Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1678904
G. Simons
This article concerns how publics perceive and relate to a foreign politician. There is no formal relationship between these groups as the publics have no ability to participate in national elections that could validate or detract the aura of legitimacy of the politician. Therefore the relationship could be more informal in nature and based upon perceived similarities and differences of held norms and values. President Vladimir Putin of Russia is a well-known (high profile) global political figure, which may mean a more intensely generated set of attitudes toward him as a political figure. There has been an overwhelmingly negative flow of information in mainstream mass media, especially after the Ukraine crisis. The question posed in the paper sets out to answer, given the negative coverage and associations, could any foreign (non-Russian) publics still like or admire him? The answer found is yes, there are in fact diverse sets of foreign publics like or admire his actual/perceived values and norms – for example his conservative values or his conflict with the US-led West.
{"title":"Putin’s International Political Image","authors":"G. Simons","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1678904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1678904","url":null,"abstract":"This article concerns how publics perceive and relate to a foreign politician. There is no formal relationship between these groups as the publics have no ability to participate in national elections that could validate or detract the aura of legitimacy of the politician. Therefore the relationship could be more informal in nature and based upon perceived similarities and differences of held norms and values. President Vladimir Putin of Russia is a well-known (high profile) global political figure, which may mean a more intensely generated set of attitudes toward him as a political figure. There has been an overwhelmingly negative flow of information in mainstream mass media, especially after the Ukraine crisis. The question posed in the paper sets out to answer, given the negative coverage and associations, could any foreign (non-Russian) publics still like or admire him? The answer found is yes, there are in fact diverse sets of foreign publics like or admire his actual/perceived values and norms – for example his conservative values or his conflict with the US-led West.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"18 1","pages":"307 - 329"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1678904","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47637360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-10-02DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1678905
I. Bērziņa
The term “colour revolutions” was coined to describe nonviolent mass protests against political elites that broke out in the post-Soviet region, a decade after the breakdown of the USSR. The most active, well-organized and successful “colour revolutions” took place in Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004) and Kyrgyzstan (2005). The crisis in Ukraine that began in November 2013, with mass protests against the government’s decision not to sign an association agreement with the EU, again raised the issue of “colour revolutions” in Russia. The Russian political and military leadership’s views which can be determined from updated strategic documents, military concepts, speeches and media narratives provide an insight into a profound authoritarian reaction to the phenomena, which by its very nature is a form of democratic development. The article aims to reveal how “colour revolutions” are being weaponized in Russia through their interpretation as warfare.
{"title":"Weaponization of “Colour Revolutions”","authors":"I. Bērziņa","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1678905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1678905","url":null,"abstract":"The term “colour revolutions” was coined to describe nonviolent mass protests against political elites that broke out in the post-Soviet region, a decade after the breakdown of the USSR. The most active, well-organized and successful “colour revolutions” took place in Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004) and Kyrgyzstan (2005). The crisis in Ukraine that began in November 2013, with mass protests against the government’s decision not to sign an association agreement with the EU, again raised the issue of “colour revolutions” in Russia. The Russian political and military leadership’s views which can be determined from updated strategic documents, military concepts, speeches and media narratives provide an insight into a profound authoritarian reaction to the phenomena, which by its very nature is a form of democratic development. The article aims to reveal how “colour revolutions” are being weaponized in Russia through their interpretation as warfare.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"18 1","pages":"330 - 343"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1678905","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47169116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-29DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1652224
I. Susila, Dianne Dean, R. Yusof, A. Setyawan, F. Wajdi
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies.
{"title":"Symbolic Political Communication, and Trust: A Young Voters’ Perspective of the Indonesian Presidential Election","authors":"I. Susila, Dianne Dean, R. Yusof, A. Setyawan, F. Wajdi","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1652224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652224","url":null,"abstract":"Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"153 - 175"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652224","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46671186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-28DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1658022
Alex Marland, Angelia Wagner
Political parties with strict party discipline are well-placed to demand that their election candidates and legislators promote the party brand. The franchise-franchisee relationship causes representatives to relinquish individual expression in exchange for centralized party messaging. This article looks at how a strategic desire for party unity combines with internal brand management to turn lower-ranking politicians in a parliamentary system into party brand ambassadors. Our Canadian case study draws on in-depth interviews with party leaders, Members of Parliament, political staff, candidates for office and prospective candidates. The implications for representative democracy in a Westminster system are considered, including the representational constraints for racial and sexual minorities.
