Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174367
Tanya Jakimow, Mario Gomez, Viyanga Gunasekera, Aida Fitri Harahap, A. Siahaan, Nadine Vanniasinkam, Ramona Vijeyarasa, Yumasdaleni
ABSTRACT This article seeks to explain why so few women make the journey from social activism and community work to standing for election. Comparative research in Indonesia and Sri Lanka reveals four operations critical to mending the broken pathway to politics for non-elite women. Transference entails the recognition and valuing of women’s preexisting skills, knowledge and experiences gained through grassroots activity for the political field. Amplification is required of women’s symbolic capital so that it impresses upon a larger public. Women’s political constituency and social networks need to be extended to be commensurate with electoral boundaries and campaign needs, and to extend limited financial resources. Women’s sense of self (who they are and desire to be) needs to fit the ethical terrain and “feel” of the political field, requiring an operation of translation. This analytical heuristic can help identify strategies to mend the broken pathway from grassroots to representative politics.
{"title":"Broken Pathways to Politics: Clearing a Path from Grassroots to Representative Politics","authors":"Tanya Jakimow, Mario Gomez, Viyanga Gunasekera, Aida Fitri Harahap, A. Siahaan, Nadine Vanniasinkam, Ramona Vijeyarasa, Yumasdaleni","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2174367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article seeks to explain why so few women make the journey from social activism and community work to standing for election. Comparative research in Indonesia and Sri Lanka reveals four operations critical to mending the broken pathway to politics for non-elite women. Transference entails the recognition and valuing of women’s preexisting skills, knowledge and experiences gained through grassroots activity for the political field. Amplification is required of women’s symbolic capital so that it impresses upon a larger public. Women’s political constituency and social networks need to be extended to be commensurate with electoral boundaries and campaign needs, and to extend limited financial resources. Women’s sense of self (who they are and desire to be) needs to fit the ethical terrain and “feel” of the political field, requiring an operation of translation. This analytical heuristic can help identify strategies to mend the broken pathway from grassroots to representative politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"336 - 353"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45206209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-20DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2165428
Margherita Guidetti, A. Graziani, G. Scaglioni, Silvia Cucchi, N. Cavazza
ABSTRACT This study examines how evaluations of male and female politicians are worsened by corruption scandals that disappoint expectations of honesty. Participants evaluated a fictitious politician before and after watching a video about a corruption scandal involving that politician. The manipulated variables were the politician’s sex and whether they shared participants’ political affiliations. Results showed that a female politician affiliated with the participants’ preferred party was the most damaged by the scandal because she had the highest expectations of honesty placed upon her.
{"title":"When a Politician Disappoints: The Role of Gender Stereotypical Expectations in Post-Scandal Judgment","authors":"Margherita Guidetti, A. Graziani, G. Scaglioni, Silvia Cucchi, N. Cavazza","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2165428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2165428","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines how evaluations of male and female politicians are worsened by corruption scandals that disappoint expectations of honesty. Participants evaluated a fictitious politician before and after watching a video about a corruption scandal involving that politician. The manipulated variables were the politician’s sex and whether they shared participants’ political affiliations. Results showed that a female politician affiliated with the participants’ preferred party was the most damaged by the scandal because she had the highest expectations of honesty placed upon her.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"245 - 256"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47693608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155773
Kylee J. Britzman, Joel Mehić-Parker
ABSTRACT During US electoral campaigns, arguments about “electability” are frequently leveled against candidates. For instance, voters may use strategic discrimination where they hesitate to support women candidates and candidates of color because they perceive others will discriminate against them, decreasing their electability. In this article, we seek to better understand the concept of perceived electability by assessing how voters’ implicit and explicit attitudes about gender influence their candidate preferences. To do this, we conduct a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (n = 745) from the United States that incorporates an original measure of implicit sexism.
