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Permanent Campaigning: A Meta-Analysis and Framework for Measurement 永久性竞选:一个元分析和测量框架
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-23 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1832015
Í. Joathan, D. Lilleker
Abstract Permanent campaigning emerged as a concept in the 1970s in studies of US politics but is now recognized as a universal phenomenon. Despite its long history, there has been no attempt to build a holistic picture of the elements that constitute a permanent campaign. Generally, researchers focus on tactical elements, situating their use within an overall strategy, but there is a lack of a broader methodological framework for holistically measuring adherence to the permanent campaigning. This article presents results of a meta-analysis of relevant research to provide a framework to understand how permanent campaigning is practiced. Our study showed there were three reasonably discrete forms of campaigning activities that had been identified: those in which permanent campaign strategies are related to capacity building and strategy; a second, in which permanent campaigning relates to paid and owned media; and a third in which earned media is the main focus. In mapping these studies, we identify the common features of permanent campaigning, identifying strong and weak indicators and the extent these are employed by the government, parties, or elected representatives and within which political systems: parliamentarism or presidentialism. Our framework can be applied in future comparative research to understand trends in political communication.
永久竞选在20世纪70年代作为一个概念出现在美国政治研究中,但现在被认为是一种普遍现象。尽管它有着悠久的历史,但没有人试图对构成一场永久性运动的要素建立一个整体的图景。一般来说,研究人员关注的是战术因素,将它们的使用置于整体战略中,但缺乏一个更广泛的方法框架来全面衡量对永久性竞选活动的坚持。本文介绍了相关研究的荟萃分析结果,以提供一个框架来理解永久性竞选是如何实践的。我们的研究表明,已经确定了三种相当离散的竞选活动形式:永久性竞选战略与能力建设和战略相关的竞选活动;第二种,永久性的竞选活动与付费和自有媒体有关;第三种情况是,免费媒体是主要焦点。在绘制这些研究图时,我们确定了永久性竞选活动的共同特征,确定了强弱指标,以及这些指标被政府、政党或民选代表采用的程度,以及在何种政治制度下:议会制或总统制。我们的框架可以应用于未来的比较研究,以了解政治传播的趋势。
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引用次数: 13
How Many Robocalls are too Many? Results from a Large-Scale Field Experiment 多少自动电话才算太多?大型野外试验结果
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2018.1429344
Adam Zelizer
This study evaluates the turnout effects of automated telephone calls placed to voters in advance of the 2016 Texas primary election. Voters in 23 state legislative districts were assigned to receive between zero and seven calls from an interest group encouraging them to vote in the election. Automated calls raise turnout, with turnout appearing to increase in the number of assigned calls. Results mirror those in previous studies that send increasing amounts of get-out-the-vote mail and find that turnout effects decline after five to six “touches” from a campaign.
这项研究评估了2016年德克萨斯州初选前自动打电话给选民的投票率影响。23个州立法区的选民被分配接到零到七个来自利益集团的电话,鼓励他们在选举中投票。自动呼叫增加了投票率,分配的呼叫数量似乎也在增加。结果反映了之前的研究,这些研究发送了越来越多的投票邮件,并发现在一场竞选的五到六次“接触”后,投票率的影响会下降。
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引用次数: 3
From Markets to Stakeholders: Toward a Conceptual Model of Political Stakeholder Orientation 从市场到利益相关者:政治利益相关者导向的概念模型
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1330724
Robert P. Ormrod
Since the first publication of the conceptual model of political market orientation model has been used empirically to understand the behavior and attitudes of political party members towards stakeholders in various contexts. The results have provided only limited support for the constructs that represent orientations towards the various stakeholder groups. This has led to an evolution in the conceptualization of the stakeholders that are included in the PMO model across existing literature with the aim of addressing this problem; whilst the inclusion of voters, party members and competing parties have received a degree of support across empirical investigations, it has proved difficult to usefully conceptualize other stakeholder groups. The research aim of this paper is to integrate recent advances in the theoretical foundations of political marketing with conceptual model of PMO in order to propose a revised conceptualization of a political stakeholder orientation. This aim is motivated by a need to further develop the conceptual foundations of the political marketing research field. This paper discusses recent research into the nature of stakeholders in the political marketing context and of the nature of the political exchange of value as a series of three, linked interactions. We subsequently present and critique the stakeholder orientation constructs of the PMO model. Finally, we demonstrate how these recent advances in the political marketing literature necessitate the development of the PMO concept into a broader PSO concept, based on a stakeholder perspective on political marketing.
