Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175683
Marshall Palmer
In recent years, there has been much research on foreign electoral intervention (FEI). However, it is an open question as to whether successful interventions “work” for the intervener. Does the newly elected government adopt the policies that motivated the intervener to intervene in the first place? This paper makes a first step toward addressing that question. It argues that FEIs work when the elected government can overcome veto players in legislatures, be they parliaments, national assemblies, or congresses. For minority governments or cohabitational presidencies, overcoming these veto players is no easy task and may necessitate further interventions by the intervening power. American interventions in the Canadian elections of 1962 and 1963 serve as an illustrative case. The findings suggest that governments with large majorities or control over congressional/legislative branches are more likely to cooperate with intervening governments. These findings have implications for how we assess the vulnerability of democracies to FEI.
{"title":"Hastening the inevitable: American intervention in the Canadian elections of 1962–1963","authors":"Marshall Palmer","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175683","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, there has been much research on foreign electoral intervention (FEI). However, it is an open question as to whether successful interventions “work” for the intervener. Does the newly elected government adopt the policies that motivated the intervener to intervene in the first place? This paper makes a first step toward addressing that question. It argues that FEIs work when the elected government can overcome veto players in legislatures, be they parliaments, national assemblies, or congresses. For minority governments or cohabitational presidencies, overcoming these veto players is no easy task and may necessitate further interventions by the intervening power. American interventions in the Canadian elections of 1962 and 1963 serve as an illustrative case. The findings suggest that governments with large majorities or control over congressional/legislative branches are more likely to cooperate with intervening governments. These findings have implications for how we assess the vulnerability of democracies to FEI.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"127 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46160861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180113
Brantly Womack
Situated amidst a complex international neighborhood, China’s regional relationships are asymmetric, notwithstanding the country’s relations with the Soviet Union and with Japan before 1945. International Relations theories, with their concentration on the statecraft of Western great powers, historically have paid little attention to such dynamics. However, based on exhaustive research in various national archives, Yuxing Huang analyzes and explains China’s regional statecraft in three important arenas of the Cold War era. Huang argues that China’s regional statecraft depends on the nature and number of its global competitors. Facing one competitor, China’s regional politics are more uniform, while with multiple competitors, China is more diverse and selective in its relationships. Uniformity has the advantage of consistency when facing a single opponent, while using selective policies can target the interstices of multiple rivals. His cases—East Asia (1955–1965), South Asia (1955–1963), and Indochina (1962– 1975)—include examples of China’s diplomacy toward both aligned and non-aligned neighbors, comprising both uniform and selective policies of accommodation, coercion, and status quo maintenance. Huang demonstrates a broad command of Western and Chinese IR theory and scholarship, and an even more impressive depth of research into Chinese and Western diplomatic archives. Huang’s analysis of China’s East Asian diplomacy concentrates on Taiwan and Japan. He argues that from 1955 to 1958, China pursued a uniform strategy of accommodation. For example, in May 1956, Zhou Enlai proposed that Chiang Kai-shek could keep his armed forces if he agreed to unification. However, with the
{"title":"Book Review: China’s Asymmetric Statecraft: Alignments, Competitors, and Regional Diplomacy","authors":"Brantly Womack","doi":"10.1177/00207020231180113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231180113","url":null,"abstract":"Situated amidst a complex international neighborhood, China’s regional relationships are asymmetric, notwithstanding the country’s relations with the Soviet Union and with Japan before 1945. International Relations theories, with their concentration on the statecraft of Western great powers, historically have paid little attention to such dynamics. However, based on exhaustive research in various national archives, Yuxing Huang analyzes and explains China’s regional statecraft in three important arenas of the Cold War era. Huang argues that China’s regional statecraft depends on the nature and number of its global competitors. Facing one competitor, China’s regional politics are more uniform, while with multiple competitors, China is more diverse and selective in its relationships. Uniformity has the advantage of consistency when facing a single opponent, while using selective policies can target the interstices of multiple rivals. His cases—East Asia (1955–1965), South Asia (1955–1963), and Indochina (1962– 1975)—include examples of China’s diplomacy toward both aligned and non-aligned neighbors, comprising both uniform and selective policies of accommodation, coercion, and status quo maintenance. Huang demonstrates a broad command of Western and Chinese IR theory and scholarship, and an even more impressive depth of research into Chinese and Western diplomatic archives. Huang’s analysis of China’s East Asian diplomacy concentrates on Taiwan and Japan. He argues that from 1955 to 1958, China pursued a uniform strategy of accommodation. For example, in May 1956, Zhou Enlai proposed that Chiang Kai-shek could keep his armed forces if he agreed to unification. However, with the","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"280 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49407282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180062
