Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2075681
Alexandra Moffett-Bateau, Jenn M. Jackson
ABSTRACT In honor of bell hooks’ legacy, we engage with her Black feminist scholarship to parse out what she offers to the study of Black politics. We explore the ways hooks rebuffed compulsory calls for niceness and obligatory congeniality via respectability politics. By interrogating the politics of the Black middle class, we locate hooks’ intellectual works as a repudiation of a “politics of niceness” that seeks to maintain the violent status quo of white capitalist heteropatriarchy. We then draw out why the rejection of a politics of niceness matters within broader discussions of race, power, politics, and oppression.
{"title":"Moving beyond Niceness: Reading bell hooks into the Radical Potential for the Discipline","authors":"Alexandra Moffett-Bateau, Jenn M. Jackson","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2075681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2075681","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In honor of bell hooks’ legacy, we engage with her Black feminist scholarship to parse out what she offers to the study of Black politics. We explore the ways hooks rebuffed compulsory calls for niceness and obligatory congeniality via respectability politics. By interrogating the politics of the Black middle class, we locate hooks’ intellectual works as a repudiation of a “politics of niceness” that seeks to maintain the violent status quo of white capitalist heteropatriarchy. We then draw out why the rejection of a politics of niceness matters within broader discussions of race, power, politics, and oppression.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"409 - 416"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46189922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-10DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070830
Laura P. Moyer, Allison P. Harris, R. Solberg
ABSTRACT It is well established that the federal judiciary has been an overwhelmingly White and male institution since its creation and continues to be so today. Even as presidents of both parties have looked to diversify their judicial nominees, this has tended to result in the appointment of White women and men of color rather than women of color. Using data on the confirmed federal district and circuit court judges from presidents Clinton through Trump, we assess how the backgrounds of women of color nominated to the federal judiciary compare with those of other appointees. The results indicate that, compared to White male judges, women of color judges accrue more types of professional experience before their appointments, are more likely to have had prior experience as a judge, and are generally nominated earlier in their careers.
{"title":"“Better Too Much Than Not Enough”: The Nomination of Women of Color to the Federal Bench","authors":"Laura P. Moyer, Allison P. Harris, R. Solberg","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070830","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It is well established that the federal judiciary has been an overwhelmingly White and male institution since its creation and continues to be so today. Even as presidents of both parties have looked to diversify their judicial nominees, this has tended to result in the appointment of White women and men of color rather than women of color. Using data on the confirmed federal district and circuit court judges from presidents Clinton through Trump, we assess how the backgrounds of women of color nominated to the federal judiciary compare with those of other appointees. The results indicate that, compared to White male judges, women of color judges accrue more types of professional experience before their appointments, are more likely to have had prior experience as a judge, and are generally nominated earlier in their careers.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"363 - 375"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43979886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070829
Pearl K. Ford Dowe
ABSTRACT Previous literature on women and political ambition has shown that the ambition of potential candidates is often shaped by career paths that develop the kinds of skills useful for navigating the political environment. These studies often did not include the experiences of Black women who chose to run for office. Utilizing data from interviews with Black women elected officials across the country I offer that the key to making the decision to run for office is the unique socialization process of Black women. This process is shaped by generational examples of service, familial and community nurturing that encourages striving for excellence, and a sense of obligation to do work and not just hold a title. I find that though Black women at times initially doubt their ability to be successful in politics they often overcome these doubts as a result of encouragement by peers and community members who remind them of the skills they developed from their community and political work. They are also motivated to work to meet the needs of their communities. These experiences provide further understanding of how Black women purposefully engage within their communities and develop a standing that allows for their potential success as candidates.