自政治市场导向概念模型首次发表以来,该模型已被用于实证研究不同背景下政党成员对利益相关者的行为和态度。结果只提供了有限的结构支持,这些结构代表了朝向不同涉众组的方向。这导致了利益相关者概念化的演变,这些利益相关者包括在PMO模型中,跨越现有文献,旨在解决这个问题;虽然在实证调查中,选民、政党成员和竞争政党的纳入得到了一定程度的支持,但事实证明,很难有效地概念化其他利益相关者群体。本文的研究目的是将政治营销理论基础的最新进展与PMO的概念模型相结合,提出一个修正的政治利益相关者导向的概念。这一目标的动机是需要进一步发展政治营销研究领域的概念基础。本文讨论了最近对政治营销背景下利益相关者性质的研究,以及作为一系列三种相互联系的互动的政治价值交换性质的研究。我们随后提出并批判了项目管理办公室模型的利益相关者导向结构。最后,我们展示了政治营销文献中的这些最新进展如何基于利益相关者对政治营销的观点,将PMO概念发展为更广泛的PSO概念。
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引用次数: 3
Trump Trumps Baldwin? How Trump’s Tweets Transform SNL into Trump’s Strategic Advantage 特朗普击败鲍德温?特朗普的推文如何将SNL转变为特朗普的战略优势
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1411860
Amy B. Becker
What happens when a politician responds through social media to critical humor, as in the case of Donald Trump’s hostile reactions toward Alec Baldwin’s appearances on Saturday Night Live (SNL)? Analysis of experimental data collected in December 2016 (N = 325) shows that viewing Trump’s Twitter response accusing SNL of media bias inoculates viewers against Baldwin’s anti-Trump satire that is present in the original skit. Moreover, viewing the SNL skit and an article detailing Trump’s continued Twitter engagement with the show over the course of the fall 2016 season encourages viewers to connect the anti-Trump SNL humor with Hillary Clinton and Tim Kaine, resulting in significantly lower favorability ratings for the Democratic opposition. The implications of the findings and their influence on strategic political communication are discussed.
当一个政客通过社交媒体对批判性幽默做出回应时,会发生什么,比如唐纳德·特朗普对亚历克·鲍德温在《周六夜现场》(SNL)上露面的敌意反应?2016年12月收集的实验数据分析(N = 325)显示,观看特朗普在推特上指责SNL存在媒体偏见的回应,观众会对鲍德温在原创短剧中的反特朗普讽刺作品产生反感。此外,观看SNL短剧和一篇详细描述特朗普在2016年秋季期间继续在推特上参与该节目的文章,鼓励观众将反特朗普的SNL幽默与希拉里·克林顿和蒂姆·凯恩联系起来,从而大大降低了民主党反对派的支持率。讨论了研究结果的含义及其对战略政治沟通的影响。
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引用次数: 10
Exploring the Process of Creating and Managing Personal Political Brand Identities in Nonparty Environments: The Case of the Bailiwick of Guernsey 探索在非党派环境中创建和管理个人政治品牌身份的过程——以根西岛辖区为例
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1825271
C. Pich, G. Armannsdottir, Dianne Dean
Abstract How do you create and build a personal political brand? Personal branding can enable individuals to self-commodify and formulate distinct identities created from both tangible and intangible characteristics. However, there is little insight into how individuals create and manage their personal brand identities. This paper contributes to this lacuna in the literature and focusses on personal political branding. Contextualized in the British Crown Dependence of Guernsey; the island community has no political parties and Parliamentarians [deputies] stand as independent candidates. Deputies construct their own personal brand with the aim of resonating with their constituents often with limited resources and without the ‘political machine’ found in party-systems. Therefore, this study examines the deputies’ strategies to create, build and communicate their brands in a nonparty system. Findings indicate that Guernsey’s politicians created their desired identities around key components including legacy, heritage and experience, personality characteristics opposed to focused policies, personal values and acknowledged that brand building was a continuous process of maintaining presence, and communicating personal aspirations. Therefore, Guernsey’s politicians formulated their personal political brand identities without the mechanisms of a party system. This paper extends the personal branding literature demonstrating the challenging process of formulating and managing personal political brands in a competitive environment and presents a Personal Brand Identity framework, a strategic tool to evaluate and refine desired identities within and beyond the setting of politics.