Asa McKercher, W. Andy Knight
{"title":"Editors’ Introduction","authors":"Asa McKercher, W. Andy Knight","doi":"10.1177/00207020231180062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231180062","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"183 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135423774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231180121
Asa McKercher
containing diversity works, it also shows how Canada’s colonial roots still impact its immigration policy. For this reason, Abu-Laban, Tungohan, and Gabriel make a significant contribution to the contemporary literature on immigration in Canada. Echoing Abu-Laban and Gabriel’s earlier arguments in Selling Diversity, this latest book illustrates the paradox between Canada’s mechanisms of exclusion and its efforts to embrace diversity through liberal discourse on openness, multiculturalism policies, and public support for immigration. In this sense, Canada is far from being an “exception” in the twenty-first century immigration landscape. The use of an ethics-of-care perspective combined with critical political economy opens new avenues to rethink immigration in Canada, instead of seeing migrants as numbers or quantifiable objects that would contribute to certain neo-liberal objectives. One of the most exciting contributions to the immigration literature in the last few years, Containing Diversity is a valuable resource not only for migration scholars, but also for policy analysts, as well as immigrants themselves who wish to learn about Canadian immigration policies.
{"title":"Book Review: Distant Stage: Quebec, Brazil, and the Making of Canada’s Cultural Diplomacy","authors":"Asa McKercher","doi":"10.1177/00207020231180121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231180121","url":null,"abstract":"containing diversity works, it also shows how Canada’s colonial roots still impact its immigration policy. For this reason, Abu-Laban, Tungohan, and Gabriel make a significant contribution to the contemporary literature on immigration in Canada. Echoing Abu-Laban and Gabriel’s earlier arguments in Selling Diversity, this latest book illustrates the paradox between Canada’s mechanisms of exclusion and its efforts to embrace diversity through liberal discourse on openness, multiculturalism policies, and public support for immigration. In this sense, Canada is far from being an “exception” in the twenty-first century immigration landscape. The use of an ethics-of-care perspective combined with critical political economy opens new avenues to rethink immigration in Canada, instead of seeing migrants as numbers or quantifiable objects that would contribute to certain neo-liberal objectives. One of the most exciting contributions to the immigration literature in the last few years, Containing Diversity is a valuable resource not only for migration scholars, but also for policy analysts, as well as immigrants themselves who wish to learn about Canadian immigration policies.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"287 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42905296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175876
Shaun Narine
Despite giving lip service to the importance of respecting the “centrality” of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy (CIPS) conflicts with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Instead, Canada defines its position in the Indo-Pacific through the lens of American priorities and perspectives. For its part, the AOIP expresses an ASEAN consensus position but fails to capture the highly complex and varied views of different ASEAN states toward the US and China. The ASEAN states are status-quo powers navigating a region that is undergoing profound strategic and economic changes. By allying itself so firmly with the US, Canada participates in sowing tension in the Indo-Pacific and may face potential consequences in the longer term. CIPS allows little room for the complex regional relations that the ASEAN states are trying to balance.
{"title":"How Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy conflicts with ASEAN's outlook on the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Shaun Narine","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175876","url":null,"abstract":"Despite giving lip service to the importance of respecting the “centrality” of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy (CIPS) conflicts with the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Instead, Canada defines its position in the Indo-Pacific through the lens of American priorities and perspectives. For its part, the AOIP expresses an ASEAN consensus position but fails to capture the highly complex and varied views of different ASEAN states toward the US and China. The ASEAN states are status-quo powers navigating a region that is undergoing profound strategic and economic changes. By allying itself so firmly with the US, Canada participates in sowing tension in the Indo-Pacific and may face potential consequences in the longer term. CIPS allows little room for the complex regional relations that the ASEAN states are trying to balance.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"172 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45659214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231178924
Paul Meyer
George Ignatieff had a long and distinguished diplomatic career, but only his last posting to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva (1969–1972) enabled him to focus on the existential threat posed by weapons of mass destruction and what could be done through arms control and disarmament to avoid a nuclear Armageddon. He was adept at maneuvering within the limits available to middle powers during the Cold War. Ignatieff was ahead of his time in proposing a professionalization of the policy development process for Canada, and in suggesting means to bridge the gap between bureaucratic and political institutions in defining security policy. Several of his ideas would be realized only years afterwards. Throughout his life he was “indefatigable in his work for peace and international security,” and his contribution to disarmament diplomacy merits renewed attention as the world enters another period of nuclear threats.
