Pub Date : 2021-06-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1904763
Tània Verge
ABSTRACT Reforming the gender-blind higher education curriculum is a crucial intervention for an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming across policy areas. This article examines the policy innovation adopted in Catalonia wherein quality assurance processes have been re-gendered and incentives to engage the professoriate in gender curricular reforms have been introduced. In doing so, it unveils the opportunity structures and institutional settings shaping the micro-political strategies deployed by the feminist strategic alliances that have stirred such policy changes and discuss their potential transferability to other contexts. The article also pinpoints the relevance of a feminist reappropration of evaluation processes.
{"title":"Gender Equality Policy and Universities: Feminist Strategic Alliances to Re-gender the Curriculum","authors":"Tània Verge","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1904763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1904763","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Reforming the gender-blind higher education curriculum is a crucial intervention for an effective implementation of gender mainstreaming across policy areas. This article examines the policy innovation adopted in Catalonia wherein quality assurance processes have been re-gendered and incentives to engage the professoriate in gender curricular reforms have been introduced. In doing so, it unveils the opportunity structures and institutional settings shaping the micro-political strategies deployed by the feminist strategic alliances that have stirred such policy changes and discuss their potential transferability to other contexts. The article also pinpoints the relevance of a feminist reappropration of evaluation processes.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1904763","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45620810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1882826
M. Mufti, Farida Jalalzai
ABSTRACT Has the Pakistani Parliament achieved its promised goal of normalizing women’s political participation through the adoption of reserved seat quotas? Based on original surveys and interviews conducted with 95 women who have been elected to reserved and non-reserved seats in the Pakistani Parliament between 2002 and 2013, our findings demonstrate that women seldom successfully win non-reserved seats. Patriarchy remains a pervasive feature in Pakistan and limits women’s access to patronage networks. Party elites tend to question women’s perceived qualifications to successfully contest non-reserved seats. Exceptions to this general rule include women hailing from entrenched political families who can convince party leaders that they have the necessary resources to wage viable campaigns or serve as temporary placeholders of male relatives.
{"title":"The Importance of Gender Quotas in Patriarchal and Clientelistic Polities: The Case of Pakistan","authors":"M. Mufti, Farida Jalalzai","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1882826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1882826","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Has the Pakistani Parliament achieved its promised goal of normalizing women’s political participation through the adoption of reserved seat quotas? Based on original surveys and interviews conducted with 95 women who have been elected to reserved and non-reserved seats in the Pakistani Parliament between 2002 and 2013, our findings demonstrate that women seldom successfully win non-reserved seats. Patriarchy remains a pervasive feature in Pakistan and limits women’s access to patronage networks. Party elites tend to question women’s perceived qualifications to successfully contest non-reserved seats. Exceptions to this general rule include women hailing from entrenched political families who can convince party leaders that they have the necessary resources to wage viable campaigns or serve as temporary placeholders of male relatives.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1882826","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42469686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2021.1917882
Adam Chamberlain
FARIDA JALALZAI publishes on women in politics. Her books include Shattered, Cracked and Firmly Intact: Women and the Executive Glass Ceiling Worldwide (Oxford University Press 2013) and Women Presidents of Latin America: Beyond Family Ties? (Routledge 2016). She coedited Measuring Women’s Political Empowerment across the Globe-Strategies, Challenges and Future Research (Palgrave 2018 with Amy C. Alexander and Catherine Bolzendahl). Dr. Jalalzai’s current book project is A Presidenta: Women‘s Empowerment in Brazil during Dilma Rousseff's Presidency (with Pedro dos Santos, under contract Temple University Press). She has also authored dozens of articles and book chapters.