摘要你是如何创建和建立个人政治品牌的?个人品牌可以使个人自我商品化,并形成由有形和无形特征创造的独特身份。然而,人们对个人如何创建和管理其个人品牌身份知之甚少。本文致力于填补文献中的这一空白,并关注个人政治品牌。在英国王室对根西岛的依赖中语境化;岛上社区没有政党,议员[代表]作为独立候选人参选。代表们构建自己的个人品牌,目的是在资源有限的情况下,在没有政党制度中的“政治机器”的情况下与选民产生共鸣。因此,本研究考察了代表在无党派体系中创建、构建和传播品牌的策略。调查结果表明,根西岛的政治家们围绕着关键组成部分创造了他们想要的身份,包括遗产、遗产和经验、与重点政策相反的个性特征、个人价值观,并承认品牌建设是一个保持存在和传达个人愿望的持续过程。因此,格恩西岛的政治家们在没有政党制度机制的情况下制定了他们的个人政治品牌身份。本文扩展了个人品牌文献,展示了在竞争环境中制定和管理个人政治品牌的挑战性过程,并提出了个人品牌标识框架,这是一种在政治环境内外评估和完善所需标识的战略工具。
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引用次数: 7
The Effect of a Brand Transgression on a Politician’s Brand Resonance: The Case of Kevin Rudd 品牌越轨对政治家品牌共鸣的影响——以陆克文为例
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1407386
J. Burgess, W. Spinks, B. Sharma
This study applies the concepts of brand resonance and brand transgression to the brand management of a political leader and, for the first time, proposes a framework linking these two concepts. Qualitative analysis was used to examine the case of Kevin Rudd, a former, once popular, Australian Prime Minister (2007–2010, 2013), and found that Rudd’s brand resonance was harmed as a result of a brand transgression. Specifically, a thematic analysis and semistructured interviews indicated that Rudd supporters’ behavioral loyalty, sense of community, and active engagement declined. This study provides support for the proposed framework and a base for future research in this area.
本研究将品牌共振和品牌越轨的概念应用于政治领导人的品牌管理,并首次提出了将这两个概念联系起来的框架。定性分析被用于审查前澳大利亚总理陆克文(2007-20102013)的案例,发现陆克文的品牌共鸣因品牌违规而受到损害。具体而言,专题分析和半结构化访谈表明,陆克文支持者的行为忠诚度、社区意识和积极参与度有所下降。本研究为所提出的框架提供了支持,并为该领域的未来研究奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 8
Voting Decision-Making at the Bottom of the Pyramid- A Phenomenological Approach 金字塔底部的投票决策——一种现象学方法
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1823933
Subhojit Sengupta, S. Mukherjee, Charles Jebarajakirthy
Abstract The purpose of this study is to understand the factors driving the BOP community’s voting decisions. This study used a qualitative phenomenological approach, conducting 32 interviews with BOP voters in two areas: Kharagpur and Kolkata, in West Bengal, India. The findings showed some political parties and politicians powerfully operate in BOP areas and dominate BOP people through information persuasion, benefits and coercion. Hence, BOP people in those areas vote for them. Social ties and capital and social identity resulting from the sense of belongingness with local politicians also drive their voting decisions. This study contributes to political marketing literature, particularly in the BOP context. These results will assist public policy makers.
