Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1330723
Kathleen Searles, E. Fowler, Travis N. Ridout, Patricia Strach, Katie Zuber
Campaigns disproportionately choose men to voice their political ads, but it is not clear that men’s voices are more credible or better able to persuade an audience. We employ experimental data and novel survey data to test theoretical expectations about the circumstances under which men’s and women’s voices might be more or less effective, specifically looking at how gender association of the ad issues and gender of the message recipient shape the effectiveness of the ad. We find that men’s voices are not universally more effective than women’s voices and under some circumstances may even be less effective.
{"title":"The Effects of Men’s and Women’s Voices in Political Advertising","authors":"Kathleen Searles, E. Fowler, Travis N. Ridout, Patricia Strach, Katie Zuber","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2017.1330723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2017.1330723","url":null,"abstract":"Campaigns disproportionately choose men to voice their political ads, but it is not clear that men’s voices are more credible or better able to persuade an audience. We employ experimental data and novel survey data to test theoretical expectations about the circumstances under which men’s and women’s voices might be more or less effective, specifically looking at how gender association of the ad issues and gender of the message recipient shape the effectiveness of the ad. We find that men’s voices are not universally more effective than women’s voices and under some circumstances may even be less effective.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"301 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2017.1330723","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48351841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1306822
Albert Chibuwe
Robert Mugabe’s dominance in Zimbabwean politics post-independence has led critics to argue that politics in Zimbabwe is personal and patriarchal. Mugabe’s ruling Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)’s alleged use of violence, violent discourse, and other unorthodox power retention strategies have been used to justify claims that Zimbabwean politics is the politics of chaos. In this post-colonial (mis)reading of African politics, ZANU PF and Mugabe discourses have been labeled nativism, patriotic history, Mugabeism, grotesque nationalism, etc. However, these studies have either been uncritically pro- or anti-ZANU PF (Moore 2012). The paper, through an analysis of ZANU PF’s rebranding of Mugabe in the July 2013 elections, suggests a new multitheoretical approach to overcome this uncritical reading of Zimbabwe’s political branding practices. The suggested approach utilizes insights gleaned from sign theory, political branding and/or advertising theory, post-colonial theory, and decolonial theory.
{"title":"“I Am as Fit as a Fiddle”: Selling the Mugabe Brand in the 2013 Elections in Zimbabwe","authors":"Albert Chibuwe","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2017.1306822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2017.1306822","url":null,"abstract":"Robert Mugabe’s dominance in Zimbabwean politics post-independence has led critics to argue that politics in Zimbabwe is personal and patriarchal. Mugabe’s ruling Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)’s alleged use of violence, violent discourse, and other unorthodox power retention strategies have been used to justify claims that Zimbabwean politics is the politics of chaos. In this post-colonial (mis)reading of African politics, ZANU PF and Mugabe discourses have been labeled nativism, patriotic history, Mugabeism, grotesque nationalism, etc. However, these studies have either been uncritically pro- or anti-ZANU PF (Moore 2012). The paper, through an analysis of ZANU PF’s rebranding of Mugabe in the July 2013 elections, suggests a new multitheoretical approach to overcome this uncritical reading of Zimbabwe’s political branding practices. The suggested approach utilizes insights gleaned from sign theory, political branding and/or advertising theory, post-colonial theory, and decolonial theory.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"279 - 300"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2017.1306822","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41524041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1193835
Panos Koliastasis
Various academic authors have analyzed the implementation and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This article builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. The research focuses on the cases of three successive Greek prime ministers: the center-left Kostas Simitis (1996–2004), the center-right Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009), and the left-of-center George Papandreou (2009–2011). In particular, the article addresses two issues: whether these premiers exercised a permanent campaign strategy and what effect the permanent campaign had on their popularity. The conclusion is that all three did adopt a permanent campaign strategy, yet the impact on their public approval was weak, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts.
{"title":"The Permanent Campaign Strategy of Prime Ministers in Parliamentary Systems: The Case of Greece","authors":"Panos Koliastasis","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2016.1193835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193835","url":null,"abstract":"Various academic authors have analyzed the implementation and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This article builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. The research focuses on the cases of three successive Greek prime ministers: the center-left Kostas Simitis (1996–2004), the center-right Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009), and the left-of-center George Papandreou (2009–2011). In particular, the article addresses two issues: whether these premiers exercised a permanent campaign strategy and what effect the permanent campaign had on their popularity. The conclusion is that all three did adopt a permanent campaign strategy, yet the impact on their public approval was weak, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"233 - 257"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193835","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48766215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834
Adam Harmes
This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market-oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research. It further argues that the Iraqi case can contribute to broader debates in the political marketing literature over the definition of market orientation and over the comparative factors that can help or hinder the spread of political marketing techniques.
{"title":"Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq","authors":"Adam Harmes","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market-oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research. It further argues that the Iraqi case can contribute to broader debates in the political marketing literature over the definition of market orientation and over the comparative factors that can help or hinder the spread of political marketing techniques.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"201 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2016.1193834","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46000166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1179241
U. Russmann
The web allows political parties to segment and microtarget specific groups of voters. This paper seeks to measure voter targeting online focusing on catch-all parties and client parties’ websites during the 2008 and 2013 Austrian general elections and the 2009 and 2013 German federal elections. Thereby, this comparative longitudinal analysis also aims to provide insights into the development process of political targeting strategies. From a theoretical perspective, catch-all parties try to appeal to a diverse spectrum of potential voters, whereas client parties are aiming at a more specific type of voter. The results of the content analysis show that (a) information and services on parties’ websites increasingly focus on addressing the general public and (b) differences between catch-all and client parties have been reduced between campaigns.