{"title":"Understanding Electability: The Effects of Implicit and Explicit Sexism on Candidate Perceptions","authors":"Kylee J. Britzman, Joel Mehić-Parker","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155773","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During US electoral campaigns, arguments about “electability” are frequently leveled against candidates. For instance, voters may use strategic discrimination where they hesitate to support women candidates and candidates of color because they perceive others will discriminate against them, decreasing their electability. In this article, we seek to better understand the concept of perceived electability by assessing how voters’ implicit and explicit attitudes about gender influence their candidate preferences. To do this, we conduct a survey experiment with a nationally representative sample (n = 745) from the United States that incorporates an original measure of implicit sexism.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"75 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44197722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155387
Rachel Smilan-Goldstein
ABSTRACT Past research on crime and punishment attitudes has considered the effects of racial identity, racial animus, gender identity, and partisanship – or some combination of these factors. I focus on the role of a particular gendered emotional pathway: women’s fear of rape (FOR). Within the context of a racialized rape culture, I argue that FOR affects how women think about policing. Using Cooperative Election Study and FBI data from 2020, I explore the political determinants of FOR and how it shapes American women’s policing attitudes. Women’s fear of sexual violence is both partisan and racialized, with Republican and White women reporting the most fear. I demonstrate that White Democratic women who are more afraid of rape are more likely to feel safe around police officers, while Republican women feel safe around police regardless of their level of fear. Women who are more afraid of rape are less likely to support police reform efforts that aim to reduce police presence and militarization, or provide accountability for pas t wrongdoing. This link between FOR and support for masculinist institutions extends to attitudes on the military when its actions are framed as protectionary. The results reveal a disturbing paradox in which women who are most afraid of sexual violence are less willing to challenge state institutions that enact violence, including sexual violence.
{"title":"“What about the Rapists?” The Political Psychology of Women’s Policing Attitudes","authors":"Rachel Smilan-Goldstein","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155387","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155387","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Past research on crime and punishment attitudes has considered the effects of racial identity, racial animus, gender identity, and partisanship – or some combination of these factors. I focus on the role of a particular gendered emotional pathway: women’s fear of rape (FOR). Within the context of a racialized rape culture, I argue that FOR affects how women think about policing. Using Cooperative Election Study and FBI data from 2020, I explore the political determinants of FOR and how it shapes American women’s policing attitudes. Women’s fear of sexual violence is both partisan and racialized, with Republican and White women reporting the most fear. I demonstrate that White Democratic women who are more afraid of rape are more likely to feel safe around police officers, while Republican women feel safe around police regardless of their level of fear. Women who are more afraid of rape are less likely to support police reform efforts that aim to reduce police presence and militarization, or provide accountability for pas t wrongdoing. This link between FOR and support for masculinist institutions extends to attitudes on the military when its actions are framed as protectionary. The results reveal a disturbing paradox in which women who are most afraid of sexual violence are less willing to challenge state institutions that enact violence, including sexual violence.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"20 - 39"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49027147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2162285
Mirya R. Holman
ABSTRACT The public often believes that men in political office are better at handling some issues or possess specific traits, compared to women. Do individuals reveal their true preferences on surveys that inquire about these political gender stereotypes? This article employs methods that allow researchers to examine true attitudes without pressuring individuals to explicitly reveal sensitive preferences. I use three experiments: a list experiment, a new group-count sensitive measure, and a question-wording experiment employed on the 2016 CES. I find little evidence of reluctance to share true attitudes about gender stereotypes across any of the measures. The results presented help confirm the importance of gender stereotypes in shaping political preferences in American politics today and undergird evidence in prior scholarship on stereotypes.
{"title":"Gender Stereotyping Questions Accurately Measure Beliefs About the Traits and Issue Strengths of Women and Men in Politics","authors":"Mirya R. Holman","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2162285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2162285","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The public often believes that men in political office are better at handling some issues or possess specific traits, compared to women. Do individuals reveal their true preferences on surveys that inquire about these political gender stereotypes? This article employs methods that allow researchers to examine true attitudes without pressuring individuals to explicitly reveal sensitive preferences. I use three experiments: a list experiment, a new group-count sensitive measure, and a question-wording experiment employed on the 2016 CES. I find little evidence of reluctance to share true attitudes about gender stereotypes across any of the measures. The results presented help confirm the importance of gender stereotypes in shaping political preferences in American politics today and undergird evidence in prior scholarship on stereotypes.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"90 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49621591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155030
Tony E. Carey, M. Lizotte
ABSTRACT Although women of color share the same gender identity, their differing racial identities lead to questions about whether they might mobilize collectively over a shared political agenda. Using the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine how linked fate among women of color shapes the political attitudes and policy preferences of Black women, Latinas, and Asian American/Pacific Islander women. Our expectation is that linked fate toward women of color will shape perception and preferences in three particular issue areas: policies that are intended to reduce racial inequity (e.g., police reform), perceptions of gender discrimination, and social welfare policies aimed at aiding lower income individuals. Our results strongly confirm these expectations indicating immense potential for cross-racial coalitions among women of color across issue areas.
