Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231165523
Janis van der Westhuizen
How do deeply unequal cities in the Global South project soft power, and what are the tensions and contradictions that emerge when they do? Cities’ strategies to enhance their international appeal can be gauged through three interlocking or complementary approaches: first, leveraging the strategic value of events and associated services; second, developing iconic architecture and mega-projects; and third, making themselves attractive to the so-called “creative class.” Drawing on a brief comparative analysis of Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town, these strategies are assessed in relation to the dynamics of soft power and soft disempowerment. Although Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town share formidable resources to generate soft power, their societal complexities of crime and violence cast a heavy disempowering shadow on their innovative soft power strategies.
{"title":"Gorgeous but dangerous: Comparing Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town’s soft-power struggles","authors":"Janis van der Westhuizen","doi":"10.1177/00207020231165523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231165523","url":null,"abstract":"How do deeply unequal cities in the Global South project soft power, and what are the tensions and contradictions that emerge when they do? Cities’ strategies to enhance their international appeal can be gauged through three interlocking or complementary approaches: first, leveraging the strategic value of events and associated services; second, developing iconic architecture and mega-projects; and third, making themselves attractive to the so-called “creative class.” Drawing on a brief comparative analysis of Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town, these strategies are assessed in relation to the dynamics of soft power and soft disempowerment. Although Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town share formidable resources to generate soft power, their societal complexities of crime and violence cast a heavy disempowering shadow on their innovative soft power strategies.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"674 - 692"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43236426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231165519
Liam Midzain-Gobin
market value constantly adds layers of conflict. As academics and other commentators have noted, many companies also perceived themselves, or were perceived, as “unpunishable.” Emulating political patronage structures, mine sites may present themselves as positive and beneficial while they are exploitative and dangerous to many. More challenging in this globally competitive industry is the influence of China’s foreign policy objectives, addressed by several authors in this section. China takes no issue with the sometimes-weak governance of African states and is content to disregard corruption, conflict, or other local social abuses in order to access mines. While not immune to similar charges, Western companies are held to international standards that China is not. INGOs are forcing cleaner definitions, standards, and expectations. Slowly, both local and host investor politics are producing “more nuanced agreements.” Finally, in their concluding chapter, Andrews, Edward Akuffo, and Grant observe that none of the included case studies point to an ideal mode of natural resources development. Each actor (state, corporation, community, NGO, IGO, INGO) presents various opportunities and drawbacks. Conflicting expectations, intentions, and understandings continue to grossly impede meaningful progress for people across the continent. The Global North’s increasing penchant toward the development of industrywide norms for mining sites around the world, while laudable, is still at its core imbued with colonialism and colonial superiority over the resource-rich countries of Africa. Whether natural resource development is a panacea or a Pandora’s box remains inconclusive.
{"title":"Book Review: Making and Breaking Settler Space: Five Centuries of Colonization in North America","authors":"Liam Midzain-Gobin","doi":"10.1177/00207020231165519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231165519","url":null,"abstract":"market value constantly adds layers of conflict. As academics and other commentators have noted, many companies also perceived themselves, or were perceived, as “unpunishable.” Emulating political patronage structures, mine sites may present themselves as positive and beneficial while they are exploitative and dangerous to many. More challenging in this globally competitive industry is the influence of China’s foreign policy objectives, addressed by several authors in this section. China takes no issue with the sometimes-weak governance of African states and is content to disregard corruption, conflict, or other local social abuses in order to access mines. While not immune to similar charges, Western companies are held to international standards that China is not. INGOs are forcing cleaner definitions, standards, and expectations. Slowly, both local and host investor politics are producing “more nuanced agreements.” Finally, in their concluding chapter, Andrews, Edward Akuffo, and Grant observe that none of the included case studies point to an ideal mode of natural resources development. Each actor (state, corporation, community, NGO, IGO, INGO) presents various opportunities and drawbacks. Conflicting expectations, intentions, and understandings continue to grossly impede meaningful progress for people across the continent. The Global North’s increasing penchant toward the development of industrywide norms for mining sites around the world, while laudable, is still at its core imbued with colonialism and colonial superiority over the resource-rich countries of Africa. Whether natural resource development is a panacea or a Pandora’s box remains inconclusive.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"733 - 736"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46777975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163490
R. Tiessen, Nnenna Okoli
In this paper, we consider the role of “feminist inside activists” in shaping the Canadian international policy landscape and provide examples of how government employees have actively promoted feminist and gender equality priorities. Specifically, this paper advances our understanding of how policy translates into action, and the transformative potential of agents of change in gender equality and feminist policy-making within Canada’s international policy machinery. Building on studies that identify the significant contributions of mid-level government employees who fight to keep gender equality a priority in government programming, we explore these contributions in the context of inside activism, documenting the significance of the work of both senior and mid-level government officials in advancing feminist policies and priorities. As an agency-focused analysis, this study complements and builds on critical feminist analyses of structural and systemic inequality.