{"title":"The Community Matters: Finding the Source of the Radical Imagination of Black Women’s Political Ambition","authors":"Pearl K. Ford Dowe","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070829","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Previous literature on women and political ambition has shown that the ambition of potential candidates is often shaped by career paths that develop the kinds of skills useful for navigating the political environment. These studies often did not include the experiences of Black women who chose to run for office. Utilizing data from interviews with Black women elected officials across the country I offer that the key to making the decision to run for office is the unique socialization process of Black women. This process is shaped by generational examples of service, familial and community nurturing that encourages striving for excellence, and a sense of obligation to do work and not just hold a title. I find that though Black women at times initially doubt their ability to be successful in politics they often overcome these doubts as a result of encouragement by peers and community members who remind them of the skills they developed from their community and political work. They are also motivated to work to meet the needs of their communities. These experiences provide further understanding of how Black women purposefully engage within their communities and develop a standing that allows for their potential success as candidates.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"20 2","pages":"263 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41244664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070831
Chaya Crowder
ABSTRACT There have been numerous calls to “thank” Black women for their consistent support of the Democratic Party. Vice President Kamala Harris tweeted that we need to do more than “congratulate” Black women. Harris stated, “Let’s address issues that disproportionately affect Black women.” With this in mind, understanding the formation of public opinion about issues that affect Black women is important. In service of this goal, I offer a theory and measure of a form of group consciousness called intersectional solidarity. I define intersectional solidarity as a set of political beliefs that is characterized by awareness of and distress over marginalized subgroups’ oppression. In this article I explore the influence of intersectional solidarity on policy support with a focus on policies that disproportionately affect Black women. Specifically, I examine the circumstances under which people support the Maternal CARE Act, a policy that addresses the racial disparity in maternal healthcare, as well as Equal Pay Certification which is a policy that addresses the race/gender pay gap. This article informs our expectations regarding both the barriers to but also the possibilities for support for policies that benefit marginalized subgroups like Black women. In doing so, this project provides insight into the possibilities for intersectional politics.
{"title":"Doing More than Thanking Black Women: The Influence of Intersectional Solidarity on Public Support for Policies","authors":"Chaya Crowder","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2070831","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There have been numerous calls to “thank” Black women for their consistent support of the Democratic Party. Vice President Kamala Harris tweeted that we need to do more than “congratulate” Black women. Harris stated, “Let’s address issues that disproportionately affect Black women.” With this in mind, understanding the formation of public opinion about issues that affect Black women is important. In service of this goal, I offer a theory and measure of a form of group consciousness called intersectional solidarity. I define intersectional solidarity as a set of political beliefs that is characterized by awareness of and distress over marginalized subgroups’ oppression. In this article I explore the influence of intersectional solidarity on policy support with a focus on policies that disproportionately affect Black women. Specifically, I examine the circumstances under which people support the Maternal CARE Act, a policy that addresses the racial disparity in maternal healthcare, as well as Equal Pay Certification which is a policy that addresses the race/gender pay gap. This article informs our expectations regarding both the barriers to but also the possibilities for support for policies that benefit marginalized subgroups like Black women. In doing so, this project provides insight into the possibilities for intersectional politics.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"186 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47360718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-24DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2068118
A. Sanders
ABSTRACT Political parties often seek to appeal to women voters through policy pledges. However, little is known about how – or whether – these policies influence women’s voting behavior. Drawing on focus groups conducted with women voters, I explore how women perceive, experience, and negotiate gendered policies in their voting behavior using the 2015 British General Election as a case study. Overall, I find that “class-based” economic policies pertaining to the sexual division of labor matter to women voters, whereas policies seeking to tackle discrimination against women (“gender status” policies) are comparatively less salient. Crucially, attitudes toward class-based policies differ by life-stage. Taken together, I argue that studies on gender and vote choice should devote greater attention to the electoral context in addition to socioeconomic factors.
{"title":"The Impact of Gendered Policies on Women’s Voting Behavior: Evidence from the 2015 British General Election","authors":"A. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2068118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2068118","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Political parties often seek to appeal to women voters through policy pledges. However, little is known about how – or whether – these policies influence women’s voting behavior. Drawing on focus groups conducted with women voters, I explore how women perceive, experience, and negotiate gendered policies in their voting behavior using the 2015 British General Election as a case study. Overall, I find that “class-based” economic policies pertaining to the sexual division of labor matter to women voters, whereas policies seeking to tackle discrimination against women (“gender status” policies) are comparatively less salient. Crucially, attitudes toward class-based policies differ by life-stage. Taken together, I argue that studies on gender and vote choice should devote greater attention to the electoral context in addition to socioeconomic factors.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"168 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42347277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-22DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2066390
Vanessa D. Carrión-Yaguana, Sarah J. Carrington, Gabriel Velástegui Moya
ABSTRACT Ecuador has one of the strongest electoral designs in terms of gender quotas in Latin America. However, there remains a significant gap between the number of women candidates and the number elected. To explain why a quota does not lead to an elected representation proportional to the quota we examine voter bias and elite bias in the legislative elections of 2013 and 2017. Results show gender bias toward female candidates, and not against, which is a surprising result in a country maintaining a culture of traditional gender roles on average. A breakdown of the voting patterns by gender, however, reveals that the overall voter preference for female candidates is driven entirely by stronger female same-gender voting than male same-gender voting. The lack of representation of women as frontrunners in a political party is likely to explain the gap between female candidates and elected members to the National Assembly. Elite bias against women, not voter bias, explains women’s electoral fortunes in Ecuador.
