. This article addresses this puzzle by analyzing how political solidarity was framed by Spanish and Italian LGBTQIA* organizations during the 2011–2020 decade, paying particular attention to the nexus between diagnostic framing and solidarity discourses. To do so, this article examines the collective action events published on Facebook by LGBTQIA* organizations based in Milan and Madrid. Results show that, while LGBTQIA* actors dealt with cross-sectional issues in both cities, they differently framed problems and articulated diverse solidarity discourses.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49134327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247632
Sebijan Fejzula
ABSTRACT This article critically examines the whitening of Romani women’s intersectional experience by white feminist movements and its implications for the perpetuation of anti-Roma racism. It argues that the dismissal of race is not a mere oversight, but rather a deliberate political strategy aimed at maintaining existing power dynamics. The centralization of race as a political lens is explored as a means to understand and address the challenges faced by Romani women in their struggle for emancipation and political agency.
{"title":"De-Whitening Romani Women’s Intersectional Experience","authors":"Sebijan Fejzula","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247632","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247632","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article critically examines the whitening of Romani women’s intersectional experience by white feminist movements and its implications for the perpetuation of anti-Roma racism. It argues that the dismissal of race is not a mere oversight, but rather a deliberate political strategy aimed at maintaining existing power dynamics. The centralization of race as a political lens is explored as a means to understand and address the challenges faced by Romani women in their struggle for emancipation and political agency.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45638873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247204
Serena D’Agostino, Nadia E. Brown
ABSTRACT Two main questions animate our desire to produce this special issue: first, what are the main claims, struggles and possibilities of contemporary intersectional feminisms; and second, how shall we, as scholars, address intersectional feminist activisms in our research – theoretically, methodologically and empirically. In this special issue, these topics are debated from several intersectional feminist perspectives, locations and positionalities.
{"title":"Introduction: Bringing Activism Back In","authors":"Serena D’Agostino, Nadia E. Brown","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2023.2247204","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Two main questions animate our desire to produce this special issue: first, what are the main claims, struggles and possibilities of contemporary intersectional feminisms; and second, how shall we, as scholars, address intersectional feminist activisms in our research – theoretically, methodologically and empirically. In this special issue, these topics are debated from several intersectional feminist perspectives, locations and positionalities.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47139344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247209
Celeste Montoya
ABSTRACT Located at the intersection of multiple marginalities, US Latinas have often mobilized in ways that reflect this intersectional positioning. Their mobilization across and between various social movements is an important feature of their activism, which has been frequently overlooked, and studies that focus on this social movement intersectionality are an important means of locating it. But there are also important differences among Latinas, who may not all share the same intersectional locations or commitments. In this article, I argue the need for an open and expansive intersectional approach to studying US Latina activism, one that aims to identify and understand the intragroup differences in where, why, and how Latinas mobilize.
{"title":"Studying Latina Mobilization Intersectionally, Studying Latinas Mobilizing Intersectionality","authors":"Celeste Montoya","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2247209","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Located at the intersection of multiple marginalities, US Latinas have often mobilized in ways that reflect this intersectional positioning. Their mobilization across and between various social movements is an important feature of their activism, which has been frequently overlooked, and studies that focus on this social movement intersectionality are an important means of locating it. But there are also important differences among Latinas, who may not all share the same intersectional locations or commitments. In this article, I argue the need for an open and expansive intersectional approach to studying US Latina activism, one that aims to identify and understand the intragroup differences in where, why, and how Latinas mobilize.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43353351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194233
Young-Im Lee
ABSTRACT When the first female president of a country is impeached, how does the disgraceful exit shape people’s memory of her? Does sexism play a role in such retrospective evaluations? Do the voters who supported her remain loyal, or do they withdraw their support due to disappointment? This article utilizes the impeachment of Park Geun-hye of South Korea as a case to answer these questions. Using a public opinion survey conducted three years after the 2016 impeachment, I demonstrate that hostile sexism played a role in the negative retrospective evaluations of Park, while benevolent sexism did not. Moreover, those who voted for Park in the 2012 presidential election expressed more negative retrospective evaluations of Park than those who did not vote for her, suggesting a backlash effect. Voters who had high expectations of the first female president could experience deep disappointment when the historic first failed to meet their expectations.
{"title":"Higher Expectations, Greater Disappointment: Ambivalent Sexism and Backlash After the Impeachment of the First Woman President of South Korea","authors":"Young-Im Lee","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194233","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When the first female president of a country is impeached, how does the disgraceful exit shape people’s memory of her? Does sexism play a role in such retrospective evaluations? Do the voters who supported her remain loyal, or do they withdraw their support due to disappointment? This article utilizes the impeachment of Park Geun-hye of South Korea as a case to answer these questions. Using a public opinion survey conducted three years after the 2016 impeachment, I demonstrate that hostile sexism played a role in the negative retrospective evaluations of Park, while benevolent sexism did not. Moreover, those who voted for Park in the 2012 presidential election expressed more negative retrospective evaluations of Park than those who did not vote for her, suggesting a backlash effect. Voters who had high expectations of the first female president could experience deep disappointment when the historic first failed to meet their expectations.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45040911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194232
A. Russell, M. Macdonald, Whitney Hua
ABSTRACT Women running for Congress make different choices from men about how to connect with constituents on social media, and the increasing number of women running for Congress from both parties suggests that further assessment of the gendered patterns of emotional appeals is needed. We use this opportunity to assess the joint influence of gender and partisanship on patterns of emotional appeals, showing how party moderates the distinct appeals women candidates make on social media. We use a dictionary-based computational approach to catalog congressional candidates’ emotional rhetoric on Twitter during the 2020 election year, finding Republican women use more joyful appeals and fewer angry appeals compared to both Republican men and Democratic women, suggesting a gap in emotive appeals and differing expectations for how women communicate that varies with party. Our results underscore the importance of accounting for relative partisanship in developing a more nuanced explanation of how and when women adopt stereotypical styles of campaign communication as the number of Republican women running for Congress continues to increase.
