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Gorgeous but dangerous: Comparing Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town’s soft-power struggles 华丽但危险:比较里约热内卢和开普敦的软实力斗争
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231165523
Janis van der Westhuizen
How do deeply unequal cities in the Global South project soft power, and what are the tensions and contradictions that emerge when they do? Cities’ strategies to enhance their international appeal can be gauged through three interlocking or complementary approaches: first, leveraging the strategic value of events and associated services; second, developing iconic architecture and mega-projects; and third, making themselves attractive to the so-called “creative class.” Drawing on a brief comparative analysis of Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town, these strategies are assessed in relation to the dynamics of soft power and soft disempowerment. Although Rio de Janeiro and Cape Town share formidable resources to generate soft power, their societal complexities of crime and violence cast a heavy disempowering shadow on their innovative soft power strategies.
全球南方极不平等的城市是如何投射软实力的?当他们这样做时,会出现什么紧张和矛盾?城市提高其国际吸引力的战略可以通过三种相互关联或互补的方法来衡量:第一,利用活动和相关服务的战略价值;第二,发展标志性建筑和大型项目;第三,使自己对所谓的“创意阶层”有吸引力。通过对里约热内卢和开普敦的简短比较分析,这些战略是根据软实力和软剥夺权力的动态进行评估的。尽管里约热内卢和开普敦共享强大的资源来产生软实力,但其犯罪和暴力的社会复杂性给其创新的软实力战略蒙上了沉重的阴影。
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引用次数: 1
Book Review: Making and Breaking Settler Space: Five Centuries of Colonization in North America 书评:创造和打破定居空间:北美殖民的五个世纪
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231165519
Liam Midzain-Gobin
market value constantly adds layers of conflict. As academics and other commentators have noted, many companies also perceived themselves, or were perceived, as “unpunishable.” Emulating political patronage structures, mine sites may present themselves as positive and beneficial while they are exploitative and dangerous to many. More challenging in this globally competitive industry is the influence of China’s foreign policy objectives, addressed by several authors in this section. China takes no issue with the sometimes-weak governance of African states and is content to disregard corruption, conflict, or other local social abuses in order to access mines. While not immune to similar charges, Western companies are held to international standards that China is not. INGOs are forcing cleaner definitions, standards, and expectations. Slowly, both local and host investor politics are producing “more nuanced agreements.” Finally, in their concluding chapter, Andrews, Edward Akuffo, and Grant observe that none of the included case studies point to an ideal mode of natural resources development. Each actor (state, corporation, community, NGO, IGO, INGO) presents various opportunities and drawbacks. Conflicting expectations, intentions, and understandings continue to grossly impede meaningful progress for people across the continent. The Global North’s increasing penchant toward the development of industrywide norms for mining sites around the world, while laudable, is still at its core imbued with colonialism and colonial superiority over the resource-rich countries of Africa. Whether natural resource development is a panacea or a Pandora’s box remains inconclusive.
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引用次数: 0
Towards a transformative vision for gender and Canadian international policy: The role and impact of ‘feminist inside activists’ 迈向性别与加拿大国际政策的变革愿景:“内部女权主义者”的角色与影响
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163490
R. Tiessen, Nnenna Okoli
In this paper, we consider the role of “feminist inside activists” in shaping the Canadian international policy landscape and provide examples of how government employees have actively promoted feminist and gender equality priorities. Specifically, this paper advances our understanding of how policy translates into action, and the transformative potential of agents of change in gender equality and feminist policy-making within Canada’s international policy machinery. Building on studies that identify the significant contributions of mid-level government employees who fight to keep gender equality a priority in government programming, we explore these contributions in the context of inside activism, documenting the significance of the work of both senior and mid-level government officials in advancing feminist policies and priorities. As an agency-focused analysis, this study complements and builds on critical feminist analyses of structural and systemic inequality.