{"title":"Female Candidate Performance and Gender Quotas: The Case of Ecuador","authors":"Vanessa D. Carrión-Yaguana, Sarah J. Carrington, Gabriel Velástegui Moya","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2066390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2066390","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ecuador has one of the strongest electoral designs in terms of gender quotas in Latin America. However, there remains a significant gap between the number of women candidates and the number elected. To explain why a quota does not lead to an elected representation proportional to the quota we examine voter bias and elite bias in the legislative elections of 2013 and 2017. Results show gender bias toward female candidates, and not against, which is a surprising result in a country maintaining a culture of traditional gender roles on average. A breakdown of the voting patterns by gender, however, reveals that the overall voter preference for female candidates is driven entirely by stronger female same-gender voting than male same-gender voting. The lack of representation of women as frontrunners in a political party is likely to explain the gap between female candidates and elected members to the National Assembly. Elite bias against women, not voter bias, explains women’s electoral fortunes in Ecuador.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"44 1","pages":"152 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48706100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2053823
Agustín Goenaga, Michael A. Hansen
ABSTRACT Research on democratic attitudes has recently turned to examine citizens’ views about the performance of specific democratic institutions in their country. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey (ESS6) and the Bright Line Watch Project (BLW) in the United States, this article argues that such evaluative questions carry high levels of cognitive complexity that lead to gender gaps in item response rates. We then show that those gender gaps are present at every level of political knowledge and tend to be wider the less respondents know about the political system. Since women also tend to be more critical of democratic institutions, these results indicate that item non-response biases can make researchers underestimate overall levels of dissatisfaction with democracy, as well as overlook specific groups that may be particularly dissatisfied with the performance of certain parts of the democratic system.
最近，关于民主态度的研究转向了调查公民对本国特定民主机构表现的看法。根据欧洲社会调查(ESS6)和美国Bright Line Watch Project (BLW)的数据，本文认为，这种评估性问题具有高度的认知复杂性，导致了项目答复率的性别差异。然后我们表明，这些性别差距存在于政治知识的各个层面，而且受访者对政治制度的了解越少，这种差距就越大。由于女性也更倾向于批评民主制度，这些结果表明，项目无反应偏见可能使研究人员低估了对民主的总体不满程度，同时忽视了可能对民主制度某些部分的表现特别不满的特定群体。
{"title":"Guy-Guessing Democracy: Gender and Item Non-Response Bias in Evaluations of Democratic Institutions","authors":"Agustín Goenaga, Michael A. Hansen","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2053823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2053823","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on democratic attitudes has recently turned to examine citizens’ views about the performance of specific democratic institutions in their country. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey (ESS6) and the Bright Line Watch Project (BLW) in the United States, this article argues that such evaluative questions carry high levels of cognitive complexity that lead to gender gaps in item response rates. We then show that those gender gaps are present at every level of political knowledge and tend to be wider the less respondents know about the political system. Since women also tend to be more critical of democratic institutions, these results indicate that item non-response biases can make researchers underestimate overall levels of dissatisfaction with democracy, as well as overlook specific groups that may be particularly dissatisfied with the performance of certain parts of the democratic system.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"499 - 513"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43514876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-23DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2051330
H. James
ABSTRACT Little is known about the presence of women’s donor groups in state legislative elections. This work investigates their role in both primary and general election contests. As an exploratory analysis, it utilizes elite interviews to probe new questions about gender and campaign finance. Women’s donor groups are not solely a congressional election phenomenon. They are active in state legislative races, provide resources other than money, and impact the perceptions of female candidates. This study offers insights to practitioners and scholars concerned with women’s representation. For practitioners, it highlights opportunities for strategic behavior to maximize the impact of women’s donor groups of all political affiliations. For scholars, it suggests new pathways for research on Republican women’s groups specifically as well as the impact of these organizations in general, especially during primary elections and regarding candidates of color.