法里达·贾拉尔扎伊发表了有关女性参政的文章。她的著作包括《破碎、破裂和完好无损:世界范围内的女性和行政玻璃天花板》(牛津大学出版社2013)和《拉丁美洲的女性总统:超越家庭关系?》(Routledge出版社2016年出版)。她与Amy C. Alexander和Catherine Bolzendahl合编了《衡量全球妇女政治赋权——战略、挑战和未来研究》(Palgrave 2018)。贾拉尔扎伊博士目前的著作项目是《总统:迪尔玛·罗塞夫总统任期内巴西的妇女赋权》(与佩德罗·多斯桑托斯合作，由天普大学出版社承包)。她还撰写了数十篇文章和书籍章节。
{"title":"About the Contributors","authors":"Adam Chamberlain","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2021.1917882","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2021.1917882","url":null,"abstract":"FARIDA JALALZAI publishes on women in politics. Her books include Shattered, Cracked and Firmly Intact: Women and the Executive Glass Ceiling Worldwide (Oxford University Press 2013) and Women Presidents of Latin America: Beyond Family Ties? (Routledge 2016). She coedited Measuring Women’s Political Empowerment across the Globe-Strategies, Challenges and Future Research (Palgrave 2018 with Amy C. Alexander and Catherine Bolzendahl). Dr. Jalalzai’s current book project is A Presidenta: Women‘s Empowerment in Brazil during Dilma Rousseff's Presidency (with Pedro dos Santos, under contract Temple University Press). She has also authored dozens of articles and book chapters.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477x.2021.1917882","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46911900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1891403
Adam Chamberlain, Alixandra B. Yanus
ABSTRACT Most neopluralist studies consider how interest groups form in robust organizational environments, not during developmental periods such as the Progressive Era. In this article, we argue that neopluralist approaches, specifically the energy-stability-area (ESA) model, can provide insights on group formation in these contexts. Using the case of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs (GFWC), we illustrate how one federated, voluntary association worked to increase its area, and by extension its energy, by diversifying its issue agenda. This led to internal density in the GFWC, further enabling it to engage members and clubs from both urban and rural areas. Thus, the ESA model serves as a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale, federated voluntary associations sought to incorporate the density and diversity typical of the modern interest population into their own structure during this evolutionary period in American politics.
{"title":"“Unity in Diversity”: Neopluralism, the ESA Model, and the Rise of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs","authors":"Adam Chamberlain, Alixandra B. Yanus","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1891403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1891403","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most neopluralist studies consider how interest groups form in robust organizational environments, not during developmental periods such as the Progressive Era. In this article, we argue that neopluralist approaches, specifically the energy-stability-area (ESA) model, can provide insights on group formation in these contexts. Using the case of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs (GFWC), we illustrate how one federated, voluntary association worked to increase its area, and by extension its energy, by diversifying its issue agenda. This led to internal density in the GFWC, further enabling it to engage members and clubs from both urban and rural areas. Thus, the ESA model serves as a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale, federated voluntary associations sought to incorporate the density and diversity typical of the modern interest population into their own structure during this evolutionary period in American politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1891403","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48774612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1888677
Jae-ryong Shim
ABSTRACT The article examines the conditions under which female legislators are more likely to act on behalf of female electorates through two underexplored cases – South Korea and Taiwan. Specifically, it investigates the effect of three conditions – seat share, electoral rules, and legislator characteristics – on legislators’ sponsorship of women’s issue bills using an original bill submission dataset. The finding shows that, on the one hand, female legislators’ increasing seat proportion made legislators stress women’s issues more and, on the other hand, new legislators elected at the party tier with civil society experience became substantially more likely to advance women's issues. In light of the evidence, this article argues that women’s issues are more actively advanced when the political space allows women’s issue-promoting legislators to pursue both electoral and policy interests.
{"title":"Gender and Politics in Northeast Asia: Legislative Patterns and Substantive Representation in Korea and Taiwan","authors":"Jae-ryong Shim","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1888677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1888677","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article examines the conditions under which female legislators are more likely to act on behalf of female electorates through two underexplored cases – South Korea and Taiwan. Specifically, it investigates the effect of three conditions – seat share, electoral rules, and legislator characteristics – on legislators’ sponsorship of women’s issue bills using an original bill submission dataset. The finding shows that, on the one hand, female legislators’ increasing seat proportion made legislators stress women’s issues more and, on the other hand, new legislators elected at the party tier with civil society experience became substantially more likely to advance women's issues. In light of the evidence, this article argues that women’s issues are more actively advanced when the political space allows women’s issue-promoting legislators to pursue both electoral and policy interests.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1888677","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46655304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-31DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1941630
Claire M. Gothreau
ABSTRACT Women are significantly less politically engaged than men at both the mass and elite levels. More recent scholarship has found that structural factors and standard predictors of political behavior no longer sufficiently explain this persistent gap in engagement. In the present study, I take a novel approach to exploring the discrepancy in men and women’s political engagement and participation. I ask: Does self-objectification, the internalization of observers’ perspectives of our physical bodies, undermine political engagement and in part, drive the gender gap in engagement? I argue that the cognitive, motivational, and affective correlates of self-objectification work to decrease political engagement and participation. I conduct two separate survey studies on diverse populations. Overall, I find a negative association between trait self-objectification and political engagement. These findings highlight the relevance of objectification and its cognitive and psychological correlates to the study of political engagement.
