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Still 'standing with' Israel?: Canadian foreign policy and the legacy of Stephen Harper. 仍然与以色列“站在一起”?:加拿大外交政策和斯蒂芬·哈珀的遗产。
IF 3.1 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-27 DOI: 10.1177/00207020251334988
Abigail B Bakan, Yasmeen Abu-Laban

When Stephen Harper became the first Canadian prime minister to speak in the Knesset, he declared unwavering loyalty to Israel. Liberal prime minister Justin Trudeau, Harper's successor, echoed this sentiment. Following the Hamas-led attacks on 7 October 2023, Israel's responses in Gaza have been deemed by the International Court of Justice to be "plausible genocide." How far does Canada's position of standing with Israel go, and does it include genocide? This article offers a close analysis of the Harper years (2006-2015) to demonstrate the significance of this period in cementing Canada's close relationship to Israel, and explores how the Trudeau Liberals sustained certain dimensions of that relationship. The article argues that during the Harper government, Canada's foreign policy towards Israel and Canada's domestic policy became increasingly intertwined. Based on analysis of policy, document, and media accounts, the article addresses: (i) the interface with Israel in foreign policy and in the United Nations; (ii) a pattern of what we term the "Israelization" of Canadian domestic politics; and (iii) the continuities since Justin Trudeau's election in 2015, which appeared in sharpened relief between 2023 and Trudeau's resignation in 2025.

当斯蒂芬·哈珀成为第一位在以色列议会发表讲话的加拿大总理时,他宣布对以色列坚定不移的忠诚。哈珀的继任者、自由党总理贾斯汀·特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)也赞同这一观点。在2023年10月7日哈马斯领导的袭击之后,以色列在加沙的反应被国际法院认为是“貌似种族灭绝”。加拿大对以色列的立场走了多远,是否包括种族灭绝?本文对哈珀执政时期(2006-2015)进行了深入分析,以证明这一时期在巩固加拿大与以色列的密切关系方面的重要性,并探讨了特鲁多自由党如何维持这种关系的某些方面。文章认为,在哈珀政府执政期间,加拿大对以色列的外交政策与加拿大的国内政策日益交织在一起。基于对政策、文件和媒体报道的分析,本文论述了:(i)与以色列在外交政策和联合国中的互动;(ii)我们称之为加拿大国内政治“以色列化”的模式;(iii)自2015年贾斯汀·特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)当选以来的连续性,在2023年至2025年特鲁多辞职期间,这种连续性表现得更加明显。
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引用次数: 0
Applying AI to Canada's Financial Intelligence System: Promises and Perils in Combatting Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing. 将人工智能应用于加拿大金融情报系统:打击洗钱和恐怖主义融资的承诺和风险。
IF 3.1 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-06-01 Epub Date: 2025-04-16 DOI: 10.1177/00207020251334973
Corinne Ibalanky, Alex Wilner

Money laundering (ML) and terrorist financing (TF) are pernicious global challenges. Estimates suggest that ML represents 2 to 4 percent of global GDP, disrupting financial systems, hindering anti-corruption efforts, fuelling terrorism, and destabilizing governments and security institutions globally. Emerging technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) complicate detection and prosecution efforts, enabling anonymity in the movement of money. This article explores AI's role in anti-money laundering (AML) efforts and in countering the financing of terrorism (CFT), focusing on data analysis for financial intelligence units (FIUs) and private sector reporting entities. It addresses AI's uses, benefits, and risks in Canadian and international AML/CFT, explores opportunities and challenges of AI adoption, and proposes next steps for research and practical application. By examining AI's promises and perils in financial intelligence, this article aims to contribute to academic and policy-oriented efforts to understand and leverage AI for effective ML/TF prevention.