在本文中,我们考虑了“女权主义内部活动家”在塑造加拿大国际政策格局中的作用,并提供了政府雇员如何积极推动女权主义和性别平等优先事项的例子。具体而言,本文加深了我们对政策如何转化为行动的理解,以及加拿大国际政策机制中性别平等和女权主义政策制定的变革推动者的变革潜力。在确定中层政府雇员的重大贡献的研究基础上,我们在内部激进主义的背景下探讨了这些贡献,记录了高级和中级政府官员在推进女权主义政策和优先事项方面的工作意义。作为一项以机构为中心的分析,本研究补充并建立在对结构性和系统性不平等的批判性女权主义分析的基础上。
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引用次数: 0
Drowning man catching a straw: An explanation of Turkey’s history of rapprochements with Russia 溺水男子抓稻草:土耳其与俄罗斯和解历史的解释
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231163058
Muhammet Koçak
In the mid-2010s Turkey-Russia relations gained a strategic dimension after the two nations began to work together in Syria and took bold steps to cooperate on defence and nuclear energy. This development was commonly regarded as a major shift in Turkish foreign policy. This article argues that the context in which the Turkey-Russia nexus operates is historically rooted. Since the nineteenth century, Russia almost has been the most critical threat to Turkey; and Turkey consistently sought to moderate this threat, mostly with Western assistance. But when Turkey either failed to subdue Russia or there was no significant threat, it would opt for rapprochement with Russia. An examination of the historical background of Turkey-Russia relations helps explain these nations’ contemporary dynamics with one another.
2010年代中期,土俄两国开始在叙利亚问题上展开合作,并在国防和核能领域采取大胆举措,两国关系由此进入战略层面。这一发展通常被认为是土耳其外交政策的重大转变。本文认为,土俄关系运作的背景是有历史根源的。自19世纪以来,俄罗斯几乎一直是土耳其最大的威胁;土耳其一直在寻求缓和这一威胁,主要是在西方的帮助下。但当土耳其未能制服俄罗斯,或者没有重大威胁时,它会选择与俄罗斯和解。对土俄关系历史背景的考察有助于解释这些国家之间的当代动态。
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引用次数: 0
China and the Soviet Union 中国与苏联
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-11-03 DOI: 10.2307/40197565
L. Walmsley, Aitchen K. Wu
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引用次数: 34
La politique étrangère des États‐Unis 美国的外交政策
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.3917/scpo.david.2022.01
Louis Balthazar, C. David, J. Vaisse, L. Lüthi
Fondements, acteurs, formulationCharles-Philippe David, Louis Balthazar, and Justin VaisseParis: Presses de Sciences Po, 2003, 382pp, 29.80 paper (ISBN 2-7246-0919-0)At a time when it seems that the leaders of the United States and France have lost their good manners and common sense over Iraq, it is reassuring that a French press is capable of publishing a book on US foreign policy devoid of the current polemical debate on alleged American arrogance in international affairs or supposedly traditional French intransigence. This is certainly intrinsically linked to the choice of the three co-authors: two senior francophone Canadian scholars based at the Observatoire sur les Etats-Unis de l'Universite du Quebec a Montreal and one French historian with research interests in US foreign affairs, French anti-Americanism and US francophobia.The book succeeds well in its obvious purpose of providing students and the interested lay audience with a concise and comprehensive overview of the foundations and the formulation of US foreign policy since the American Revolution. The co-authors chose wisely to depart from the format, traditional in the English-speaking world, of narrating US foreign policy in presidential chapters or as a clash between idealism and realism. Instead, they have opted to divide the book into three thematic parts consisting of three or four chapters each.The first part--foundations--covers the constitutional basis for the conduct of foreign relations, the national style, the great political arguments since 1776 and modern academic interpretations. This section, which comprehensively discusses the various academic interpretations of US foreign relations in short and concise sketches (including a very useful overview table), impressed this reviewer in particular and will prove helpful to students at the start of their studies of US foreign relations or political science. The second part--agents--covers not only core topics such as the presidency but also the internal structures and role of the bureaucracies in the foreign policy process. The inclusion of the Department of Homeland Security serves as a great example of the book's relevance to current affairs. However, this reviewer would have preferred to see the discussion of that particular department in the context of the National Security Council, which is extensively covered in its own chapter, and of the history of the rise of the national security state since 1945. …
