This article examines the prospects for increased Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region, namely, joint areas of activity for the development and consolidation of cooperation between both states. Utilizing a historical-comparative method, we comprehensively study Turkish-American relations in this region from a historical viewpoint and predict the further development of this cooperation in the future. The key characteristics and features of Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region from 1991 to 2022 are identified, as are the causes of crises in relations between the two countries against the background of a change in US policy. Finally, we emphasize the importance of further strengthening strategic cooperation between Turkey and the US in the Caspian region.
{"title":"Turkish-American Relations in the Context of Multilateral Competition in the Caspian Region","authors":"Zhaksygul Akimova, Zhenis Kydyrov, Panu Kilybayeva, Aigerim Ospanova","doi":"10.1177/00207020241234205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020241234205","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the prospects for increased Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region, namely, joint areas of activity for the development and consolidation of cooperation between both states. Utilizing a historical-comparative method, we comprehensively study Turkish-American relations in this region from a historical viewpoint and predict the further development of this cooperation in the future. The key characteristics and features of Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region from 1991 to 2022 are identified, as are the causes of crises in relations between the two countries against the background of a change in US policy. Finally, we emphasize the importance of further strengthening strategic cooperation between Turkey and the US in the Caspian region.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140149672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-01Epub Date: 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1177/00207020241232989
Michael P A Murphy
From the earliest studies of soft power in International Relations, the importance of educational exchanges has been well-established. Studies of international education in the context of Canadian soft power often draw on cases from the higher education sector. This article argues that greater attention should be paid to the K-12 level, especially as budgetary pressures in Ontario's education system are leading school boards to rapidly expand their international student recruitment efforts. Although this is not an example of intentional soft power projection, it nevertheless represents an important reminder that subnational actors may accidentally become paradiplomats whose actions have consequences on the international level. Further, this case reveals the importance of paying attention to actors typically overlooked by IR scholarship. Drawing on Joseph Nye's theory of soft power and in conversation with prior research on international education as a mechanism of soft power projection, this article traces the thread between budgetary pressures in Ontario school boards and the broader context of soft power projection.
{"title":"Accidental paradiplomats? The curious case of Ontario school board budgets and Canadian soft power projection.","authors":"Michael P A Murphy","doi":"10.1177/00207020241232989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020241232989","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>From the earliest studies of soft power in International Relations, the importance of educational exchanges has been well-established. Studies of international education in the context of Canadian soft power often draw on cases from the higher education sector. This article argues that greater attention should be paid to the K-12 level, especially as budgetary pressures in Ontario's education system are leading school boards to rapidly expand their international student recruitment efforts. Although this is not an example of intentional soft power projection, it nevertheless represents an important reminder that subnational actors may accidentally become paradiplomats whose actions have consequences on the international level. Further, this case reveals the importance of paying attention to actors typically overlooked by IR scholarship. Drawing on Joseph Nye's theory of soft power and in conversation with prior research on international education as a mechanism of soft power projection, this article traces the thread between budgetary pressures in Ontario school boards and the broader context of soft power projection.</p>","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"79 1","pages":"96-110"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11006590/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140868485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-29DOI: 10.1177/00207020241234208
Deeplina Banerjee
Since 2018, Canada, through its Rohingya Response Strategy in Bangladesh, has been providing targeted assistance to the impoverished Bengali host communities and Rohingya refugees living in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. Under Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), gender equality and gender-responsive humanitarian action constitute some of the core priority areas for the Canadian government. In Cox's Bazar, Global Affairs Canada (GAC) funds programmes to empower women and girls through skill-based and livelihood training and to provide sexual and reproductive health services. However, scholars like Jennifer Cadesky and Rebecca Tiessen caution against the conflation of gender equality and empowerment, arguing that it often leads to short-term, quick-fix solutions without any long-term benefit to women. Canada needs to go beyond funding recovery assistance programmes at a surface level. Without understanding social norms and cultural practices that influence women's participation, mobility, and visibility in public spaces, gender equality in Canada's response strategy will be limited to only checklist goals.