{"title":"Sex Objects: How Self-Objectification Undermines Political Efficacy and Engagement","authors":"Claire M. Gothreau","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1941630","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1941630","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Women are significantly less politically engaged than men at both the mass and elite levels. More recent scholarship has found that structural factors and standard predictors of political behavior no longer sufficiently explain this persistent gap in engagement. In the present study, I take a novel approach to exploring the discrepancy in men and women’s political engagement and participation. I ask: Does self-objectification, the internalization of observers’ perspectives of our physical bodies, undermine political engagement and in part, drive the gender gap in engagement? I argue that the cognitive, motivational, and affective correlates of self-objectification work to decrease political engagement and participation. I conduct two separate survey studies on diverse populations. Overall, I find a negative association between trait self-objectification and political engagement. These findings highlight the relevance of objectification and its cognitive and psychological correlates to the study of political engagement.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1941630","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41568166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2021.1872985
Jasmine Syedullah, Rae Leiner
ABSTRACT Centering the carework of dismantling technologies of oppression which aim to silence, exploit, and execute us – oftentimes to a point where repair is impossible – Syedullah and Leiner present lessons and activities from their co-created popular education curriculum, “The Manual for Liberating Survival,” a movement leadership training for revolutionary organizing designed to connect abolitionist activists and academics. This article draws lessons from the Manual that focus on healing justice and abolitionist protocols for decarcerating care within movements for social justice. The paper traces not only the transgenerational effects of anti-Black violence, community separation, and racial trauma but also the protocols of repair and resistance Black gender-non-conforming, queer, and trans women are seeding within movement space.
{"title":"“Take a Moment to Ask Yourself, If This Is How We Fall Apart?” Practices for Mutually Reinforced Resilience in the Time of Reckoning More Lessons from The Manual for Liberating Survival","authors":"Jasmine Syedullah, Rae Leiner","doi":"10.1080/1554477x.2021.1872985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2021.1872985","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Centering the carework of dismantling technologies of oppression which aim to silence, exploit, and execute us – oftentimes to a point where repair is impossible – Syedullah and Leiner present lessons and activities from their co-created popular education curriculum, “The Manual for Liberating Survival,” a movement leadership training for revolutionary organizing designed to connect abolitionist activists and academics. This article draws lessons from the Manual that focus on healing justice and abolitionist protocols for decarcerating care within movements for social justice. The paper traces not only the transgenerational effects of anti-Black violence, community separation, and racial trauma but also the protocols of repair and resistance Black gender-non-conforming, queer, and trans women are seeding within movement space.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477x.2021.1872985","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48262932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1870089
Jasmine Noelle Yarish
ABSTRACT Entering the discussion of the current political climate as a possible “Third Reconstruction,” this article reads Octavia E. Butler’s recent New York Times bestselling novel, Parable of the Sower, to re-center the fugitive politics that brought about the first Reconstruction in the long struggle for Black liberation and engender what I am calling an abolitionist politics of self-care. Butler’s main character, Lauren Oya Olamina, operates as literary archive that brings together an initial canon of Black feminist intellectual visionaries, each of whom contributed to the long project of Reconstruction, and provides tangible practices for abolition democracy steeped in an attentiveness to interdependence and sustainability, all ecological, emotional, and political.