基金会、演员、演职人员:查尔斯·菲利普·大卫、路易斯·巴尔萨泽和贾斯汀·维斯里斯:巴黎政治学院出版社,2003年,382页,29.80页(ISBN 2-7246-0919-0)在美国和法国领导人似乎在伊拉克问题上失去了礼貌和常识的时候,令人放心的是,法国出版社能够出版一本关于美国外交政策的书,而不是目前关于美国在国际事务中所谓的傲慢或所谓的传统法国不妥协的辩论。这当然与三位合著者的选择有着内在的联系:两位供职于蒙特利尔魁北克大学国家观察站(Observatoire sur les etatres - unis de l’university du Quebec)的资深法语加拿大学者,以及一位研究美国外交事务、法国反美主义和美国法语恐惧症的法国历史学家。这本书成功地为学生和感兴趣的外行读者提供了美国独立战争以来美国外交政策的基础和制定的简明而全面的概述。两位合著者明智地选择摒弃了英语世界的传统形式,即在总统章节中叙述美国外交政策,或将其作为理想主义与现实主义之间的冲突。相反,他们选择将这本书分成三个主题部分,每个部分由三到四个章节组成。第一部分——基础——涵盖了外交行为的宪法基础、民族风格、1776年以来的重大政治争论和现代学术解释。这一节以简短而简洁的概述(包括一个非常有用的概述表)全面讨论了对美国外交关系的各种学术解释,给这位评论家留下了特别深刻的印象,并将证明对刚开始学习美国外交关系或政治学的学生很有帮助。第二部分——代理人——不仅涵盖了总统职位等核心话题,还涵盖了官僚机构在外交政策过程中的内部结构和作用。国土安全部(Department of Homeland Security)的加入是这本书与时事相关的一个很好的例子。然而,本评论家更希望看到在国家安全委员会的背景下讨论这个特定的部门,在自己的章节中有广泛的讨论,以及自1945年以来国家安全状态的兴起历史。…
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引用次数: 4
Book Review: Poverty Narratives and Power Paradoxes in International Trade Negotiations and Beyond 书评:国际贸易谈判中的贫困叙事与权力悖论
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143293
Gonca Oguz Gok
is that even in the 21 century, unionism not only remains but exists across the political spectrum. During Paul Martin’s government in the early 2000s, there was open speculation in the press about Canada absorbing Turks and Caicos. The same idea was advocated for in the right-wing Dorchester Review in 2014, and debated, two years later, at the federal New Democratic Party’s policy convention. Hastings’s remarkable and important book shows why it is that some Canadians still seek a place in the sun.
即使在21世纪,统一主义不仅仍然存在,而且存在于各个政治派别。在21世纪初保罗·马丁政府执政期间,媒体公开猜测加拿大将吸收特克斯和凯科斯群岛。2014年,右翼的《多切斯特评论》也提出了同样的想法,两年后,在联邦新民主党的政策大会上进行了辩论。黑斯廷斯的这本非凡而重要的书表明了为什么一些加拿大人仍然在阳光下寻找一席之地。
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引用次数: 0
The interregnum: Governance in the new world disorder 过渡时期:新世界混乱中的治理
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143277
W. Knight
There is a crisis of global governance at this moment in our history -- a moment being labeled as 'the interregnum -- a moment of transition from one world order to another. The turbulence and disequilibrium of this moment in our history have triggered intense and growing interest in the concept and practice of governance at all levels. This is not a reflexive moment; it is a time for serious reflection and contemplation; a time for reconceptualizing ‘global governance’; an auspicious moment for constructing a new global governance paradigm. To assist in this introspective exercise, it may be important to shift from 'problem-solving' theorizing to a 'critical theory' approach that stands outside prevailing understandings of what global governance has come to mean and discard the oversimplified state-centric vision of world order; replacing it with the more nuanced 'summative' global governance - a concept that is more sophisticated and flexible than previous ones and may provide the needed space and time for us to transform the practice of global governance.
在我们历史上的这个时刻,出现了一场全球治理危机——一个被称为“过渡期”的时刻——一个从一个世界秩序过渡到另一个世界的时刻。我们历史上这一时刻的动荡和不平衡引发了人们对各级治理理念和实践的强烈和日益增长的兴趣。这不是一个反射性的时刻;这是一个认真思考和沉思的时刻;重新定义“全球治理”的时代;这是构建新的全球治理模式的大好时机。为了帮助进行这种反思,可能重要的是从“解决问题”的理论转向“批判性理论”的方法,这种方法超越了对全球治理含义的普遍理解,摒弃了过于简单化的以国家为中心的世界秩序观;取而代之的是更微妙的“总结性”全球治理,这一概念比以前的概念更复杂、更灵活,可能为我们转变全球治理实践提供所需的空间和时间。
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引用次数: 0
Much ado about very little: Canada’s national interests in history and practice 事无巨细:加拿大在历史和实践中的国家利益
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020221143279
A. Chapnick
Ever since Canada failed to be elected to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member in June 2020, there have been calls for Ottawa to realign Canadian foreign policy with the national interest. It is hardly the first time that such a plea has been made: critics advocated similarly in the 1870s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 2000s. Yet, in each case, they recommended a different policy solution. Having reviewed these episodes, this essay concludes that the real debate in Canadian foreign policy has never been about the national interest, per se. To borrow from the language of strategy, Ottawa’s critics have merely privileged different “ways” of achieving the same “ends,” while everyone yearns for the “means” to do more.