{"title":"Towards a transformative vision for gender and Canadian international policy: The role and impact of ‘feminist inside activists’","authors":"R. Tiessen, Nnenna Okoli","doi":"10.1177/00207020231163490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231163490","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we consider the role of “feminist inside activists” in shaping the Canadian international policy landscape and provide examples of how government employees have actively promoted feminist and gender equality priorities. Specifically, this paper advances our understanding of how policy translates into action, and the transformative potential of agents of change in gender equality and feminist policy-making within Canada’s international policy machinery. Building on studies that identify the significant contributions of mid-level government employees who fight to keep gender equality a priority in government programming, we explore these contributions in the context of inside activism, documenting the significance of the work of both senior and mid-level government officials in advancing feminist policies and priorities. As an agency-focused analysis, this study complements and builds on critical feminist analyses of structural and systemic inequality.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"615 - 637"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41354465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163058
Muhammet Koçak
In the mid-2010s Turkey-Russia relations gained a strategic dimension after the two nations began to work together in Syria and took bold steps to cooperate on defence and nuclear energy. This development was commonly regarded as a major shift in Turkish foreign policy. This article argues that the context in which the Turkey-Russia nexus operates is historically rooted. Since the nineteenth century, Russia almost has been the most critical threat to Turkey; and Turkey consistently sought to moderate this threat, mostly with Western assistance. But when Turkey either failed to subdue Russia or there was no significant threat, it would opt for rapprochement with Russia. An examination of the historical background of Turkey-Russia relations helps explain these nations’ contemporary dynamics with one another.
{"title":"Drowning man catching a straw: An explanation of Turkey’s history of rapprochements with Russia","authors":"Muhammet Koçak","doi":"10.1177/00207020231163058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231163058","url":null,"abstract":"In the mid-2010s Turkey-Russia relations gained a strategic dimension after the two nations began to work together in Syria and took bold steps to cooperate on defence and nuclear energy. This development was commonly regarded as a major shift in Turkish foreign policy. This article argues that the context in which the Turkey-Russia nexus operates is historically rooted. Since the nineteenth century, Russia almost has been the most critical threat to Turkey; and Turkey consistently sought to moderate this threat, mostly with Western assistance. But when Turkey either failed to subdue Russia or there was no significant threat, it would opt for rapprochement with Russia. An examination of the historical background of Turkey-Russia relations helps explain these nations’ contemporary dynamics with one another.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"713 - 725"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48707562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"China and the Soviet Union","authors":"L. Walmsley, Aitchen K. Wu","doi":"10.2307/40197565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40197565","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"6 1","pages":"162"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40197565","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42945792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-09DOI: 10.3917/scpo.david.2022.01
