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Introduction to Forum 论坛简介
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217541
Alexander Lanoszka
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引用次数: 0
NATO's Engagement in the Indo-Pacific: Tokyo's Perceptions and Expectations* 北约在印度洋-太平洋地区的参与:东京的看法和期望*
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217116
Michito Tsuruoka
The war in Ukraine has raised concerns in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly in Japan. Tokyo's December 2022 National Security Strategy states that Russia's aggression has “breached the very foundation of the rules that shape the international order” and warns that a similar situation could happen in the Indo-Pacific. The level of connectivity between the European and Asian security theaters seems to be rising, bringing NATO and Japan closer in strategic terms. NATO has increased its engagement in the Indo-Pacific and is becoming more concerned about China's assertive activities in the region and beyond. Yet, there does not seem to be a consensus within the Alliance on what it should do in the Indo-Pacific region. In the meantime, Japan is focusing more on practical cooperation with individual European countries, first and foremost the United Kingdom, for joint training and exercises and defense equipment cooperation.
乌克兰战争引发了印太地区,尤其是日本的担忧。东京在 2022 年 12 月发布的《国家安全战略》中指出,俄罗斯的侵略 "破坏了国际秩序规则的基础",并警告印太地区也可能出现类似情况。欧洲和亚洲安全区之间的联系水平似乎正在提高,使北约和日本在战略上更加紧密。北约加大了在印度洋-太平洋地区的参与力度,并对中国在该地区内外的强硬活动更加担忧。然而,北约内部似乎并未就其在印太地区应采取的行动达成共识。与此同时,日本更加注重与个别欧洲国家(首先是英国)在联合训练和演习以及防卫装备合作方面的务实合作。
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引用次数: 0
After Ukraine: How Can We Ensure Stability in the Arctic? 乌克兰之后:我们如何确保北极地区的稳定?
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217463
G. Thomasen
“After Ukraine: How can we ensure stability in the Arctic?” presents the findings of two interview-based reports addressing the risk of conflict in the Arctic over a twenty-year perspective. We found that there are concerns that the Arctic may be torn apart as a result of geopolitical forces on several levels, and that the rules-based order in the Arctic has come under pressure after the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the A7's subsequent decision to pause the Arctic Council. This presents a number of risks to future security in the region and the Arctic states are having difficulties figuring out how to move on from here. We identified some of these risks and formulated a set of policy recommendations to mitigate them.
"乌克兰事件之后:我们如何确保北极地区的稳定?我们发现,人们担心地缘政治力量可能会在多个层面上导致北极地区四分五裂,而且在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以及七国集团(A7)随后决定暂停北极理事会之后,北极地区基于规则的秩序受到了压力。这给该地区未来的安全带来了一系列风险,北极国家也很难想出如何继续前行。我们确定了其中的一些风险,并制定了一系列政策建议来缓解这些风险。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Spectre of War: International Communism and the Origins of World War II 书评:战争幽灵:国际共产主义与第二次世界大战的起源
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217114
J. Lalande
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引用次数: 0
The Efficient and Dignified Roles of the Crown in Canadian Foreign Policy 王室在加拿大外交政策中的高效和体面角色
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217110
Richard Berthelsen, Philippe Lagassé
This article draws on Walter Bagehot's distinction between efficient and dignified institutions to examine an understudied facet of the monarchy in Canada: the Crown's role in Canadian foreign policy. The Canadian Crown acts in global affairs in two ways: through the efficient prerogative powers of the Crown exercised by Cabinet, and by means of the dignified “public diplomacy” performed by the office of the governor general. The article demonstrates that the Crown's prerogative powers remain the underlying authority that Canadian governments exercise when pursuing foreign policy objectives and acting in the world. The article then traces the growth of the vice-regal office's foreign policy functions, as well how the governor general's public diplomacy efforts contribute to Canada's global engagement. The article concludes with a brief discussion of King Charles III's place in Canadian foreign affairs as the head of state of multiple, independent realms.
