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Book Review: The Spectre of War: International Communism and the Origins of World War II 书评:战争幽灵:国际共产主义与第二次世界大战的起源
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217114
J. Lalande
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引用次数: 0
The Efficient and Dignified Roles of the Crown in Canadian Foreign Policy 王室在加拿大外交政策中的高效和体面角色
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217110
Richard Berthelsen, Philippe Lagassé
This article draws on Walter Bagehot's distinction between efficient and dignified institutions to examine an understudied facet of the monarchy in Canada: the Crown's role in Canadian foreign policy. The Canadian Crown acts in global affairs in two ways: through the efficient prerogative powers of the Crown exercised by Cabinet, and by means of the dignified “public diplomacy” performed by the office of the governor general. The article demonstrates that the Crown's prerogative powers remain the underlying authority that Canadian governments exercise when pursuing foreign policy objectives and acting in the world. The article then traces the growth of the vice-regal office's foreign policy functions, as well how the governor general's public diplomacy efforts contribute to Canada's global engagement. The article concludes with a brief discussion of King Charles III's place in Canadian foreign affairs as the head of state of multiple, independent realms.
本文借鉴沃尔特-贝格霍特(Walter Bagehot)对高效机构和高尚机构的区分,研究加拿大君主制中一个未被充分研究的方面:王室在加拿大外交政策中的作用。加拿大王室以两种方式参与全球事务:一是通过内阁行使高效的王室特权,二是通过总督府开展高贵的 "公共外交"。文章表明,王室特权仍然是加拿大政府在追求外交政策目标和在世界上采取行动时行使的基本权力。文章随后追溯了副总督府外交政策职能的发展历程,以及总督的公共外交努力如何促进了加拿大的全球参与。文章最后简要讨论了国王查理三世作为多个独立王国的国家元首在加拿大外交事务中的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Unexceptional Case of Haiti: Race and Class Privilege in Postcolonial Bourgeois Society 书评:海地的特殊情况:后殖民资产阶级社会中的种族与阶级特权
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217109
Shelby A. E. McPhee
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Blue Helmet Bureaucrats: United Nations Peacekeeping and the Reinvention of Colonialism, 1945–1971 书评:蓝盔官僚:联合国维和行动与殖民主义的重塑,1945-1971 年
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217115
C. Dunton
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Care and the Pluriverse: Rethinking Global Ethics 书评关怀与多元性:重新思考全球伦理
IF 2.2 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217113
Ajay Parasram
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引用次数: 0
The Trudeau approaches to Canada-Cuba relations: Like father, like son? 特鲁多对加古关系的态度:有其父必有其子?
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213609
Peter McKenna
This article seeks to examine the storied Canadian-Cuban relationship—with a specific focus on the two Trudeau Liberal governments (Pierre Elliott, 1968–1984, and his son, Justin, 2015–present). Accordingly, it poses a series of probing and illuminating questions about the “why” of Canada-Cuba relations. The central purpose of this narrative, then, is twofold: 1) to identify the nature and extent of both Pierre Elliott Trudeau's and Justin Trudeau's Cuba policies and 2) to explain the similarities and differences between the two prime ministers’ approaches to Cuba and why exactly key points of departure exist. It will also conclude with some general thoughts or observations on the contours of Canadian-Cuban relations during the two Trudeau periods.
本文旨在探讨加拿大与古巴的传奇关系,并特别关注特鲁多的两届自由党政府(皮埃尔·埃利奥特,1968-1984年,他的儿子贾斯汀,2015年至今)。因此,它提出了一系列关于加拿大和古巴关系“为什么”的探索性和启发性问题。因此,这种叙述的中心目的有两个:1)确定皮埃尔·埃利奥特·特鲁多(Pierre Elliott Trudeau)和贾斯汀·特鲁多(Justin Trudeau)对古巴政策的性质和程度;2)解释两位总理对古巴政策的异同,以及为什么存在关键的分歧点。最后,还将对特鲁多两届任期内加拿大与古巴关系的轮廓提出一些总体看法或观察。
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引用次数: 0
Happy anniversary? Reflections on Samuel Huntington's “clash” thesis at thirty 结婚周年快乐吗?三十岁时对塞缪尔·亨廷顿“冲突”理论的思考
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213605
David G. Haglund, Surajreet Singh
This article takes a retrospective look at the controversial “clash-of-civilizations” thesis articulated by Samuel Huntington in the early 1990s. In some respects, the “pearl anniversary” of the thesis reveals it to have stood up reasonably well. If one notable aspect of the Huntingtonian prognosis was its skepticism about the prospects of enduring peace subsequent to the ending of the Cold War, then it could be remarked that the Harvard professor turned out to be prescient. But one can be right for the wrong reasons, and the argument of this article is that Huntington erred in imagining that “civilizational rallying” would develop into the preeminent feature of future global conflict. Specifically, Huntington erred in conflating the affective pull of “nationalism” with that of “civilizationalism.”