Louis Balthazar, C. David, J. Vaisse, L. Lüthi
Fondements, acteurs, formulationCharles-Philippe David, Louis Balthazar, and Justin VaisseParis: Presses de Sciences Po, 2003, 382pp, 29.80 paper (ISBN 2-7246-0919-0)At a time when it seems that the leaders of the United States and France have lost their good manners and common sense over Iraq, it is reassuring that a French press is capable of publishing a book on US foreign policy devoid of the current polemical debate on alleged American arrogance in international affairs or supposedly traditional French intransigence. This is certainly intrinsically linked to the choice of the three co-authors: two senior francophone Canadian scholars based at the Observatoire sur les Etats-Unis de l'Universite du Quebec a Montreal and one French historian with research interests in US foreign affairs, French anti-Americanism and US francophobia.The book succeeds well in its obvious purpose of providing students and the interested lay audience with a concise and comprehensive overview of the foundations and the formulation of US foreign policy since the American Revolution. The co-authors chose wisely to depart from the format, traditional in the English-speaking world, of narrating US foreign policy in presidential chapters or as a clash between idealism and realism. Instead, they have opted to divide the book into three thematic parts consisting of three or four chapters each.The first part--foundations--covers the constitutional basis for the conduct of foreign relations, the national style, the great political arguments since 1776 and modern academic interpretations. This section, which comprehensively discusses the various academic interpretations of US foreign relations in short and concise sketches (including a very useful overview table), impressed this reviewer in particular and will prove helpful to students at the start of their studies of US foreign relations or political science. The second part--agents--covers not only core topics such as the presidency but also the internal structures and role of the bureaucracies in the foreign policy process. The inclusion of the Department of Homeland Security serves as a great example of the book's relevance to current affairs. However, this reviewer would have preferred to see the discussion of that particular department in the context of the National Security Council, which is extensively covered in its own chapter, and of the history of the rise of the national security state since 1945. …
基金会、演员、演职人员:查尔斯·菲利普·大卫、路易斯·巴尔萨泽和贾斯汀·维斯里斯:巴黎政治学院出版社,2003年,382页,29.80页(ISBN 2-7246-0919-0)在美国和法国领导人似乎在伊拉克问题上失去了礼貌和常识的时候,令人放心的是,法国出版社能够出版一本关于美国外交政策的书,而不是目前关于美国在国际事务中所谓的傲慢或所谓的传统法国不妥协的辩论。这当然与三位合著者的选择有着内在的联系:两位供职于蒙特利尔魁北克大学国家观察站(Observatoire sur les etatres - unis de l’university du Quebec)的资深法语加拿大学者,以及一位研究美国外交事务、法国反美主义和美国法语恐惧症的法国历史学家。这本书成功地为学生和感兴趣的外行读者提供了美国独立战争以来美国外交政策的基础和制定的简明而全面的概述。两位合著者明智地选择摒弃了英语世界的传统形式,即在总统章节中叙述美国外交政策,或将其作为理想主义与现实主义之间的冲突。相反,他们选择将这本书分成三个主题部分,每个部分由三到四个章节组成。第一部分——基础——涵盖了外交行为的宪法基础、民族风格、1776年以来的重大政治争论和现代学术解释。这一节以简短而简洁的概述(包括一个非常有用的概述表)全面讨论了对美国外交关系的各种学术解释,给这位评论家留下了特别深刻的印象,并将证明对刚开始学习美国外交关系或政治学的学生很有帮助。第二部分——代理人——不仅涵盖了总统职位等核心话题,还涵盖了官僚机构在外交政策过程中的内部结构和作用。国土安全部(Department of Homeland Security)的加入是这本书与时事相关的一个很好的例子。然而,本评论家更希望看到在国家安全委员会的背景下讨论这个特定的部门,在自己的章节中有广泛的讨论,以及自1945年以来国家安全状态的兴起历史。…
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Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143293
Gonca Oguz Gok
is that even in the 21 century, unionism not only remains but exists across the political spectrum. During Paul Martin’s government in the early 2000s, there was open speculation in the press about Canada absorbing Turks and Caicos. The same idea was advocated for in the right-wing Dorchester Review in 2014, and debated, two years later, at the federal New Democratic Party’s policy convention. Hastings’s remarkable and important book shows why it is that some Canadians still seek a place in the sun.
