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Evaluating the effect of military intervention on rebel governance in terms of disaggregated human security 从分类的人类安全角度评估军事干预对叛军治理的影响
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2064701
Koki Shigenoi, Wakako Maekawa
ABSTRACT This article examines the effect of foreign military intervention on rebel governance in terms of disaggregated human security. Case studies reveal that, on the one hand, a ‘thirst for legitimacy’ influenced by military intervention has led rebel groups to engage in internal and external diplomatic activities. Moreover, their efforts to develop fundamental rebel governance structures have had clearly positive effects on human security. On the other hand, when repelled from a territory by military interventions, rebel groups have attempted to control their remaining territories through the imposition of fear, which can devastate human security in rebel-held areas.
摘要本文从分类人类安全的角度考察了外国军事干预对叛军治理的影响。案例研究表明,一方面,受军事干预影响的“对合法性的渴望”导致反叛团体从事内部和外部外交活动。此外,他们发展基本反叛治理结构的努力对人类安全产生了明显的积极影响。另一方面,当被军事干预驱逐出领土时,反叛集团试图通过施加恐惧来控制其剩余领土,这可能破坏反叛分子控制地区的人类安全。
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引用次数: 0
Interrogating the myth of the Irish republican hero: a syntactic analysis of hunger (2008) and the wind that shakes the barley (2006) 质疑爱尔兰共和英雄的神话:《饥饿》(2008)和《摇大麦的风》(2006)的句法分析
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2068330
Samuel Schiffer
ABSTRACT This essay seeks to understand how since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, marking the end of The Troubles in Northern Ireland, filmic depictions of the conflict reinterpret and interrogate the traditional role of the ‘hero’ in the Irish republican cause. In an analysis of two films released after the Good Friday Agreement, Hunger (2008) and The Wind that Shakes the Barley (2006), this essay argues that both films feature a hero-type Irish republican waging a brave-but-futile campaign against British oppression, but critique the myth of the Irish republican hero by severing the cycle of mythical violence by sowing doubt in the hero myth that serves as its base. This essay suggests that film is a low-stakes arena for the interrogation of volatile narratives that plays an important role in the reconceptualization of a conflict and, maybe even, its resolution.
摘要本文试图了解自1998年签署《耶稣受难日协议》(标志着《北爱尔兰动乱》的结束)以来,对这场冲突的电影描述是如何重新诠释和质疑“英雄”在爱尔兰共和事业中的传统角色的。在对《耶稣受难日协议》之后上映的两部电影《饥饿》(2008)和《摇大麦的风》(2006)的分析中,本文认为这两部电影都讲述了一个英雄型的爱尔兰共和国发动了一场勇敢但徒劳的反抗英国压迫的运动,但通过在作为其基础的英雄神话中播种怀疑,来切断神话暴力的循环,从而批判爱尔兰共和英雄的神话。这篇文章表明,电影是一个低风险的舞台,用来审问不稳定的叙事,在冲突的重新概念化,甚至可能解决冲突方面发挥着重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Small wars as ‘savage warfare’: rethinking colonial counterinsurgency operations in Northeast India and Northwest Burma (1826–1919) 小规模战争是“野蛮战争”:重新思考印度东北部和缅甸西北部的殖民反叛乱行动(1826-1919)
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2067432
P. K. Pau
ABSTRACT The paper probes colonial counterinsurgency operations in Northeast India and Northwest Burma from the First Anglo-Burmese War (1825–26) to the end of the First World War. While the nature and objective of insurgency movements differ from raid to resistance and then to a full-scale war or gal against the colonial ruler, colonial counterinsurgency operations also employed different strategies and tactics. The paper argues that in its desperate attempt to bring the opponents to submission, colonial rulers turned what they initially considered as ‘petty warfare’ into ‘savage warfare’, beyond the framework of the principles and practice of ‘small wars’.
本文探讨了从第一次英缅战争(1825-26)到第一次世界大战结束,印度东北部和缅甸西北部的殖民地平叛行动。虽然叛乱运动的性质和目标不同,从突袭到抵抗,再到针对殖民统治者的全面战争或政变,但殖民地反叛乱行动也采用了不同的战略和战术。该论文认为,殖民统治者在不顾一切地试图让反对者屈服的过程中,将他们最初认为的“小规模战争”变成了“野蛮战争”,超出了“小型战争”的原则和实践的框架。
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引用次数: 0
Rebel security governance in transition: the case of post-independence Timor-Leste 转型中的叛军安全治理:独立后东帝汶的案例
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2064702
Deniz Koçak
ABSTRACT This article investigates the transformation of the FALINTIL guerrilla organisation into the national armed forces in post-independence Timor-Leste. It focuses on how these former rebels interpret and legitimise their role in a changed socio-political environment vis-à-vis other national security actors as well as the population. By tackling the issue of the evolution of guerrilla organisations into formal security actors, the paper speaks to the recent research trend on the legacies of rebel governance, as well as the field of civil-military relations. Based on a qualitative interview case study, it argues that the behaviour of the state security actors, and their respective understanding of their role within the Timorese state, have been determined by internalised socialisation practices of their past. It becomes clear, that particularly the armed forces struggled with their constitutionally limited role on matters of national defence but strove to expand their role into domestic security affairs.