本文回顾了塞缪尔·亨廷顿(Samuel Huntington)在20世纪90年代初提出的有争议的“文明冲突”论点。在某些方面,这篇论文的“珍珠纪念日”表明它相当站得住脚。如果亨廷顿预测的一个值得注意的方面是它对冷战结束后持久和平前景的怀疑,那么可以说,这位哈佛教授原来是有先见之明的。但是,一个人可能因为错误的理由而正确,本文的论点是,亨廷顿错误地认为,“文明团结”将发展成为未来全球冲突的主要特征。具体来说,亨廷顿错误地将“民族主义”的情感吸引力与“文明主义”的情感吸引力混为一谈。
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引用次数: 0
The US-China Semiconductor Power-Security Dilemma: Decoupling the Security and Power Struggles Through the Theory of Dr. Barry Buzan 中美半导体电力安全困境:从巴里·布赞博士的理论解耦安全与权力斗争
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213612
Carter Brundage
Increasingly, both China and the US frame the secure domestic supply of semiconductors as a national security issue. Yet it is difficult to differentiate between the securitization of semiconductors as a national security vulnerability or as an arena for geopolitical competition. This article leverages Barry Buzan's theory of the power-security dilemma to provide a framework for deciphering and decoupling the two countries’ efforts to reduce their semiconductor supply-chain vulnerabilities and related power struggle. First, the US's and China's supply-chain vulnerabilities are explored as a security struggle, with special attention paid to their dependencies on Taiwan's semiconductor industry. Second, recent American efforts to restrict the flow of semiconductor technologies to China are explored as a power struggle. This article concludes by using Buzan's theory to draw conclusions about the origins and potential evolution of the US-China semiconductor power-security dilemma.
中国和美国越来越多地将国内半导体的安全供应视为一个国家安全问题。然而,很难区分半导体证券化是作为国家安全漏洞,还是作为地缘政治竞争的舞台。本文利用Barry Buzan关于电力安全困境的理论,提供了一个框架来解读和解耦两国为减少半导体供应链漏洞和相关权力斗争所做的努力。首先,将美国和中国的供应链脆弱性作为一场安全斗争来探讨,并特别关注它们对台湾半导体产业的依赖。其次,美国最近限制半导体技术流向中国的努力被视为一场权力斗争。本文最后运用布赞的理论对中美半导体电力安全困境的起源和可能的演变进行了总结。
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引用次数: 0
China as a great power: Reconsidering face culture in Chinese foreign policy 中国作为一个大国:重新考虑中国外交政策中的面子文化
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213601
Ye Xue
This article attempts to comprehend China's foreign policy as the nation takes on the status of a great power. By adopting the Chinese concept of “face” as an analytical tool, my paper illustrates why face as a cultural expression of desire for collective “self-esteem” has been increasingly important to China's current foreign policy, and how the cultural mandate of face informs China's interactions with other nations in order to strive for national self-esteem. It reveals the motivational, cognitive, and behavioural logic behind China's decision to participate in global governance and partnership diplomacy, as well as its use of coercion. The article suggests that China as a great power is neither innately pacifist in maintaining the status quo nor hardwired with revisionist aims to overthrow the existing international order. Instead, its behavioural tendencies largely depend on how other parties can fulfil its desire for face.
本文试图理解中国作为一个大国所采取的外交政策。通过采用中国的“面子”概念作为分析工具,我的论文说明了为什么面子作为集体“自尊”欲望的文化表达对中国当前的外交政策越来越重要,以及面子的文化使命如何影响中国与其他国家的互动,以争取民族自尊。它揭示了中国决定参与全球治理和伙伴外交以及使用胁迫背后的动机、认知和行为逻辑。文章认为,作为一个大国,中国既不是天生的维持现状的和平主义者,也不是天生的推翻现有国际秩序的修正主义目标。相反,它的行为倾向在很大程度上取决于其他政党如何满足它对面子的渴望。
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引用次数: 0
The war in Ukraine and the Dawn of Russian Revisionism: An English School Approach 乌克兰战争与俄国修正主义的黎明:一个英国学派的方法
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1177/00207020231213607
Zachary Paikin
Since Russian president Vladimir Putin's 2007 speech at the Munich Security Conference, followed by his country's invasion of neighbouring Georgia the ensuing year, Russia has been one of the most powerful and visible challengers of a West-centric conception of international order. This has led to assertions that Russia is a revisionist state. However, such assertions largely gloss over the “intermediate” stages that Russia has occupied between the two extremes of status quo and revisionist power throughout the post–Cold War era. They also reveal an understanding of international order that is mostly uniform. Employing an English School framework, this paper shows how Russia only became a fully revisionist state in the lead-up to its invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. And using a theoretical model which outlines the impact of contestation on international society, it outlines the consequences of Russia's recent descent into revisionism for the so-called rules-based international order.
自2007年俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)在慕尼黑安全会议上发表讲话,并于次年入侵邻国格鲁吉亚以来,俄罗斯一直是以西方为中心的国际秩序概念最强大、最明显的挑战者之一。这导致有人断言俄罗斯是一个修正主义国家。然而,这种断言在很大程度上掩盖了俄罗斯在后冷战时期处于现状和修正主义两个极端之间的“中间”阶段。它们还揭示了一种对国际秩序的理解,这种秩序基本上是统一的。本文采用英国学派的框架,展示了俄罗斯是如何在2022年2月24日入侵乌克兰之前成为一个完全的修正主义国家的。它还使用了一个理论模型,概述了争端对国际社会的影响,概述了俄罗斯最近陷入修正主义的后果,即所谓的基于规则的国际秩序。
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引用次数: 0
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