{"title":"Sit Still, Talk Pretty: Partisan Differences Among Women Candidates’ Campaign Appeals","authors":"A. Russell, M. Macdonald, Whitney Hua","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2194232","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Women running for Congress make different choices from men about how to connect with constituents on social media, and the increasing number of women running for Congress from both parties suggests that further assessment of the gendered patterns of emotional appeals is needed. We use this opportunity to assess the joint influence of gender and partisanship on patterns of emotional appeals, showing how party moderates the distinct appeals women candidates make on social media. We use a dictionary-based computational approach to catalog congressional candidates’ emotional rhetoric on Twitter during the 2020 election year, finding Republican women use more joyful appeals and fewer angry appeals compared to both Republican men and Democratic women, suggesting a gap in emotive appeals and differing expectations for how women communicate that varies with party. Our results underscore the importance of accounting for relative partisanship in developing a more nuanced explanation of how and when women adopt stereotypical styles of campaign communication as the number of Republican women running for Congress continues to increase.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44118762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-10DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2180610
H. Coffé, Theodora Helimäki, Åsa von Schoultz
ABSTRACT While studies investigating gendered ways of campaigning have primarily focused on negative campaign strategies, we explore the extent to which women and men engage in negative and positive campaigning and how they are combined. Our analyses, relying on the 2019 Finnish Parliamentary Candidates Survey, shows that even in the Finnish context, with comparatively high levels of gender equality in society and politics, distinct gender patterns in campaigning occur. Women candidates report having campaigned more positively than men candidates, while men candidates are more likely to report having campaigned negatively than women candidates. We also find that men are more inclined to incorporate a balanced mixture of positive and negative campaign messages, while women predominantly rely on positive campaigning. Based on our findings, we conclude that women and men still do not compete in politics on equal terms.
{"title":"How Gender Affects Negative and Positive Campaigning","authors":"H. Coffé, Theodora Helimäki, Åsa von Schoultz","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2180610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2180610","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While studies investigating gendered ways of campaigning have primarily focused on negative campaign strategies, we explore the extent to which women and men engage in negative and positive campaigning and how they are combined. Our analyses, relying on the 2019 Finnish Parliamentary Candidates Survey, shows that even in the Finnish context, with comparatively high levels of gender equality in society and politics, distinct gender patterns in campaigning occur. Women candidates report having campaigned more positively than men candidates, while men candidates are more likely to report having campaigned negatively than women candidates. We also find that men are more inclined to incorporate a balanced mixture of positive and negative campaign messages, while women predominantly rely on positive campaigning. Based on our findings, we conclude that women and men still do not compete in politics on equal terms.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43099111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-24DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174365
Yuya Endo, Yoshikuni Ono
ABSTRACT Women are extremely underrepresented in Japanese political life. One possible reason for this is that voters are biased against women. Compared to American voters, to what extent are Japanese voters opposed to women political leaders? What kinds of stereotypes do they have about women politicians? To answer these questions and probe the external validity of American studies on this topic, we conducted a survey that elicits respondents’ attitudes toward women political leaders. First, our list experiment outcomes revealed that approximately 10% of Japanese, and 20% of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) supporters, oppose a woman becoming prime minister. Second, we also identified respondents’ gender stereotypes by asking them directly about their impressions of politicians, which revealed that Japanese voters have strong stereotypes for men and women politicians regarding their policy areas of expertise and personal characteristics. These stereotypes are strongest among men and older voters as well as voters who support the LDP. Our findings have broad implications for the literature on gender and politics beyond the study of Japanese politics.
{"title":"Opposition to Women Political Leaders: Gender Bias and Stereotypes of Politicians Among Japanese Voters","authors":"Yuya Endo, Yoshikuni Ono","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174365","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Women are extremely underrepresented in Japanese political life. One possible reason for this is that voters are biased against women. Compared to American voters, to what extent are Japanese voters opposed to women political leaders? What kinds of stereotypes do they have about women politicians? To answer these questions and probe the external validity of American studies on this topic, we conducted a survey that elicits respondents’ attitudes toward women political leaders. First, our list experiment outcomes revealed that approximately 10% of Japanese, and 20% of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) supporters, oppose a woman becoming prime minister. Second, we also identified respondents’ gender stereotypes by asking them directly about their impressions of politicians, which revealed that Japanese voters have strong stereotypes for men and women politicians regarding their policy areas of expertise and personal characteristics. These stereotypes are strongest among men and older voters as well as voters who support the LDP. Our findings have broad implications for the literature on gender and politics beyond the study of Japanese politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41525183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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