{"title":"Scripted Messengers: How Party Discipline and Branding Turn Election Candidates and Legislators into Brand Ambassadors","authors":"Alex Marland, Angelia Wagner","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1658022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1658022","url":null,"abstract":"Political parties with strict party discipline are well-placed to demand that their election candidates and legislators promote the party brand. The franchise-franchisee relationship causes representatives to relinquish individual expression in exchange for centralized party messaging. This article looks at how a strategic desire for party unity combines with internal brand management to turn lower-ranking politicians in a parliamentary system into party brand ambassadors. Our Canadian case study draws on in-depth interviews with party leaders, Members of Parliament, political staff, candidates for office and prospective candidates. The implications for representative democracy in a Westminster system are considered, including the representational constraints for racial and sexual minorities.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"54 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1658022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48768566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-27DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1652223
J. Harvey, I. Branco-Illodo
New currencies designed for user anonymity and privacy – widely referred to as “privacy coins” – have forced governments to listen and legislate, but the political motivations of these currencies are not well understood. Following the growing interest of political brands in different contexts, we provide the first systematic review of political motivations expressed in cryptocurrency whitepapers whose explicit goal is “privacy.” Many privacy coins deliberately position themselves as alternative political brands. Although cryptocurrencies are often closely associated with political philosophies that aim to diminish or subvert the power of governments and banks, advocates of privacy occupy much broader ideological ground. We present thematic trends within the privacy coin literature and identify epistemic and ethical tensions present within the communities of people calling for the adoption of entirely private currencies.
{"title":"Why Cryptocurrencies Want Privacy: A Review of Political Motivations and Branding Expressed in “Privacy Coin” Whitepapers","authors":"J. Harvey, I. Branco-Illodo","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1652223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652223","url":null,"abstract":"New currencies designed for user anonymity and privacy – widely referred to as “privacy coins” – have forced governments to listen and legislate, but the political motivations of these currencies are not well understood. Following the growing interest of political brands in different contexts, we provide the first systematic review of political motivations expressed in cryptocurrency whitepapers whose explicit goal is “privacy.” Many privacy coins deliberately position themselves as alternative political brands. Although cryptocurrencies are often closely associated with political philosophies that aim to diminish or subvert the power of governments and banks, advocates of privacy occupy much broader ideological ground. We present thematic trends within the privacy coin literature and identify epistemic and ethical tensions present within the communities of people calling for the adoption of entirely private currencies.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"107 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652223","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43455276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-24DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1652225
Todd P. Newman
This article seeks to explain how science has emerged as political brand. While science and politics have intersected for centuries, more recent social, cultural, and political events led to increased attention to the role of science in everyday life and how science is used in policy decision-making. This led to a tipping point in 2017 when the March for Science was formed, following what many in the U.S. and countries around the world viewed as anti-science stances by political leaders. The political spectacle of the March for Science not only brought increased attention to the scientific community, but also emerged to define the brand of science in society. Drawing on research from the role of brands in consumer culture – including political marketing, brand resonance, and brand community – I describe the implications of the science brand for the scientific enterprise, and the ways in which the scientific community consider the strategic communication of their brand within the political marketplace.