本文借鉴沃尔特-贝格霍特(Walter Bagehot)对高效机构和高尚机构的区分,研究加拿大君主制中一个未被充分研究的方面:王室在加拿大外交政策中的作用。加拿大王室以两种方式参与全球事务:一是通过内阁行使高效的王室特权,二是通过总督府开展高贵的 "公共外交"。文章表明,王室特权仍然是加拿大政府在追求外交政策目标和在世界上采取行动时行使的基本权力。文章随后追溯了副总督府外交政策职能的发展历程,以及总督的公共外交努力如何促进了加拿大的全球参与。文章最后简要讨论了国王查理三世作为多个独立王国的国家元首在加拿大外交事务中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Unexceptional Case of Haiti: Race and Class Privilege in Postcolonial Bourgeois Society 书评:海地的特殊情况:后殖民资产阶级社会中的种族与阶级特权
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217109
Shelby A. E. McPhee
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Blue Helmet Bureaucrats: United Nations Peacekeeping and the Reinvention of Colonialism, 1945–1971 书评:蓝盔官僚:联合国维和行动与殖民主义的重塑,1945-1971 年
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217115
C. Dunton
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Care and the Pluriverse: Rethinking Global Ethics 书评关怀与多元性:重新思考全球伦理
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217113
Ajay Parasram
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引用次数: 0
The Trudeau approaches to Canada-Cuba relations: Like father, like son? 特鲁多对加古关系的态度:有其父必有其子?
4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213609
Peter McKenna
This article seeks to examine the storied Canadian-Cuban relationship—with a specific focus on the two Trudeau Liberal governments (Pierre Elliott, 1968–1984, and his son, Justin, 2015–present). Accordingly, it poses a series of probing and illuminating questions about the “why” of Canada-Cuba relations. The central purpose of this narrative, then, is twofold: 1) to identify the nature and extent of both Pierre Elliott Trudeau's and Justin Trudeau's Cuba policies and 2) to explain the similarities and differences between the two prime ministers’ approaches to Cuba and why exactly key points of departure exist. It will also conclude with some general thoughts or observations on the contours of Canadian-Cuban relations during the two Trudeau periods.
本文旨在探讨加拿大与古巴的传奇关系,并特别关注特鲁多的两届自由党政府(皮埃尔·埃利奥特,1968-1984年,他的儿子贾斯汀,2015年至今)。因此,它提出了一系列关于加拿大和古巴关系“为什么”的探索性和启发性问题。因此,这种叙述的中心目的有两个:1)确定皮埃尔·埃利奥特·特鲁多(Pierre Elliott Trudeau)和贾斯汀·特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)对古巴政策的性质和程度;2)解释两位总理对古巴政策的异同,以及为什么存在关键的分歧点。最后,还将对特鲁多两届任期内加拿大与古巴关系的轮廓提出一些总体看法或观察。
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引用次数: 0
Happy anniversary? Reflections on Samuel Huntington's “clash” thesis at thirty 结婚周年快乐吗?三十岁时对塞缪尔·亨廷顿“冲突”理论的思考
4区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213605
David G. Haglund, Surajreet Singh
This article takes a retrospective look at the controversial “clash-of-civilizations” thesis articulated by Samuel Huntington in the early 1990s. In some respects, the “pearl anniversary” of the thesis reveals it to have stood up reasonably well. If one notable aspect of the Huntingtonian prognosis was its skepticism about the prospects of enduring peace subsequent to the ending of the Cold War, then it could be remarked that the Harvard professor turned out to be prescient. But one can be right for the wrong reasons, and the argument of this article is that Huntington erred in imagining that “civilizational rallying” would develop into the preeminent feature of future global conflict. Specifically, Huntington erred in conflating the affective pull of “nationalism” with that of “civilizationalism.”
本文回顾了塞缪尔·亨廷顿(Samuel Huntington)在20世纪90年代初提出的有争议的“文明冲突”论点。在某些方面,这篇论文的“珍珠纪念日”表明它相当站得住脚。如果亨廷顿预测的一个值得注意的方面是它对冷战结束后持久和平前景的怀疑,那么可以说,这位哈佛教授原来是有先见之明的。但是,一个人可能因为错误的理由而正确,本文的论点是,亨廷顿错误地认为,“文明团结”将发展成为未来全球冲突的主要特征。具体来说,亨廷顿错误地将“民族主义”的情感吸引力与“文明主义”的情感吸引力混为一谈。
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引用次数: 0
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