{"title":"Book Review: Poverty Narratives and Power Paradoxes in International Trade Negotiations and Beyond","authors":"Gonca Oguz Gok","doi":"10.1177/00207020221143293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020221143293","url":null,"abstract":"is that even in the 21 century, unionism not only remains but exists across the political spectrum. During Paul Martin’s government in the early 2000s, there was open speculation in the press about Canada absorbing Turks and Caicos. The same idea was advocated for in the right-wing Dorchester Review in 2014, and debated, two years later, at the federal New Democratic Party’s policy convention. Hastings’s remarkable and important book shows why it is that some Canadians still seek a place in the sun.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"537 - 539"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48845871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143277
W. Knight
There is a crisis of global governance at this moment in our history -- a moment being labeled as 'the interregnum -- a moment of transition from one world order to another. The turbulence and disequilibrium of this moment in our history have triggered intense and growing interest in the concept and practice of governance at all levels. This is not a reflexive moment; it is a time for serious reflection and contemplation; a time for reconceptualizing ‘global governance’; an auspicious moment for constructing a new global governance paradigm. To assist in this introspective exercise, it may be important to shift from 'problem-solving' theorizing to a 'critical theory' approach that stands outside prevailing understandings of what global governance has come to mean and discard the oversimplified state-centric vision of world order; replacing it with the more nuanced 'summative' global governance - a concept that is more sophisticated and flexible than previous ones and may provide the needed space and time for us to transform the practice of global governance.
{"title":"The interregnum: Governance in the new world disorder","authors":"W. Knight","doi":"10.1177/00207020221143277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020221143277","url":null,"abstract":"There is a crisis of global governance at this moment in our history -- a moment being labeled as 'the interregnum -- a moment of transition from one world order to another. The turbulence and disequilibrium of this moment in our history have triggered intense and growing interest in the concept and practice of governance at all levels. This is not a reflexive moment; it is a time for serious reflection and contemplation; a time for reconceptualizing ‘global governance’; an auspicious moment for constructing a new global governance paradigm. To assist in this introspective exercise, it may be important to shift from 'problem-solving' theorizing to a 'critical theory' approach that stands outside prevailing understandings of what global governance has come to mean and discard the oversimplified state-centric vision of world order; replacing it with the more nuanced 'summative' global governance - a concept that is more sophisticated and flexible than previous ones and may provide the needed space and time for us to transform the practice of global governance.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"485 - 502"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41743605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143279
A. Chapnick
Ever since Canada failed to be elected to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member in June 2020, there have been calls for Ottawa to realign Canadian foreign policy with the national interest. It is hardly the first time that such a plea has been made: critics advocated similarly in the 1870s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 2000s. Yet, in each case, they recommended a different policy solution. Having reviewed these episodes, this essay concludes that the real debate in Canadian foreign policy has never been about the national interest, per se. To borrow from the language of strategy, Ottawa’s critics have merely privileged different “ways” of achieving the same “ends,” while everyone yearns for the “means” to do more.