洗钱(ML)和恐怖主义融资(TF)是有害的全球挑战。据估计,ML占全球GDP的2%至4%,破坏了金融体系,阻碍了反腐败努力,助长了恐怖主义,并破坏了全球政府和安全机构的稳定。人工智能(AI)等新兴技术使侦查和起诉工作复杂化,使资金流动的匿名化成为可能。本文探讨了人工智能在反洗钱(AML)工作和打击恐怖主义融资(CFT)方面的作用,重点是金融情报单位(fiu)和私营部门报告实体的数据分析。报告阐述了人工智能在加拿大和国际反洗钱/反恐融资中的应用、收益和风险,探讨了人工智能应用的机遇和挑战,并提出了下一步的研究和实际应用步骤。通过研究人工智能在金融智能中的承诺和风险,本文旨在为学术和政策导向的努力做出贡献,以理解和利用人工智能来有效预防ML/TF。
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引用次数: 0
National shipbuilding strategies in Australia, Britain, and Canada. 澳大利亚、英国和加拿大的国家造船战略。
IF 3.1 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-03-01 Epub Date: 2025-02-23 DOI: 10.1177/00207020251320417
Elinor C Sloan

This article conducts a comparative analysis of naval shipbuilding approaches by Australia, Britain, and Canada with a view to promoting wider understanding of naval shipbuilding in Canada. Through various strategic and tactical factors, it illuminates how Canadians got to where they are in naval shipbuilding, which processes should be kept, and where there are shortfalls. With a focus on large naval ships, defined as 1000 tons or heavier, the article finds that much of Canada's naval shipbuilding strategy makes sense and should be continued. Yet there are critical problem areas that, if not addressed, threaten to leave the Royal Canadian Navy without the warships it needs.

本文对澳大利亚、英国和加拿大的海军造船方式进行了比较分析,以期促进对加拿大海军造船的更广泛的了解。通过各种战略和战术因素,说明加拿大人在海军造船方面是如何走到今天的,哪些过程应该保留,哪里有不足之处。重点关注大型海军舰艇,定义为1000吨或更重,文章发现加拿大海军造船战略的大部分是有意义的,应该继续下去。然而,在一些关键问题领域,如果不加以解决,可能会让加拿大皇家海军失去所需的军舰。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Policy in a Time of Turbulence 动荡时期的外交政策
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241276107
Bob Rae
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引用次数: 0
US global leadership beyond 2024: A UK and European perspective 2024 年后美国的全球领导地位:英国和欧洲的视角
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241276100
Patrick Holdich
European governments are following the course of the 2024 US presidential race more closely than any election in recent times. Although the outcome is hard to predict, many are particularly nervous about a second Trump administration, with good reason. European governments need to plan how to react to this prospect. The future of the Transatlantic Relationship could be at stake and Europe must try to get through a potentially very difficult period ahead.
欧洲各国政府对 2024 年美国总统大选的关注程度超过了近期任何一次大选。虽然结果难以预测,但许多人对特朗普再次执政感到特别紧张,这是有道理的。欧洲各国政府需要计划如何应对这一前景。跨大西洋关系的未来可能岌岌可危,欧洲必须努力度过未来可能非常困难的时期。
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引用次数: 0
Securitization versus sovereignty? Multi-level governance, scientific objectivation, and the discourses of the Canadian and American heads of state during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. 安全与主权?多级治理、科学客观化以及 COVID-19 大流行第一波期间加拿大和美国国家元首的论述。
IF 3.1 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-09-01 Epub Date: 2024-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241275980
Marjolaine Lamontagne

The global health regime is caught in a paradox, whereby connecting "human" to "(inter)national" security to prevent the spread of infectious diseases unwittingly introduces into this complex and expertise-reliant domain of "low politics" the notion of "sovereign decisionism"-states' prerogative to identify a threat and counter it with exceptional measures that may in turn constrain their ability to unilaterally securitize disease. This article introduces an analytical framework presenting three pathways through which state leaders with different conceptions of sovereignty and varying constraints on their legitimacy among their domestic audiences may nevertheless securitize policy domains traditionally considered as falling within the scope of sub-state "low politics." Two of the pathways begin with scientific objectivation rather than politicization, and one trades power concentration for collaboration with sub-state and global authorities. I then compare the Canadian and American responses during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic to uncover how these contextual factors disposed Donald Trump to politicize COVID-19, while Justin Trudeau emulated the World Health Organization's securitization of the virus without centralizing state powers.