摘要本文以奥克塔维亚·E·巴特勒（Octavia E.Butler）最近出版的《纽约时报》畅销小说《播种者的寓言》（Parable of the Sower）为切入点，探讨当前的政治气候可能是“第三次重建”，在争取黑人解放的漫长斗争中，重新集中导致第一次重建的逃亡政治，并产生我所说的自我照顾的废奴主义政治。巴特勒的主角劳伦·奥亚·奥拉米纳（Lauren Oya Olamina。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2021.1870090
Desireé R. Melonas
ABSTRACT This work is an examination into the act of letter-writing as a mode of radical self-care, paying special attention to the significance of the practice when performed between Black women. Black women’s lived realities often involve confronting both tacit and explicit demands that they censor and deny various aspects of their being, and internalize a set of dominant lies about themselves they’ve been led to believe are true. That being so, I argue that what letter-writing can offer is a rhetorical space of community generated through exchanges between interlocutors, a zone though which Black women are free(er) to express these ostensibly “illicit” aspects if their being and to lay claim to a different, more affirming set of truths around which to construct lines of selfdefinition. I also posit that letter-writing as a practice that demands of individuals to sit, slow-down, and gather themselves, represents a rejection of a neoliberal imperative that urges prioritizing speed and acceleration over ease and taking one’s time. Letter-writingas- slow-work is therefore political not only in its rejection of this imperative, but letter-writing enacted among Black women is a disavowal of neoliberalism and how it masks the reality that that some individuals—across various economic, social, and political domains—are made to more cumbersomely bear the burden of speed and expedition. Specifically, we know that Black women are cast as beings capable of working without ceasing. Thus, when the Black woman sits down to write, she telegraphs a commitment to slowing down and taking care. To illustrate these claims, I deploy my letter-writing experience with my grandmother and reflect on Pat Parker and Audre Lorde’s letter complied in Sister Love (2018).
{"title":"“Hey Mama;” “Dear Sister;” “Sister Love”: Black Women’s Healing and Radical Self-Care through Epistolary Work","authors":"Desireé R. Melonas","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2021.1870090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1870090","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This work is an examination into the act of letter-writing as a mode of radical self-care, paying special attention to the significance of the practice when performed between Black women. Black women’s lived realities often involve confronting both tacit and explicit demands that they censor and deny various aspects of their being, and internalize a set of dominant lies about themselves they’ve been led to believe are true. That being so, I argue that what letter-writing can offer is a rhetorical space of community generated through exchanges between interlocutors, a zone though which Black women are free(er) to express these ostensibly “illicit” aspects if their being and to lay claim to a different, more affirming set of truths around which to construct lines of selfdefinition. I also posit that letter-writing as a practice that demands of individuals to sit, slow-down, and gather themselves, represents a rejection of a neoliberal imperative that urges prioritizing speed and acceleration over ease and taking one’s time. Letter-writingas- slow-work is therefore political not only in its rejection of this imperative, but letter-writing enacted among Black women is a disavowal of neoliberalism and how it masks the reality that that some individuals—across various economic, social, and political domains—are made to more cumbersomely bear the burden of speed and expedition. Specifically, we know that Black women are cast as beings capable of working without ceasing. Thus, when the Black woman sits down to write, she telegraphs a commitment to slowing down and taking care. To illustrate these claims, I deploy my letter-writing experience with my grandmother and reflect on Pat Parker and Audre Lorde’s letter complied in Sister Love (2018).","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/1554477X.2021.1870090","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44763875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477x.2021.1870092
Françoise B. Cromer
ABSTRACT Exploring radical self-care practices as liberatory political resistance exposes the paradox that freedom from suffering is not free or an entitlement, instead it is a daily practice. This is a particularly important political claim for the three radical self-care practices surveyed in this article: Queen Mother Maasht Amm Amen’s The Divine Power of Joy events live-streamed and held in-person in the United States; Nalokai, Omisade, and Julia’s The Lemonade Series: Self-Care and Renewal Retreat in Treasure Beach, Jamaica; and Oyabunmi’s The Self Love Holiday Retreat in Dominicale, Costa Rica. Each practice was envisioned, organized, and led by Black women linked to African or Pan-African spiritual traditions between 2018 and 2020. Drawing on participant observation, interviews, and digital print media, what emerged from these events are theories and practices influenced by a worldview reflective of a collective spiritual and political response to the afterlives of punitive public policies including Johnson’s “War on Poverty’’ and Nixon’s “War on Drugs’’ which have contributed to the othering and subjugation of Black bodies, Black experiences, and Black politics enforced through violent punishment. The execution of these punitive public policies consequently provides an enduring context for alternative forms of radical and liberatory political resistance. Intersectionality, as a liberatory practice for Black women, proved to be a useful methodology for analyzing and making sense of how the COVID-19 crisis exposed racial, health, and economic disparities, the global mass resistance to anti-Black racism, criminalization resulting in police murders of unarmed Black and Brown people, and the rise of radical self-care events. The three radical self-care practices created by Black women are examples of new legacies being forged through ongoing and evolving strategic activities and techniques that produce what I call transformative radical self-determination.
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