{"title":"Moving from gender responsive to gender transformative action: What Canada achieved and missed in its Rohingya response strategy in Bangladesh","authors":"Deeplina Banerjee","doi":"10.1177/00207020241234208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020241234208","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2018, Canada, through its Rohingya Response Strategy in Bangladesh, has been providing targeted assistance to the impoverished Bengali host communities and Rohingya refugees living in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. Under Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), gender equality and gender-responsive humanitarian action constitute some of the core priority areas for the Canadian government. In Cox's Bazar, Global Affairs Canada (GAC) funds programmes to empower women and girls through skill-based and livelihood training and to provide sexual and reproductive health services. However, scholars like Jennifer Cadesky and Rebecca Tiessen caution against the conflation of gender equality and empowerment, arguing that it often leads to short-term, quick-fix solutions without any long-term benefit to women. Canada needs to go beyond funding recovery assistance programmes at a surface level. Without understanding social norms and cultural practices that influence women's participation, mobility, and visibility in public spaces, gender equality in Canada's response strategy will be limited to only checklist goals.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140044201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-28DOI: 10.1177/00207020241234875
Jeffrey Rice
{"title":"Book Review: Command: The Politics of Military Operations from Korea to Ukraine by Lawrence Freedman","authors":"Jeffrey Rice","doi":"10.1177/00207020241234875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020241234875","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140033163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-27DOI: 10.1177/00207020241234878
Varun Sahni
{"title":"Book Review: Latin American Foreign Policies in the New World Order: The Active Non-Alignment Option by Carlos Fortin, Jorge Heine, and Carlos Ominami","authors":"Varun Sahni","doi":"10.1177/00207020241234878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020241234878","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217119
Jonas Vidhammer Berge, L. Odgaard
In this article, we analyse the deterrence relationship between NATO and China in the space domain. As the alliance's newest operational domain, NATO remains heavily dependent upon its nation states’ space assets. At the same time, China is developing advanced counterspace capabilities designed to exploit this dependency by holding NATO members’ space assets at risk. We argue that NATO deterrence in the space domain is hampered by internal reliance on US patronage in space. This is evident in the lack of intra-alliance burden sharing in space, as well as the lack of clear transatlantic unity in how to approach space at a strategic level. We propose steps to strengthen NATO deterrence in space vis-à-vis China. Particularly, increased burden sharing in space through inter-operable capabilities and strategic coherency between Europe and North America on defence in the space domain would bolster both capability and resolve for NATO's deterrent in space.
{"title":"NATO in the Global Commons: Defending Outer Space Against Threats from China","authors":"Jonas Vidhammer Berge, L. Odgaard","doi":"10.1177/00207020231217119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231217119","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we analyse the deterrence relationship between NATO and China in the space domain. As the alliance's newest operational domain, NATO remains heavily dependent upon its nation states’ space assets. At the same time, China is developing advanced counterspace capabilities designed to exploit this dependency by holding NATO members’ space assets at risk. We argue that NATO deterrence in the space domain is hampered by internal reliance on US patronage in space. This is evident in the lack of intra-alliance burden sharing in space, as well as the lack of clear transatlantic unity in how to approach space at a strategic level. We propose steps to strengthen NATO deterrence in space vis-à-vis China. Particularly, increased burden sharing in space through inter-operable capabilities and strategic coherency between Europe and North America on defence in the space domain would bolster both capability and resolve for NATO's deterrent in space.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"31 12","pages":"634 - 642"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138597841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217117
T. Rühlig
Technical standardization has turned into a central subject of geopolitical contestation. At first glance, this might be surprising as technical standards follow an inclusive logic of action and are legally non-binding. However, China has adopted a state-centric approach to standardization that stands in sharp contrast to the private actor driving practice in the West. This allows China to link its standardization efforts not least to its security interests. In fact, standards are not only relevant to ensure the convergence of defense technology. Standards can also unfold security relevance if they create lock-in dependencies and prevent or enable the globalization of backdoors. NATO could react to China's growing standardization power by establishing an information exchange platform, avoid excessive politicization of standard-setting and make sure not to overestimate the risks.