{"title":"George Ignatieff: A feisty disarmament diplomat in the Cold War era","authors":"Paul Meyer","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178924","url":null,"abstract":"George Ignatieff had a long and distinguished diplomatic career, but only his last posting to the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva (1969–1972) enabled him to focus on the existential threat posed by weapons of mass destruction and what could be done through arms control and disarmament to avoid a nuclear Armageddon. He was adept at maneuvering within the limits available to middle powers during the Cold War. Ignatieff was ahead of his time in proposing a professionalization of the policy development process for Canada, and in suggesting means to bridge the gap between bureaucratic and political institutions in defining security policy. Several of his ideas would be realized only years afterwards. Throughout his life he was “indefatigable in his work for peace and international security,” and his contribution to disarmament diplomacy merits renewed attention as the world enters another period of nuclear threats.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"263 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48385702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231175684
Susan Khazaeli
Public debate about Canada's role in the Middle East is divided between two camps. One camp contends that Canadian foreign policy should return to its Pearsonian roots, in which Canada plays the role of a dispassionate but honest broker. The other holds that Canada's foreign policy should be defined by high-minded principles. The disagreement is over norms, not interests. This paper refers to two former Prime Ministers who roughly embody the two schools of thought on Canada's foreign and defense policy in the Middle East: Lester B. Pearson and Stephen Harper. Contrary to conventional wisdom that Harper was a realist and Pearson, a Pearsonian, the paper demonstrates that Pearson pursued a realist foreign policy that advances Canada's national security interests whereas Harper was guided by a values-based neo-conservative ideology.
{"title":"In search of a Canadian Middle East policy: A look at past approaches","authors":"Susan Khazaeli","doi":"10.1177/00207020231175684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231175684","url":null,"abstract":"Public debate about Canada's role in the Middle East is divided between two camps. One camp contends that Canadian foreign policy should return to its Pearsonian roots, in which Canada plays the role of a dispassionate but honest broker. The other holds that Canada's foreign policy should be defined by high-minded principles. The disagreement is over norms, not interests. This paper refers to two former Prime Ministers who roughly embody the two schools of thought on Canada's foreign and defense policy in the Middle East: Lester B. Pearson and Stephen Harper. Contrary to conventional wisdom that Harper was a realist and Pearson, a Pearsonian, the paper demonstrates that Pearson pursued a realist foreign policy that advances Canada's national security interests whereas Harper was guided by a values-based neo-conservative ideology.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"108 - 126"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49107215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231178394
Patrick Perron
This article outlines historical shifts in US and Canadian space policies using the sanctuary-contested policy framework. It highlights how sanctuary policies were born out of necessity rather than the pursuit of a peaceful global commons; they were never intended to, and did not, prevent the militarization and weaponization of space. The paper then describes challenges to global space governance and argues that diplomacy will not prevent conflicts in space. After introducing elements of deterrence theory, this paper concludes that Canada should move beyond the sanctuary ideology, make space a national whole-of-government issue, and align its space policy and strategy with allies and partners, credibly communicating Canada's resolve to protect and defend space assets. It further recommends that Canada develop niche capabilities that contribute to more effective national and collective deterrence and defence in space. Those capabilities should build upon existing niche strengths, not create space debris, and leverage industrial innovation in space.