{"title":"The Emergence of Science as a Political Brand","authors":"Todd P. Newman","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1652225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652225","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explain how science has emerged as political brand. While science and politics have intersected for centuries, more recent social, cultural, and political events led to increased attention to the role of science in everyday life and how science is used in policy decision-making. This led to a tipping point in 2017 when the March for Science was formed, following what many in the U.S. and countries around the world viewed as anti-science stances by political leaders. The political spectacle of the March for Science not only brought increased attention to the scientific community, but also emerged to define the brand of science in society. Drawing on research from the role of brands in consumer culture – including political marketing, brand resonance, and brand community – I describe the implications of the science brand for the scientific enterprise, and the ways in which the scientific community consider the strategic communication of their brand within the political marketplace.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"137 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652225","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42353627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-22DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1652221
A. Falkowski, Magdalena Jabłońska
Due to its important practical implications, there has been a growing number of studies on framing conducted by scholars from various research domains. There has been, however, no paper that would provide a comprehensive overview of various moderators and mediators of the effect. The aim of this paper is to address this research gap, concentrating on psychological moderators and mediators of framing characteristic for political marketing. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part, the concepts of framing, priming and agenda-setting as well as the similarities and differences between them are presented in order to resolve common terminological inconsistencies. In the second, we discuss the moderating role of such variables as knowledge, trust in media and values on framing effect. In the third section, psychological mechanisms that underlie framing and priming are reviewed. Here, cognitive mediators such as accessibility and applicability effects are presented, followed by the discussion of the moderating and mediating role of emotions in framing effects, with special attention given to positive-negative asymmetry observed in the evaluation of political candidates and events. Finally, implication for political brand management are discussed. Our findings can be relevant for politicians, specialists dealing in political brand image and scholars studying framing effects.
{"title":"Moderators and Mediators of Framing Effects in Political Marketing: Implications for Political Brand Management","authors":"A. Falkowski, Magdalena Jabłońska","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1652221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652221","url":null,"abstract":"Due to its important practical implications, there has been a growing number of studies on framing conducted by scholars from various research domains. There has been, however, no paper that would provide a comprehensive overview of various moderators and mediators of the effect. The aim of this paper is to address this research gap, concentrating on psychological moderators and mediators of framing characteristic for political marketing. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part, the concepts of framing, priming and agenda-setting as well as the similarities and differences between them are presented in order to resolve common terminological inconsistencies. In the second, we discuss the moderating role of such variables as knowledge, trust in media and values on framing effect. In the third section, psychological mechanisms that underlie framing and priming are reviewed. Here, cognitive mediators such as accessibility and applicability effects are presented, followed by the discussion of the moderating and mediating role of emotions in framing effects, with special attention given to positive-negative asymmetry observed in the evaluation of political candidates and events. Finally, implication for political brand management are discussed. Our findings can be relevant for politicians, specialists dealing in political brand image and scholars studying framing effects.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"34 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652221","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43557260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-08-20DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1652222
Varsha Jain, Ganesh B. E.
The field of political marketing has majorly benefited from the use of social media platforms. This has been true both for eastern and western contexts. The primary areas in political marketing that have majorly benefited from the social media usage have been the political leader and the evaluations of the leader by the voters. In the Indian context too, the use of social media techniques has been hailed as the Holy Grail of political marketing. This estimation is quite apposite. Nevertheless, what must not be forgotten is that the complexities of the bonding between political leaders and voters are not only premised primarily on the efficacy of social media techniques but also include other key dimensions. Thus, this article focuses on the importance of credibility as a key dimension. This dimension is inevitable to make social media techniques as effective as they are in political marketing. To substantiate this, we have comprehensively engaged with the fields such as traits of political leaders, crisis management and collaboration. These deliberations have been contextualized to the case of Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India. Further, these deliberations culminate in an effective framework. Academicians and practitioners of political marketing can extensively utilize this framework.