本文研究了东帝汶独立后,FALINTIL游击队组织转变为国家武装力量的过程。它侧重于这些前叛乱分子如何解释和合法化他们的角色在一个变化的社会政治环境-à-vis其他国家安全行为者以及人口。通过解决游击组织向正式安全行为者演变的问题,本文谈到了最近关于反叛治理遗产的研究趋势,以及军民关系领域。基于定性访谈案例研究,它认为国家安全行为者的行为,以及他们各自对自己在东帝汶国家中的角色的理解,是由他们过去的内化社会化实践决定的。很明显,特别是武装部队在国防事务上挣扎于宪法规定的有限作用,但却努力扩大其在国内安全事务中的作用。
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引用次数: 1
Whose proxy war? The competition among Iranian foreign policy elites in Iraq 谁的代理人战争?伊朗外交政策精英在伊拉克的竞争
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2064152
Christian Høj Hansen, Troels Burchall Henningsen
ABSTRACT How do state sponsors of proxy groups in civil wars balance their support of non-state militias with the need for political transition towards stability? This article explores the inconsistencies in Iran’s priorities and proxy strategy that at times limited Iranian influence, and complicated Iraq’s transition from war to peace. It expands on current theories on proxy warfare by focusing on the impact of diverging interests among foreign policy elites in a sponsor state. Three policy dilemmas illustrate the difference among on the one side the Revolutionary Guard and on the other side the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Intelligence. First, whether the pro-Iranian proxies should maintain their influence after the war or Iran should strengthen its link to the representatives of the formal state. Second, whether repression by Shia militias or political reconciliation should prevent Sunni Arabs from (re)joining Islamic State. Third, whether Iraq should be part of a sectarian, transnational alliance or an inclusive state that might become an arbiter to deescalate regional tension. The study contributes to the literature on Iranian proxy warfare in the Middle East and proxy warfare literature in general, by considering the consequences of differences among foreign policy elites.
摘要:内战中代理团体的国家赞助者如何平衡对非国家民兵的支持与向稳定过渡的政治需求?本文探讨了伊朗优先事项和代理战略的不一致性,这些不一致性有时限制了伊朗的影响力,并使伊拉克从战争向和平的过渡变得复杂。它扩展了当前关于代理人战争的理论,重点关注赞助国外交政策精英之间利益分歧的影响。三个政策困境说明了革命卫队与外交部和情报部之间的区别。首先,亲伊朗的代理人是应该在战后保持影响力,还是伊朗应该加强与正式国家代表的联系。其次,无论是什叶派民兵的镇压还是政治和解,都应该阻止逊尼派阿拉伯人(重新)加入伊斯兰国。第三,伊拉克是应该成为一个宗派、跨国联盟的一部分,还是一个可能成为缓和地区紧张局势仲裁者的包容性国家。该研究通过考虑外交政策精英之间差异的后果,为伊朗在中东的代理人战争和一般代理人战争文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Logistics of small wars in British India: 1840s–1913 英属印度小型战争的后勤:1840 - 1913
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-06 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2059304
K. Roy
Between circa 1740 and 1849, the British East India Company (EIC) conquered India after conducting several conventional campaigns against the ‘native’ powers. Thereafter, the phase of consolidation started. In this phase, the EIC, and after 1859, the Raj had to conduct innumerable small wars (pacification campaigns) especially against the tribes who inhabited the Indus Frontier, and the region east of Brahmaputra River. Rather than battles and sieges, these campaigns were characterised by ambushes and raids in difficult terrain against the stateless armed communities. This paper, basing itself mostly on the archival documents derived from the various archives of the UK and India, focuses on the logistical aspect of the small wars conducted by the British in the North-West Frontier of India and North-East India. This essay studies four themes related to logistics: non-combatant manpower (especially coolies), roads, rivers, and ani- mals. Each of the themes is dealt with chronologically. This paper starts from 1840s, when the British came in touch with the Indus Frontier after the annexa- tion of Punjab, and ends in 1913, just before the outbreak of the Great War.