{"title":"Voter Targeting Online in Comparative Perspectives: Political Party Websites in the 2008/2009 and 2013 Austrian and German Election Campaigns","authors":"U. Russmann","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2016.1179241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1179241","url":null,"abstract":"The web allows political parties to segment and microtarget specific groups of voters. This paper seeks to measure voter targeting online focusing on catch-all parties and client parties’ websites during the 2008 and 2013 Austrian general elections and the 2009 and 2013 German federal elections. Thereby, this comparative longitudinal analysis also aims to provide insights into the development process of political targeting strategies. From a theoretical perspective, catch-all parties try to appeal to a diverse spectrum of potential voters, whereas client parties are aiming at a more specific type of voter. The results of the content analysis show that (a) information and services on parties’ websites increasingly focus on addressing the general public and (b) differences between catch-all and client parties have been reduced between campaigns.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"177 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2016.1179241","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47205673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1715659
B. Newman
{"title":"From the Editor-in-Chief","authors":"B. Newman","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1715659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1715659","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"1 - 2"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1715659","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45813499","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-26DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724422
S. Vinogradova, G. Melnik, T. Shaldenkova
This article focuses on identifying the specifics of the new segment of online media—tactical media. We study the information and organizational resources of the media in promoting the ideology of ...
{"title":"Promotion of Ideology of Protest in the Tactical Media","authors":"S. Vinogradova, G. Melnik, T. Shaldenkova","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1724422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724422","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on identifying the specifics of the new segment of online media—tactical media. We study the information and organizational resources of the media in promoting the ideology of ...","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-14"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724422","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47094770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-09DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724425
N. Tsvetkova, Dmitrii A. Rushchin, B. Shiryaev, G. Yarygin, I. Tsvetkov
This paper examines the transformations and innovations in public diplomacy introduced by the Obama administration, crucial elements of which include political marketing, political advocacy, strate...
本文考察了奥巴马政府在公共外交方面的转变和创新，其中的关键要素包括政治营销、政治倡导、战略和政策。
{"title":"Sprawling in Cyberspace: Barack Obama’s Legacy in Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication","authors":"N. Tsvetkova, Dmitrii A. Rushchin, B. Shiryaev, G. Yarygin, I. Tsvetkov","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1724425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724425","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the transformations and innovations in public diplomacy introduced by the Obama administration, crucial elements of which include political marketing, political advocacy, strate...","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-13"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724425","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42689681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-05DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1723781
S. Chadwick, P. Widdop, N. Burton
Abstract Although commonly associated with commercial organizations utilizing it as a form of marketing communication, sponsorship has become an increasingly political activity. Over the past decade, an apparent shift in sponsorship spending has seen a growing number of sponsorships in which a state entity has acquired the right of association with a sponsorship property. Sponsorships undertaken by state-owned airlines, energy companies, as well as through sovereign-wealth fund brands, have thus become increasingly commonplace, suggesting a new era of sponsorship marketing and soft power exertion. This study examines the emergence and effects of such agreements, and argues that such activities constitute a new form of sponsorship – soft power sponsorship – illustrative of how countries seek to promote their attractiveness, culture, ideas, and policies through soft power. Employing Social Network Analysis (SNA), this study examines the nature and extent of soft power in the cases of three countries (China, Qatar and Russia), and explores how state sponsorship is structurally embedded within soft power networks. In so doing, the study provides a definition and conceptualization of soft power sponsorship, and an analysis of the implications for sponsorship practice.
{"title":"Soft Power Sports Sponsorship – A Social Network Analysis of a New Sponsorship Form","authors":"S. Chadwick, P. Widdop, N. Burton","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1723781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1723781","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although commonly associated with commercial organizations utilizing it as a form of marketing communication, sponsorship has become an increasingly political activity. Over the past decade, an apparent shift in sponsorship spending has seen a growing number of sponsorships in which a state entity has acquired the right of association with a sponsorship property. Sponsorships undertaken by state-owned airlines, energy companies, as well as through sovereign-wealth fund brands, have thus become increasingly commonplace, suggesting a new era of sponsorship marketing and soft power exertion. This study examines the emergence and effects of such agreements, and argues that such activities constitute a new form of sponsorship – soft power sponsorship – illustrative of how countries seek to promote their attractiveness, culture, ideas, and policies through soft power. Employing Social Network Analysis (SNA), this study examines the nature and extent of soft power in the cases of three countries (China, Qatar and Russia), and explores how state sponsorship is structurally embedded within soft power networks. In so doing, the study provides a definition and conceptualization of soft power sponsorship, and an analysis of the implications for sponsorship practice.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"21 1","pages":"196 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1723781","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59853250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-18DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724419
Walid J. Abou-Khalil, G. Aoun
Like consumer satisfaction, satisfaction in politics usually stems from a comparison of perceived performance with expectations of performance. The SERVQUAL model compares expectations for a servic...
{"title":"Does the Political Candidate’s Quality Lead to Satisfaction? Transposition of the SERVQUAL Model to Politics (VOTQUAL): Case of the Loyal Lebanese Voter","authors":"Walid J. Abou-Khalil, G. Aoun","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1724419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724419","url":null,"abstract":"Like consumer satisfaction, satisfaction in politics usually stems from a comparison of perceived performance with expectations of performance. The SERVQUAL model compares expectations for a servic...","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1724419","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48988850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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