{"title":"Understanding the Magic of Credibility for Political Leaders: A Case of India and Narendra Modi","authors":"Varsha Jain, Ganesh B. E.","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2019.1652222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652222","url":null,"abstract":"The field of political marketing has majorly benefited from the use of social media platforms. This has been true both for eastern and western contexts. The primary areas in political marketing that have majorly benefited from the social media usage have been the political leader and the evaluations of the leader by the voters. In the Indian context too, the use of social media techniques has been hailed as the Holy Grail of political marketing. This estimation is quite apposite. Nevertheless, what must not be forgotten is that the complexities of the bonding between political leaders and voters are not only premised primarily on the efficacy of social media techniques but also include other key dimensions. Thus, this article focuses on the importance of credibility as a key dimension. This dimension is inevitable to make social media techniques as effective as they are in political marketing. To substantiate this, we have comprehensively engaged with the fields such as traits of political leaders, crisis management and collaboration. These deliberations have been contextualized to the case of Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India. Further, these deliberations culminate in an effective framework. Academicians and practitioners of political marketing can extensively utilize this framework.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"19 1","pages":"15 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2019.1652222","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43278704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2016.1207125
B. Calfano
Scholars have generally found e-mail–based effects to be limited, despite suggestions from marketing consultants that techniques such as message personalization and emotion-based content make e-mail campaigns more successful. Key in e-mail personalization is the subject line. To my knowledge, however, no one has examined the direct effects of e-mail subject lines using a field experiment with unobtrusive behavioral measures (i.e., tracking e-mail open rates). To address this gap, I leverage a field experiment using 82,000 e-mail addresses from a state-based Planned Parenthood contact list to determine whether randomly assigned subject line content impacts e-mail open rates. My results show that subject line personalization has a limited effect on open rates, but that personalization—when combined with subject line reference to emotion—may affect downstream behavior among a small percentage of e-mail recipients.
{"title":"Power Lines: Unobtrusive Assessment of E-mail Subject Line Impact on Organization Website Use","authors":"B. Calfano","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2016.1207125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2016.1207125","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have generally found e-mail–based effects to be limited, despite suggestions from marketing consultants that techniques such as message personalization and emotion-based content make e-mail campaigns more successful. Key in e-mail personalization is the subject line. To my knowledge, however, no one has examined the direct effects of e-mail subject lines using a field experiment with unobtrusive behavioral measures (i.e., tracking e-mail open rates). To address this gap, I leverage a field experiment using 82,000 e-mail addresses from a state-based Planned Parenthood contact list to determine whether randomly assigned subject line content impacts e-mail open rates. My results show that subject line personalization has a limited effect on open rates, but that personalization—when combined with subject line reference to emotion—may affect downstream behavior among a small percentage of e-mail recipients.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"18 1","pages":"179 - 195"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2016.1207125","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42439246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2017.1411859
M. Lizotte, Heather J. Meggers-Wright
Given the focus of the media on female candidate appearance in the 2008 presidential election, this research investigates the effects on voter evaluations of calling attention to female candidate attractiveness. The current research hypothesizes that pointing out candidate attractiveness likely has a negative effect on subsequent evaluations and reports of vote likelihood, particularly for female candidates. Role congruity theory, which argues that evidence of prejudice against female leaders is the result of a discrepancy between people’s stereotypes of women and their stereotypes of leaders, provides an explanation for these findings. This study establishes the negative influence of calling attention to a candidate’s attractiveness. In particular, a female candidate described as attractive are evaluated more negatively than a male candidate described as attractive and compared to male and female candidates, who are not described as attractive.
{"title":"Negative Effects of Calling Attention to Female Political Candidates’ Attractiveness","authors":"M. Lizotte, Heather J. Meggers-Wright","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2017.1411859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2017.1411859","url":null,"abstract":"Given the focus of the media on female candidate appearance in the 2008 presidential election, this research investigates the effects on voter evaluations of calling attention to female candidate attractiveness. The current research hypothesizes that pointing out candidate attractiveness likely has a negative effect on subsequent evaluations and reports of vote likelihood, particularly for female candidates. Role congruity theory, which argues that evidence of prejudice against female leaders is the result of a discrepancy between people’s stereotypes of women and their stereotypes of leaders, provides an explanation for these findings. This study establishes the negative influence of calling attention to a candidate’s attractiveness. In particular, a female candidate described as attractive are evaluated more negatively than a male candidate described as attractive and compared to male and female candidates, who are not described as attractive.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"18 1","pages":"240 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2017.1411859","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48977173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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