自2020年6月加拿大未能当选为联合国安理会非常任理事国以来,一直有人呼吁渥太华根据国家利益调整加拿大外交政策。这并不是第一次提出这样的请求:批评者在19世纪70年代、30年代、60年代和21世纪初也提出了类似的主张。然而,在每一种情况下,他们都推荐了不同的政策解决方案。在回顾了这些事件后,本文得出结论,加拿大外交政策中真正的辩论从来都不是关于国家利益本身的。借用战略语言,渥太华的批评者只是优先考虑实现相同“目的”的不同“方式”,而每个人都渴望做得更多的“手段”。
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引用次数: 0
Eclectic political economies of a world disordered: Silences, interstices, agencies 无序世界的折衷政治经济学:沉默、间隙、代理
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231157127
D. Black, L. Swatuk
Post–World War II thinking about security, prosperity, and development emphasized macro-level explanations, applied across widely varied temporal and spatial scales. Western scholars of International Relations (IR) were preoccupied with questions of strategic balance and world order, typically focusing on possibilities for war and peace through one of two lenses, Realist or Idealist. Similarly, challenges of prosperity and development were understood in competing “modernization” or “dependency” terms, where “underdevelopment” was seen as the product of either “backward” states or an exploitative world system. In almost every case, the unit of analysis was the sovereign state operating in an anarchical inter-state (or international) system. Over time, many came to perceive these dominant explanations of (dis)order not only as deficient analytically but harmful in practice. Put differently, the actual course of world events rarely, if ever, matched the outcomes expected by the theorists. During the several decades of the Cold War, marked paradoxically by political and economic turmoil and rigidity, many scholars came to abandon dominant approaches, preferring to pursue more complex and multi-dimensional analyses of the sources of, and solutions for, insecurity and underdevelopment. For example, beginning in the 1970s, a critical current of development thought shifted emphasis to an array of both formal and informal actors, linking local, regional, and transnational dynamics, and highlighting diverse forms of agency, including a central role for civil society. Among scholars of IR, the so-called first “great debate” highlighted above was overlaid by second, third, and fourth “great debates,” none of which is close to being resolved and has led to an increasingly “post-paradigmatic” turn. This proliferation of perspectives is most readily reflected in the number and variety of sections comprising the International Studies Association (ISA). Up to the 1970s, the ISA “was largely [comprised of] scholars of the international system, mostly political scientist[s], almost all from the U.S. with a sprinkling of Canadians, many of whom had academic ties to the U.S., and about a dozen members from the Caribbean.” Today there are thirty sections, including Environmental Studies, Feminist Theory and Gender Studies, Global Development, Global Health Studies, International Political Economy, Religion and International Relations, and a section on Theory. Within most of these sections, there is a clear
二战后对安全、繁荣和发展的思考强调宏观层面的解释,适用于广泛不同的时间和空间尺度。西方国际关系学者专注于战略平衡和世界秩序问题,通常通过现实主义或理想主义两种视角之一关注战争与和平的可能性。同样,繁荣和发展的挑战被理解为相互竞争的“现代化”或“依赖”术语,其中“不发达”被视为“落后”国家或剥削性世界体系的产物。在几乎每一个案例中,分析的单位都是在无政府的国家间(或国际)体系中运作的主权国家。随着时间的推移,许多人开始意识到这些对(无序)秩序的主要解释不仅在分析上有缺陷,而且在实践中是有害的。换句话说,世界事件的实际进程很少(如果有的话)与理论家预期的结果相符。在以政治和经济动荡和僵化为矛盾标志的几十年冷战期间,许多学者开始放弃主流方法,而倾向于对不安全和不发达的根源和解决办法进行更复杂和多维的分析。例如,从20世纪70年代开始,一股关键的发展思潮将重点转向一系列正式和非正式的行动者,将地方、区域和跨国动态联系起来,并强调各种形式的机构,包括民间社会的核心作用。在国际关系学者中,上文强调的所谓第一次“大辩论”被第二次、第三次和第四次“大辩论”所覆盖,这些辩论都没有得到解决,并导致了越来越多的“后范式”转向。这种观点的扩散最容易反映在国际研究协会(ISA)组成部门的数量和种类上。直到20世纪70年代,ISA“主要由国际体系的学者组成,主要是政治学家,几乎都来自美国,还有少量加拿大人,其中许多人与美国有学术联系,还有大约12名来自加勒比地区的成员。”今天有30个部分,包括环境研究、女权主义理论与性别研究、全球发展、全球健康研究、国际政治经济学、宗教与国际关系,以及一个理论部分。在大多数这些部分中,都有一个清晰的
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引用次数: 0
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