{"title":"There’s No Women’s Mafia: Women’s Donor Groups in State Legislative Elections","authors":"H. James","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2051330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2051330","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Little is known about the presence of women’s donor groups in state legislative elections. This work investigates their role in both primary and general election contests. As an exploratory analysis, it utilizes elite interviews to probe new questions about gender and campaign finance. Women’s donor groups are not solely a congressional election phenomenon. They are active in state legislative races, provide resources other than money, and impact the perceptions of female candidates. This study offers insights to practitioners and scholars concerned with women’s representation. For practitioners, it highlights opportunities for strategic behavior to maximize the impact of women’s donor groups of all political affiliations. For scholars, it suggests new pathways for research on Republican women’s groups specifically as well as the impact of these organizations in general, especially during primary elections and regarding candidates of color.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"483 - 498"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49136325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2030893
P. Herrnson, C. Hunt, J. Kettler
ABSTRACT Record numbers of women were elected into office in the US in recent years, and campaign financing may have contributed to their successes. This raises two questions: Is there a gender gap in campaign strategy and spending? And if there is, does it have an impact on election outcomes? Using a new dataset that includes itemized campaign expenditures for the almost 3,500 candidates who contested a House election between 2012 and 2020, we report little evidence of a gender gap in candidates’ campaign spending, but we find some differences in the effects of communications spending on women’s and men’s electoral performances. Female challengers, in particular, must spend more to achieve the same results as men. The findings provide yet another indicator that congressional elections are an uneven playing field, and women must work harder than men to get elected. The results have implications for elections, representation, and public policy.
{"title":"Vive la Différence? Is There a Gender Gap in Campaign Strategy and Spending, and Does It Matter?","authors":"P. Herrnson, C. Hunt, J. Kettler","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2030893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2030893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Record numbers of women were elected into office in the US in recent years, and campaign financing may have contributed to their successes. This raises two questions: Is there a gender gap in campaign strategy and spending? And if there is, does it have an impact on election outcomes? Using a new dataset that includes itemized campaign expenditures for the almost 3,500 candidates who contested a House election between 2012 and 2020, we report little evidence of a gender gap in candidates’ campaign spending, but we find some differences in the effects of communications spending on women’s and men’s electoral performances. Female challengers, in particular, must spend more to achieve the same results as men. The findings provide yet another indicator that congressional elections are an uneven playing field, and women must work harder than men to get elected. The results have implications for elections, representation, and public policy.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"463 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47584146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-10DOI: 10.1080/1554477X.2022.2027418
Danielle Casarez Lemi
ABSTRACT This study uses an intersectional lens to study the structure of presidential evaluations among white men and white women. I argue that due to their distinct positions of power in American politics via the intersection of race and gender, different processes, wrapped into white heteropatriarchy, explain white men and women’s 2018 favorable mid-term evaluations of President Donald Trump. Using a sample from the 2018 CCES, I find that although there is some overlap in the factors that explain positive evaluations of Trump anti-Blackness, gender identity, and Republican partisanship structured white men’s favorable evaluations of Trump, while sexism, anti-immigration sentiment, and ideology structured white women’s favorable evaluations. The variable with the strongest association with evaluations of Trump for men was negative assessments of the economy, and the variable with the strongest association with evaluations of Trump for women was anti-immigration sentiment.
{"title":"The Structure of Presidential Evaluations: White Men, White Women, and Trump","authors":"Danielle Casarez Lemi","doi":"10.1080/1554477X.2022.2027418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2022.2027418","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study uses an intersectional lens to study the structure of presidential evaluations among white men and white women. I argue that due to their distinct positions of power in American politics via the intersection of race and gender, different processes, wrapped into white heteropatriarchy, explain white men and women’s 2018 favorable mid-term evaluations of President Donald Trump. Using a sample from the 2018 CCES, I find that although there is some overlap in the factors that explain positive evaluations of Trump anti-Blackness, gender identity, and Republican partisanship structured white men’s favorable evaluations of Trump, while sexism, anti-immigration sentiment, and ideology structured white women’s favorable evaluations. The variable with the strongest association with evaluations of Trump for men was negative assessments of the economy, and the variable with the strongest association with evaluations of Trump for women was anti-immigration sentiment.","PeriodicalId":46116,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Women Politics & Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":"206 - 226"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49313777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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