全球卫生制度陷入了一个悖论:将 "人类 "安全与"(国家间)"安全联系起来以防止传染病传播,无意中将 "主权决定论 "的概念引入了这一复杂且依赖专业知识的 "低度政治 "领域--国家有权识别威胁并采取特殊措施予以应对,这反过来又会限制国家单方面将疾病安全化的能力。本文介绍了一个分析框架,该框架提出了三种途径,在这些途径中,对主权有不同概念的国家领导人,以及在国内受众中对其合法性有不同限制的国家领导人,可能会将传统上被认为属于次国家 "低度政治 "范畴的政策领域安全化。其中两条路径的起点是科学客观化而非政治化,一条路径是以权力集中换取与次国家和全球权威机构的合作。然后,我比较了加拿大和美国在第一波冠状病毒大流行期间的应对措施,以揭示这些背景因素如何促使唐纳德-特朗普将 COVID-19 政治化,而贾斯汀-特鲁多则在不集中国家权力的情况下效仿世界卫生组织将病毒安全化。
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引用次数: 0
Editors' introduction 编辑导言
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-31 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241276994
Asa McKercher, Leah Sarson
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引用次数: 0
Crafting a New Canadian Foreign Policy: Strategic Sovereignty for a “Leaderless World” 制定新的加拿大外交政策:面向 "无领袖世界 "的战略主权
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241276105
Kerry Buck
Defining Canada's foreign policy has always been a conundrum for Canadian decision makers, torn between the desire to carve out a space of Canada's own, while recognizing the benefit and necessity of ties with the US. Today, this job has become much more difficult because America's global leadership role is changing in ways that are difficult to predict, but that will inevitably make it harder for Canada to navigate internationally. Canada has no choice but to develop greater strategic sovereignty. What Canada needs now, nineteen years after the last foreign policy review, is a national conversation about Canada's role in the world. The goal should be to encourage a sense of shared national purpose and craft a renewed foreign policy for an uncertain world. To do so, Canadian decision makers should ask five core questions: first, how should Canada's foreign policy prioritize Canadian values with ‘more pragmatism and less posturing'? Second, what balance should we seek between Canada's global role and its bilateral focus on the US? Third, how can we mitigate the risk to Canada of a more inward-looking, protectionist and unpredictable US? How should we adapt Canada's international engagement to take into account a less globally-engaged US? Finally, what specific Canadian interests, assets and vulnerabilities should our foreign policy prioritize? The article offers a framework for Canada to set about rebuilding its strategic sovereignty, launching a national conversation to rethink and rewrite its foreign policy narrative, redefine its international priorities and create a sense of common purpose around Canada’s role as a global actor.
对加拿大的决策者来说,确定加拿大的外交政策一直是一个难题,他们既希望开拓加拿大自己的空间,又认识到与美国保持联系的益处和必要性。如今,这项工作变得更加困难,因为美国的全球领导角色正在发生变化,这种变化难以预测,但势必会增加加拿大在国际上的驾驭难度。加拿大别无选择,只能发展更大的战略主权。在上一次外交政策审查结束十九年之后,加拿大现在需要的是就加拿大在世界上的角色展开全国性对话。我们的目标应该是鼓励一种共同的国家目标意识,并为一个不确定的世界制定新的外交政策。为此,加拿大决策者应提出五个核心问题:第一,加拿大的外交政策应如何优先考虑加拿大的价值观,"多一些务实,少一些装腔作势"?第二,我们应该在加拿大的全球作用和对美国的双边关注之间寻求怎样的平衡?第三,我们怎样才能降低美国更加内向、保护主义和不可预测给加拿大带来的风险?我们应该如何调整加拿大的国际参与,以考虑到一个全球参与度较低的美国?最后,我们的外交政策应优先考虑哪些具体的加拿大利益、资产和弱点?这篇文章为加拿大提供了一个框架,以着手重建其战略主权,发起一场全国对话,重新思考和改写其外交政策叙事,重新定义其国际优先事项,并围绕加拿大作为全球行为体的角色建立一种共同目的感。
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引用次数: 0
Editors’ introduction 编辑导言
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241257771
Asa McKercher, Leah Sarson
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Reinventing Human Rights by Mark Goodale 书评:重塑人权》,马克-古代尔著
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1177/00207020241276094
Yerin Chung
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal
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