{"title":"Moving beyond the sanctuary paradigm: Canada must face up to the reality of a contested and dangerous space environment","authors":"Patrick Perron","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178394","url":null,"abstract":"This article outlines historical shifts in US and Canadian space policies using the sanctuary-contested policy framework. It highlights how sanctuary policies were born out of necessity rather than the pursuit of a peaceful global commons; they were never intended to, and did not, prevent the militarization and weaponization of space. The paper then describes challenges to global space governance and argues that diplomacy will not prevent conflicts in space. After introducing elements of deterrence theory, this paper concludes that Canada should move beyond the sanctuary ideology, make space a national whole-of-government issue, and align its space policy and strategy with allies and partners, credibly communicating Canada's resolve to protect and defend space assets. It further recommends that Canada develop niche capabilities that contribute to more effective national and collective deterrence and defence in space. Those capabilities should build upon existing niche strengths, not create space debris, and leverage industrial innovation in space.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"147 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41339749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231179054
Layton J. Mandle, F. Pearson
The end of the Cold War era has ushered in a century in which great military powers like the US, China, and Russia continue to dominate the arms trade, yet minor powers are also investing heavily in arms manufacturing and technologies and profiting from lucrative arms transfers. Changes in the arms trade have fostered cooperative international regulatory practices and agreements, but recent conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Ukraine highlight the need for strong end-use monitoring, post-shipment verification, and international accountability for dubious trade deals. This study analyzes changes in top arms producers, new complexities in arms regulation due to advancing technologies and artificial intelligence, arms-control policies of international organizations and top arms producers, and the risks of poor regulation.
{"title":"International arms trade and transfers: Rising producers, advanced technology, and adapting regulations","authors":"Layton J. Mandle, F. Pearson","doi":"10.1177/00207020231179054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231179054","url":null,"abstract":"The end of the Cold War era has ushered in a century in which great military powers like the US, China, and Russia continue to dominate the arms trade, yet minor powers are also investing heavily in arms manufacturing and technologies and profiting from lucrative arms transfers. Changes in the arms trade have fostered cooperative international regulatory practices and agreements, but recent conflicts in Yemen, Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Ukraine highlight the need for strong end-use monitoring, post-shipment verification, and international accountability for dubious trade deals. This study analyzes changes in top arms producers, new complexities in arms regulation due to advancing technologies and artificial intelligence, arms-control policies of international organizations and top arms producers, and the risks of poor regulation.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"60 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41857542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231178390
Sara Kahn Nisser
Institutions that monitor violations of human rights, particularly of victims living outside their home countries, will often name the victims’ countries of origin in their reports. This article looks at this understudied practice and argues that it unintentionally creates bilateral retaliation dynamics between the victims’ home country and the country violating the victims’ rights. The article defines retaliation and explains why countries care about violations of their citizens’ rights that take place abroad. Through empirical analysis, the article shows that countries retaliate in response to violations of their citizens’ rights which have been identified and publicized by the UN Committee Against Torture. I use a new dyadic dataset on the abuse of foreigners’ human rights, as identified by Amnesty International and the Committee Against Torture, to test the hypothesis that a country's abuse of foreigners from a peer country is associated with that peer country's abuse of rights of citizens from the observed country. I then examine the Syrian–Lebanese case to trace the process of retaliation. These analyses support the hypothesis that countries retaliate against violations of their citizens’ rights abroad.
{"title":"Publication of foreigners’ human rights abuses and retaliation between Convention Against Torture (CAT) states","authors":"Sara Kahn Nisser","doi":"10.1177/00207020231178390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231178390","url":null,"abstract":"Institutions that monitor violations of human rights, particularly of victims living outside their home countries, will often name the victims’ countries of origin in their reports. This article looks at this understudied practice and argues that it unintentionally creates bilateral retaliation dynamics between the victims’ home country and the country violating the victims’ rights. The article defines retaliation and explains why countries care about violations of their citizens’ rights that take place abroad. Through empirical analysis, the article shows that countries retaliate in response to violations of their citizens’ rights which have been identified and publicized by the UN Committee Against Torture. I use a new dyadic dataset on the abuse of foreigners’ human rights, as identified by Amnesty International and the Committee Against Torture, to test the hypothesis that a country's abuse of foreigners from a peer country is associated with that peer country's abuse of rights of citizens from the observed country. I then examine the Syrian–Lebanese case to trace the process of retaliation. These analyses support the hypothesis that countries retaliate against violations of their citizens’ rights abroad.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"78 1","pages":"87 - 107"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49285913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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