{"title":"China's Technical Standardization Power—a Challenge for NATO?","authors":"T. Rühlig","doi":"10.1177/00207020231217117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231217117","url":null,"abstract":"Technical standardization has turned into a central subject of geopolitical contestation. At first glance, this might be surprising as technical standards follow an inclusive logic of action and are legally non-binding. However, China has adopted a state-centric approach to standardization that stands in sharp contrast to the private actor driving practice in the West. This allows China to link its standardization efforts not least to its security interests. In fact, standards are not only relevant to ensure the convergence of defense technology. Standards can also unfold security relevance if they create lock-in dependencies and prevent or enable the globalization of backdoors. NATO could react to China's growing standardization power by establishing an information exchange platform, avoid excessive politicization of standard-setting and make sure not to overestimate the risks.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"45 ","pages":"625 - 633"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139025891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217116
Michito Tsuruoka
The war in Ukraine has raised concerns in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly in Japan. Tokyo's December 2022 National Security Strategy states that Russia's aggression has “breached the very foundation of the rules that shape the international order” and warns that a similar situation could happen in the Indo-Pacific. The level of connectivity between the European and Asian security theaters seems to be rising, bringing NATO and Japan closer in strategic terms. NATO has increased its engagement in the Indo-Pacific and is becoming more concerned about China's assertive activities in the region and beyond. Yet, there does not seem to be a consensus within the Alliance on what it should do in the Indo-Pacific region. In the meantime, Japan is focusing more on practical cooperation with individual European countries, first and foremost the United Kingdom, for joint training and exercises and defense equipment cooperation.
{"title":"NATO's Engagement in the Indo-Pacific: Tokyo's Perceptions and Expectations*","authors":"Michito Tsuruoka","doi":"10.1177/00207020231217116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231217116","url":null,"abstract":"The war in Ukraine has raised concerns in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly in Japan. Tokyo's December 2022 National Security Strategy states that Russia's aggression has “breached the very foundation of the rules that shape the international order” and warns that a similar situation could happen in the Indo-Pacific. The level of connectivity between the European and Asian security theaters seems to be rising, bringing NATO and Japan closer in strategic terms. NATO has increased its engagement in the Indo-Pacific and is becoming more concerned about China's assertive activities in the region and beyond. Yet, there does not seem to be a consensus within the Alliance on what it should do in the Indo-Pacific region. In the meantime, Japan is focusing more on practical cooperation with individual European countries, first and foremost the United Kingdom, for joint training and exercises and defense equipment cooperation.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"59 1","pages":"616 - 624"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139218467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-27DOI: 10.1177/00207020231217463
G. Thomasen
“After Ukraine: How can we ensure stability in the Arctic?” presents the findings of two interview-based reports addressing the risk of conflict in the Arctic over a twenty-year perspective. We found that there are concerns that the Arctic may be torn apart as a result of geopolitical forces on several levels, and that the rules-based order in the Arctic has come under pressure after the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the A7's subsequent decision to pause the Arctic Council. This presents a number of risks to future security in the region and the Arctic states are having difficulties figuring out how to move on from here. We identified some of these risks and formulated a set of policy recommendations to mitigate them.
{"title":"After Ukraine: How Can We Ensure Stability in the Arctic?","authors":"G. Thomasen","doi":"10.1177/00207020231217463","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207020231217463","url":null,"abstract":"“After Ukraine: How can we ensure stability in the Arctic?” presents the findings of two interview-based reports addressing the risk of conflict in the Arctic over a twenty-year perspective. We found that there are concerns that the Arctic may be torn apart as a result of geopolitical forces on several levels, and that the rules-based order in the Arctic has come under pressure after the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the A7's subsequent decision to pause the Arctic Council. This presents a number of risks to future security in the region and the Arctic states are having difficulties figuring out how to move on from here. We identified some of these risks and formulated a set of policy recommendations to mitigate them.","PeriodicalId":46226,"journal":{"name":"International Journal","volume":"14 1","pages":"643 - 651"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139228508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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