{"title":"The Ties that Bind: Public Opinion and Linked Fate among Women of Color","authors":"Tony E. Carey, M. Lizotte","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155030","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although women of color share the same gender identity, their differing racial identities lead to questions about whether they might mobilize collectively over a shared political agenda. Using the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine how linked fate among women of color shapes the political attitudes and policy preferences of Black women, Latinas, and Asian American/Pacific Islander women. Our expectation is that linked fate toward women of color will shape perception and preferences in three particular issue areas: policies that are intended to reduce racial inequity (e.g., police reform), perceptions of gender discrimination, and social welfare policies aimed at aiding lower income individuals. Our results strongly confirm these expectations indicating immense potential for cross-racial coalitions among women of color across issue areas.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"5 - 19"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45659866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2158703
Heather L. Ondercin, Ciera Dalton
ABSTRACT We consider how gendered evaluations of candidates shape potential donors’ support of hypothetical candidates for the state legislature. Using an experimental design, we test two pathways by which candidate gender can influence the support and donations received by candidates. Potential Democratic donors consistently evaluate women more positively than men. These positive evaluations translate into a slight fundraising advantage for women. There is also evidence that potential Democratic donors support women candidates more than men when candidates receive the same evaluations. Potential Republican donors consistently provide poorer evaluations to women candidates compared to men. However, these weaker evaluations do not translate into a net advantage or disadvantage for Republican women. Potential Republican donors provide Republican women with higher levels of support and donations than they would to Republican men who receive similar evaluations.
{"title":"Gender Candidate Evaluations and Campaign Donations","authors":"Heather L. Ondercin, Ciera Dalton","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2158703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2158703","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We consider how gendered evaluations of candidates shape potential donors’ support of hypothetical candidates for the state legislature. Using an experimental design, we test two pathways by which candidate gender can influence the support and donations received by candidates. Potential Democratic donors consistently evaluate women more positively than men. These positive evaluations translate into a slight fundraising advantage for women. There is also evidence that potential Democratic donors support women candidates more than men when candidates receive the same evaluations. Potential Republican donors consistently provide poorer evaluations to women candidates compared to men. However, these weaker evaluations do not translate into a net advantage or disadvantage for Republican women. Potential Republican donors provide Republican women with higher levels of support and donations than they would to Republican men who receive similar evaluations.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"56 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47002289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155776
Jennie Sweet-Cushman
A decade ago, when I was working on my gender and political psychology-focused dissertation, the interdisciplinary approach didn’t do much to make me feel like a psychologist while simultaneously leaving me feeling disconnected from political science. At the time, gender and political psychology was just starting to coalesce as its own robust (sub) subfield. Within just a few years, political science research that centered the psychological experience of gender or used methods and/or theories borrowed from social psychology bourgeoned. An increasing number of gender scholars began identifying their work as being consistent with political psychology and more scholars began couching their work in the field. As a result, what we now understand about the role of gender in politics has expanded significantly thanks to a scholarly field rich in diversity of focus, methods, and contribution. This special issue is but one example of the breadth of that contribution in American politics. This issue includes eight substantive and methodological examples of how gendered psychology frames political attitudes, phenomena, and identities. These contributions spotlight how crucial gender can be in political campaigns – including candidate emergence, evaluation, and fundraising. They