大约在1740年至1849年间,英国东印度公司(EIC)在对“本土”势力进行了几次常规战役后征服了印度。此后,整合阶段开始。在这一阶段,EIC和1859年之后,印度不得不进行无数的小型战争(平定战役),特别是针对居住在印度河边境和雅鲁藏布江以东地区的部落。这些战役的特点不是战斗和围攻,而是在困难的地形上对无国籍武装社区进行伏击和袭击。本文主要以英国和印度的各种档案文件为基础,重点研究英国在印度西北边境和印度东北部进行的小型战争的后勤方面。本文研究了与物流相关的四个主题:非战斗人员(特别是苦力)、道路、河流和动物。每一个主题都是按时间顺序排列的。本文从19世纪40年代英国在吞并旁遮普后开始接触印度河边境开始,到1913年第一次世界大战爆发前结束。
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引用次数: 0
Colonial institutions and civil war: indirect rule and maoist insurgency in India 殖民制度和内战:印度的间接统治和毛派叛乱
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2051348
C. C. Fair
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引用次数: 1
Neither peace nor democracy: the role of siege and population control in the Syrian regime’s coercive counterinsurgency campaign 既非和平,也非民主:在叙利亚政权的强制性反叛乱行动中,围城和人口控制的作用
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2056392
Benedetta Berti, Marika Sosnowski
ABSTRACT This article examines the role of siege warfare and population control in the coercive counterinsurgency strategy used by the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad to effectively crush the revolution that began in 2011. We extend the coercive counterinsurgency framework offered by Monica Duffy Toft and Yuri Zhukov to analyze the Syrian regime’s use of the twin tactical pillars of siege warfare and population control. We focus on how these two types of denial – military and political – proved essential to the regime’s military victory.
本文探讨了围城战和人口控制在叙利亚巴沙尔·阿萨德政权用于有效镇压2011年开始的革命的强制性反叛乱战略中的作用。我们扩展了莫妮卡·达菲·托夫特和尤里·朱可夫提出的强制性反叛乱框架,以分析叙利亚政权对攻城战和人口控制这两大战术支柱的使用。我们关注的是这两种类型的否认——军事上的和政治上的——是如何证明对该政权的军事胜利至关重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Hollywood and the hourglass war: cinematic images of drug cartels and conflict on the US-Mexican border 好莱坞与沙漏战争:毒品卡特尔和美墨边境冲突的电影影像
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2054112
Paul B. Rich
ABSTRACT This paper examines the cinema of the US-Mexican border in the context of an escalating drug war. It looks at movies released since the early 1980s and argues that Hollywood has supplied a large number of cinematic images of the ‘war on drugs’ that has more helped shape wider political and strategic debates. Using insights from strategic analysis, this paper seeks to show how cinema has represented the conflict between drug cartels, the Mexican state as well as various US security agencies such as the FBI, CIA, and DEA. The paper explores how these cinematic depictions straddle national boundaries and have evolved from being an extension of the western border genre in the 1980s into a more recent phase of action and war movies.
摘要本文探讨了在毒品战争不断升级的背景下,美墨边境的电影。它审视了自20世纪80年代初以来上映的电影,认为好莱坞提供了大量关于“禁毒战争”的电影图像,这更有助于塑造更广泛的政治和战略辩论。利用战略分析的见解,本文试图展示电影如何代表贩毒集团、墨西哥州以及美国联邦调查局、中央情报局和缉毒局等多个安全机构之间的冲突。本文探讨了这些电影描述是如何跨越国界的,并从20世纪80年代西方边境类型的延伸演变为动作片和战争片的最新阶段。
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引用次数: 0
Deterrence by insurgents: Hezbollah’s military doctrine and capability vis-à-vis Israel 叛乱分子的威慑:真主党对以色列的军事学说和能力
IF 0.8 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-03-29 DOI: 10.1080/09592318.2022.2057750
Massaab Al-Aloosy
ABSTRACT Deterrence between states is a long-established theory in security studies, but it is rare, if not unique, that an insurgency would deter a state from attacking another country. Insurgencies in the Middle East are increasingly playing an international role, of which deterrence is only a part. This generates an interesting dynamic in which an insurgency uses non-traditional tools to dissuade an adversarial state from attacking the group or country in which it resides. Thus, the research topic is: How is Hezbollah able to deter Israel?
摘要国家间威慑是安全研究中一个由来已久的理论,但叛乱会阻止一个国家袭击另一个国家,这即使不是唯一的,也是罕见的。中东叛乱正在日益发挥国际作用,威慑只是其中的一部分。这产生了一种有趣的动态,叛乱使用非传统工具劝阻敌对国家攻击其所在的团体或国家。因此,研究主题是:真主党如何能够威慑以色列?
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Small Wars and Insurgencies
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