{"title":"Much ado about very little: Canada’s national interests in history and practice","authors":"A. Chapnick","doi":"10.1177/00207020221143279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020221143279","url":null,"abstract":"Ever since Canada failed to be elected to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member in June 2020, there have been calls for Ottawa to realign Canadian foreign policy with the national interest. It is hardly the first time that such a plea has been made: critics advocated similarly in the 1870s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 2000s. Yet, in each case, they recommended a different policy solution. Having reviewed these episodes, this essay concludes that the real debate in Canadian foreign policy has never been about the national interest, per se. To borrow from the language of strategy, Ottawa’s critics have merely privileged different “ways” of achieving the same “ends,” while everyone yearns for the “means” to do more.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"515 - 528"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41956289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231157127
D. Black, L. Swatuk
Post–World War II thinking about security, prosperity, and development emphasized macro-level explanations, applied across widely varied temporal and spatial scales. Western scholars of International Relations (IR) were preoccupied with questions of strategic balance and world order, typically focusing on possibilities for war and peace through one of two lenses, Realist or Idealist. Similarly, challenges of prosperity and development were understood in competing “modernization” or “dependency” terms, where “underdevelopment” was seen as the product of either “backward” states or an exploitative world system. In almost every case, the unit of analysis was the sovereign state operating in an anarchical inter-state (or international) system. Over time, many came to perceive these dominant explanations of (dis)order not only as deficient analytically but harmful in practice. Put differently, the actual course of world events rarely, if ever, matched the outcomes expected by the theorists. During the several decades of the Cold War, marked paradoxically by political and economic turmoil and rigidity, many scholars came to abandon dominant approaches, preferring to pursue more complex and multi-dimensional analyses of the sources of, and solutions for, insecurity and underdevelopment. For example, beginning in the 1970s, a critical current of development thought shifted emphasis to an array of both formal and informal actors, linking local, regional, and transnational dynamics, and highlighting diverse forms of agency, including a central role for civil society. Among scholars of IR, the so-called first “great debate” highlighted above was overlaid by second, third, and fourth “great debates,” none of which is close to being resolved and has led to an increasingly “post-paradigmatic” turn. This proliferation of perspectives is most readily reflected in the number and variety of sections comprising the International Studies Association (ISA). Up to the 1970s, the ISA “was largely [comprised of] scholars of the international system, mostly political scientist[s], almost all from the U.S. with a sprinkling of Canadians, many of whom had academic ties to the U.S., and about a dozen members from the Caribbean.” Today there are thirty sections, including Environmental Studies, Feminist Theory and Gender Studies, Global Development, Global Health Studies, International Political Economy, Religion and International Relations, and a section on Theory. Within most of these sections, there is a clear
{"title":"Eclectic political economies of a world disordered: Silences, interstices, agencies","authors":"D. Black, L. Swatuk","doi":"10.1177/00207020231157127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231157127","url":null,"abstract":"Post–World War II thinking about security, prosperity, and development emphasized macro-level explanations, applied across widely varied temporal and spatial scales. Western scholars of International Relations (IR) were preoccupied with questions of strategic balance and world order, typically focusing on possibilities for war and peace through one of two lenses, Realist or Idealist. Similarly, challenges of prosperity and development were understood in competing “modernization” or “dependency” terms, where “underdevelopment” was seen as the product of either “backward” states or an exploitative world system. In almost every case, the unit of analysis was the sovereign state operating in an anarchical inter-state (or international) system. Over time, many came to perceive these dominant explanations of (dis)order not only as deficient analytically but harmful in practice. Put differently, the actual course of world events rarely, if ever, matched the outcomes expected by the theorists. During the several decades of the Cold War, marked paradoxically by political and economic turmoil and rigidity, many scholars came to abandon dominant approaches, preferring to pursue more complex and multi-dimensional analyses of the sources of, and solutions for, insecurity and underdevelopment. For example, beginning in the 1970s, a critical current of development thought shifted emphasis to an array of both formal and informal actors, linking local, regional, and transnational dynamics, and highlighting diverse forms of agency, including a central role for civil society. Among scholars of IR, the so-called first “great debate” highlighted above was overlaid by second, third, and fourth “great debates,” none of which is close to being resolved and has led to an increasingly “post-paradigmatic” turn. This proliferation of perspectives is most readily reflected in the number and variety of sections comprising the International Studies Association (ISA). Up to the 1970s, the ISA “was largely [comprised of] scholars of the international system, mostly political scientist[s], almost all from the U.S. with a sprinkling of Canadians, many of whom had academic ties to the U.S., and about a dozen members from the Caribbean.” Today there are thirty sections, including Environmental Studies, Feminist Theory and Gender Studies, Global Development, Global Health Studies, International Political Economy, Religion and International Relations, and a section on Theory. Within most of these sections, there is a clear","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"77 1","pages":"389 - 395"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64776262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}