offer insight into how women leaders may present themselves to the public and how the public responds. We also learn from these authors more about how gender contributes to public opinion. These authors often demonstrate how women are not monolithic; rather, we see how race and political party interact with gender in distinct ways – a crucial evolution for social science in general. Race, in particular, has been shown to create cohesive political bonds by way of the concept of “linked fate” (Dawson 1994), which describes how the ubiquitous subjection of Blacks to racial discrimination forms a bond that is unique to Black identity and consciousness. However, scholars have also demonstrated that, although men and women may share a race, their identity manifests differently across gender (Capers and Watts Smith 2016; Gershon et al. 2019; Simien 2005). In this issue, Tony Carey and Mary-Kate Lizotte – in “The Ties that Bind: Public Opinion and Linked Fate among Women of Color” – extend this psychological concept to explore whether there is potential for minority women to form coalitions around political issues where they share similar attitudes. Their findings point to the importance of economic marginalization in creating fertile ground for interracial coalitions of women of color and offer further support for calls to add intersectional complexity to the study of public opinion. Rachel Smilan-Goldstein similarly draws on a psychological concept – fear of rape (FOR) – to offer deeper insight into how the political attitudes of women may be shaped by sexual violence in her contribution, “What About the Rapists? The Political Psychology of Women’s Policing Attitudes.” This concept capture
十年前，当我在撰写以性别和政治心理学为重点的论文时，跨学科的方法并没有让我觉得自己是个心理学家，同时让我觉得自己与政治学脱节。当时，性别和政治心理学刚刚开始作为自己强大的(子)分支领域结合起来。在短短几年内，以性别心理经验为中心或使用借鉴社会心理学的方法和/或理论的政治科学研究迅速兴起。越来越多的性别学者开始认为他们的工作与政治心理学相一致，更多的学者开始在这一领域进行研究。因此，我们现在对性别在政治中的作用的理解已经大大扩展了，这要归功于一个具有丰富多样性的研究重点、方法和贡献的学术领域。这个特别问题只是美国政治中广泛贡献的一个例子。本期包括八个关于性别心理学如何构建政治态度、现象和身份的实质性和方法论例子。这些贡献凸显了性别在政治竞选中的重要性——包括候选人的出现、评估和筹款。她们为女性领导人如何向公众展示自己以及公众如何回应提供了见解。我们还从这些作者那里了解到性别如何影响公众舆论。这些作者经常证明，女性并非铁板一块;相反，我们看到种族和政党是如何以不同的方式与性别相互作用的——这是社会科学的一个重要演变。尤其是种族，通过“命运相连”的概念(Dawson 1994)，种族已经被证明可以创造出有凝聚力的政治纽带。(Dawson 1994)这个概念描述了无处不在的黑人对种族歧视的服从如何形成了一种黑人身份和意识所特有的纽带。然而，学者们也证明，尽管男性和女性可能共享一个种族，但他们的身份在性别上表现不同(Capers和Watts Smith 2016;Gershon et al. 2019;Simien 2005)。在本期杂志中，托尼·凯里和玛丽-凯特·利佐特在《捆绑的纽带:有色人种女性的公众舆论和命运》中扩展了这一心理学概念，探讨少数族裔女性是否有可能在政治问题上结成联盟，在这些问题上她们有着相似的态度。他们的研究结果指出，经济边缘化在为有色人种妇女的跨种族联盟创造肥沃土壤方面的重要性，并为增加公共舆论研究的交叉性复杂性的呼吁提供了进一步的支持。雷切尔·斯米兰-戈尔茨坦在她的著作《强奸犯怎么办?》中同样利用了一个心理学概念——对强奸的恐惧(FOR)——对女性的政治态度如何受到性暴力的影响提供了更深入的见解。女性警务态度的政治心理。这个概念抓住了一个人对一种侵犯的担忧，这种侵犯实际上有些罕见，但在媒体和流行文化中经常以误导或错误的方式呈现:陌生人强奸。具体来说，斯迈兰-戈尔茨坦研究了这种独特的性别威胁如何与其他身份(即种族、政党)相互作用，从而塑造人们对警察和警务的态度。正如她所发现的，FOR本身存在党派、种族和代际差异(例如，白人女性和共和党人更害怕)，这导致了对警察的尊重和对警察的态度上的性别差异。
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue on Gender and Political Psychology","authors":"Jennie Sweet-Cushman","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155776","url":null,"abstract":"A decade ago, when I was working on my gender and political psychology-focused dissertation, the interdisciplinary approach didn’t do much to make me feel like a psychologist while simultaneously leaving me feeling disconnected from political science. At the time, gender and political psychology was just starting to coalesce as its own robust (sub) subfield. Within just a few years, political science research that centered the psychological experience of gender or used methods and/or theories borrowed from social psychology bourgeoned. An increasing number of gender scholars began identifying their work as being consistent with political psychology and more scholars began couching their work in the field. As a result, what we now understand about the role of gender in politics has expanded significantly thanks to a scholarly field rich in diversity of focus, methods, and contribution. This special issue is but one example of the breadth of that contribution in American politics. This issue includes eight substantive and methodological examples of how gendered psychology frames political attitudes, phenomena, and identities. These contributions spotlight how crucial gender can be in political campaigns – including candidate emergence, evaluation, and fundraising. They offer insight into how women leaders may present themselves to the public and how the public responds. We also learn from these authors more about how gender contributes to public opinion. These authors often demonstrate how women are not monolithic; rather, we see how race and political party interact with gender in distinct ways – a crucial evolution for social science in general. Race, in particular, has been shown to create cohesive political bonds by way of the concept of “linked fate” (Dawson 1994), which describes how the ubiquitous subjection of Blacks to racial discrimination forms a bond that is unique to Black identity and consciousness. However, scholars have also demonstrated