摘要本研究的目的是了解驱动BOP群体投票决策的因素。本研究采用定性现象学方法,在印度西孟加拉邦的Kharagpur和Kolkata两个地区对BOP选民进行了32次访谈。调查结果显示,一些政党和政治家通过信息说服、利益和胁迫等手段在BOP地区强势运作,控制BOP人群。因此,这些地区的BOP人投票给他们。与地方政治人物的归属感所产生的社会关系、资本和社会认同也推动着他们的投票决定。这项研究有助于政治营销文献,特别是在防喷器的背景下。这些结果将有助于公共决策者。
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引用次数: 4
Scale for Measuring Political Sensitivity: An Empirical Investigation on Young Indian Voters 衡量政治敏感性的量表:对印度年轻选民的实证调查
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-09-30 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1823932
Mohd Danish Kirmani, Faiz Hasan, A. Haque
Abstract The primary aim of the present study was to propose a scale comprising factors that sensitize voters toward the political system and stimulate them for an active participation in the election process. More specifically, the study aimed to propose a scale for measuring political sensitivity of young Indian voters. For this purpose, the data was generated from the users of internet who fall in the age bracket of 18–29 years. The generated data was analyzed employing the statistical techniques such as exploratory factor analyses (EFA) and confirmatory factor analyses (CFA). Based on the study findings, a 9-item scale comprising three factors economic considerations, social considerations and perceived risk was proposed to capture political sensitivity of young Indian voters. This scale was named as Political Sensitivity Measurement (PSM). One interesting observation of the study was that the religious and caste consideration of young Indian voters was not important for motivating them for an active political participation. The study is pioneering in the sense that it initiates efforts for comprehensive analyses of the factors that inspire young Indian voters to participate in the election process. PSM will greatly help the academicians and researchers for an improved understanding of the Indian voters. The scale would also assist politicians in developing appropriate strategies.
摘要本研究的主要目的是提出一个包含因素的量表,这些因素使选民对政治制度敏感,并激励他们积极参与选举过程。更具体地说,这项研究旨在提出一个衡量印度年轻选民政治敏感性的量表。为此,数据来自18-29岁的互联网用户 年。采用探索性因素分析和验证性因素分析等统计技术对生成的数据进行分析。基于研究结果,提出了一个由经济因素、社会因素和感知风险三个因素组成的9项量表,以捕捉印度年轻选民的政治敏感性。该量表被命名为政治敏感性测量(PSM)。对这项研究的一个有趣观察是,印度年轻选民的宗教和种姓考虑对于激励他们积极参与政治并不重要。这项研究是开创性的,因为它启动了对激励印度年轻选民参与选举过程的因素的全面分析。PSM将极大地帮助学者和研究人员更好地了解印度选民。该比额表还将有助于政治家制定适当的战略。
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引用次数: 3
Quality Dimensions of Political Parties’ Website Services That Satisfy Voters in the Political Marketing 政治营销中选民满意政党网站服务的质量维度
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-08 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1790470
Vagia Mochla, George Tsourvakas
Abstract The present research investigates the quality dimensions of the Greek Parliaments’ political parties’ websites in an off-campaign period, one year before the legislative elections 2019. The hypotheses are based on political marketing background theory with emphasis on variables from different e-service quality models and effective web-design dimensions. The authors use a sample of 400 voters to make the survey. Respectively, the useful content and esthetic design were the most significant dimensions of the voters’ perception about the political websites’ quality. Theoretical discussion and managerial implications on how to organize the political websites’ services to attract more voters are provided based on the research findings.
摘要本研究调查了希腊议会政党网站在2019年立法选举前一年的非竞选期间的质量维度。这些假设基于政治营销背景理论,重点关注不同电子服务质量模型和有效网页设计维度的变量。作者以400名选民为样本进行了这项调查。有用内容和美学设计分别是选民对政治网站质量感知的最重要维度。基于研究结果,对如何组织政治网站服务吸引更多选民进行了理论探讨和管理启示。
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引用次数: 4
Setting the Trend or Changing the Game? Professionalization and Digitalization of Election Campaigns in Sweden 引领潮流还是改变游戏?瑞典竞选活动的专业化和数字化
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1228555
M. Grusell, L. Nord
Professionalization and digitalization are two distinctive features of election campaigns in the twenty-first century. Are existing campaign structures and strategies reinforced by the implementation of new technology, or does this technology radically change campaigning conditions? This article investigates this topic by analyzing the two most recent national election campaigns in Sweden in 2010 and 2014. The results indicate that both professionalization and digitalization tendencies are strong, but most clearly linked to each other among bigger, catch-all campaign parties, while smaller niche parties in a multiparty system tend to choose different campaign options with regard to structure and strategies.
专业化和数字化是21世纪竞选活动的两个显著特点。新技术的实施是否加强了现有的竞选结构和战略,或者这项技术是否从根本上改变了竞选条件?本文通过分析2010年和2014年瑞典最近的两次全国大选来探讨这一话题。结果表明,专业化和数字化趋势都很强烈,但在更大的、包罗万象的竞选政党中,两者之间的联系最为明显,而在多党制中,较小的小众政党往往在结构和战略方面选择不同的竞选选择。
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引用次数: 15
期刊
Journal of Political Marketing
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