that, although men and women may share a race, their identity manifests differently across gender (Capers and Watts Smith 2016; Gershon et al. 2019; Simien 2005). In this issue, Tony Carey and Mary-Kate Lizotte – in “The Ties that Bind: Public Opinion and Linked Fate among Women of Color” – extend this psychological concept to explore whether there is potential for minority women to form coalitions around political issues where they share similar attitudes. Their findings point to the importance of economic marginalization in creating fertile ground for interracial coalitions of women of color and offer further support for calls to add intersectional complexity to the study of public opinion. Rachel Smilan-Goldstein similarly draws on a psychological concept – fear of rape (FOR) – to offer deeper insight into how the political attitudes of women may be shaped by sexual violence in her contribution, “What About the Rapists? The Political Psychology of Women’s Policing Attitudes.” This concept capture","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"1 - 4"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43029182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2160919
Rachel VanSickle-Ward, Adrian D. Pantoja, Morrey Liedke, Dana Nothnagel
ABSTRACT This article explores the causes and consequences of public attitudes toward the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett to the United States Supreme Court. Drawing on survey data from the Public Policy Institute of California, we pose two central questions. First, what were the key factors shaping support or opposition to Barrett’s confirmation? Second, how did the nomination affect voter engagement in the 2020 Election? In addition to the expected factor of partisanship, we uncover two striking elements that shape attitudes toward Barrett’s confirmation – gender and attitude toward overturning Roe v. Wade. We further find that among women, concerns over the demise of Roe v. Wade spurred voter turnout in 2020. Our findings shed light on the political psychology of attitudes toward the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett, the ramifications of these attitudes for voter engagement, and broader implications for the Supreme Court’s legitimacy in light of this politicized nomination.
{"title":"Abortion, Attitudes and Appointments: How Gender and Reproductive Rights Shaped Views on Amy Coney Barrett and Voter Turnout in 2020","authors":"Rachel VanSickle-Ward, Adrian D. Pantoja, Morrey Liedke, Dana Nothnagel","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2023.2160919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2023.2160919","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores the causes and consequences of public attitudes toward the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett to the United States Supreme Court. Drawing on survey data from the Public Policy Institute of California, we pose two central questions. First, what were the key factors shaping support or opposition to Barrett’s confirmation? Second, how did the nomination affect voter engagement in the 2020 Election? In addition to the expected factor of partisanship, we uncover two striking elements that shape attitudes toward Barrett’s confirmation – gender and attitude toward overturning Roe v. Wade. We further find that among women, concerns over the demise of Roe v. Wade spurred voter turnout in 2020. Our findings shed light on the political psychology of attitudes toward the confirmation of Amy Coney Barrett, the ramifications of these attitudes for voter engagement, and broader implications for the Supreme Court’s legitimacy in light of this politicized nomination.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"40 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45625828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2023.2155775
Monica C. Schneider, Jennie Sweet-Cushman, Taylor Gordon
ABSTRACT Elected women can inspire other women to emerge as candidates, but little research has explored how individual women respond to political role models. Psychology scholarship suggests two factors important to role model influence on career decisions (like candidate emergence). First, role models affect behavior when they seem attainable. Second, motivation is dependent upon a sense of belonging in the social context, which role models may bolster. Because women are underrepresented in politics, a role model may only contribute to political ambition when they project a realistic path for success and inspire a sense of belonging. We test how role model attainability influences women’s political ambition through this need to belong, finding attainable role models (ARMs) compared to high-achieving role models (HARMs) are more likely to inspire women’s political ambition. These effects are mediated by the belonging inspired by role models, which is moderated by how competitive the aspirants are.
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