Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1939570
Suhwoo Ahn, D. Bergan, Dustin Carnahan, R. Barry, Ezgi Ulusoy
Abstract The rise of negative partisanship raises the possibility that perceptions of what the partisan out-group believes on a factual matter could serve as a cue for one’s own factual beliefs. In the current paper, we present the results of an online experiment using a sample of self-identified conservatives and liberals on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk platform. Across several statements on various political issues, participants were randomly assigned to receive a corrective message, polling information about the factual beliefs of members from the partisan out-group, or both. We find that while the corrective message improved belief accuracy, information about the out-group did not influence belief accuracy either directly or by moderating the influence of corrections – even among those with the strongest antipathy toward the out-party. We discuss the implications of the results for the role of negative partisanship for misinformation and corrective messages.
{"title":"Out-Party Cues and Factual Beliefs in an Era of Negative Partisanship","authors":"Suhwoo Ahn, D. Bergan, Dustin Carnahan, R. Barry, Ezgi Ulusoy","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1939570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939570","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The rise of negative partisanship raises the possibility that perceptions of what the partisan out-group believes on a factual matter could serve as a cue for one’s own factual beliefs. In the current paper, we present the results of an online experiment using a sample of self-identified conservatives and liberals on Amazon’s Mechanical Turk platform. Across several statements on various political issues, participants were randomly assigned to receive a corrective message, polling information about the factual beliefs of members from the partisan out-group, or both. We find that while the corrective message improved belief accuracy, information about the out-group did not influence belief accuracy either directly or by moderating the influence of corrections – even among those with the strongest antipathy toward the out-party. We discuss the implications of the results for the role of negative partisanship for misinformation and corrective messages.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"269 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939570","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46914509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-01DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1939568
Aaron C. Weinschenk, Costas Panagopoulos, S. van der Linden
Abstract We examine individuals’ views about democratic norm violations related to the peaceful transfer of power and acceptance of election results and the link between those views and broader perceptions about support for social election norms in the American public. Using data from an original national survey fielded after the 2020 presidential election, a number of important findings emerge. First, sizable majorities of Americans personally support the peaceful transfer of power (89%) and accept the 2020 presidential election results (74%). Second, individuals perceive these social norms to be widely held by the public. Respondents believe that 67% of Americans support a peaceful transfer of power and that 63% of Americans will accept the results of the 2020 election. Third, there is a strong link between personal views about these election norms and social perceptions about election norms. Consistent with research in psychology on the false consensus bias, people expect the public at large to share their views about election norms. Finally, we demonstrate that political ideology moderates the relationship between personal views about election norms and public perceptions about these norms. Among conservatives who do not support the election outcome, the perception is that only a small portion of the general public supports the election. On the other hand, among conservatives who do support election norms, the perception is that a large share of the public shares their views.
{"title":"Democratic Norms, Social Projection, and False Consensus in the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election","authors":"Aaron C. Weinschenk, Costas Panagopoulos, S. van der Linden","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1939568","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939568","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We examine individuals’ views about democratic norm violations related to the peaceful transfer of power and acceptance of election results and the link between those views and broader perceptions about support for social election norms in the American public. Using data from an original national survey fielded after the 2020 presidential election, a number of important findings emerge. First, sizable majorities of Americans personally support the peaceful transfer of power (89%) and accept the 2020 presidential election results (74%). Second, individuals perceive these social norms to be widely held by the public. Respondents believe that 67% of Americans support a peaceful transfer of power and that 63% of Americans will accept the results of the 2020 election. Third, there is a strong link between personal views about these election norms and social perceptions about election norms. Consistent with research in psychology on the false consensus bias, people expect the public at large to share their views about election norms. Finally, we demonstrate that political ideology moderates the relationship between personal views about election norms and public perceptions about these norms. Among conservatives who do not support the election outcome, the perception is that only a small portion of the general public supports the election. On the other hand, among conservatives who do support election norms, the perception is that a large share of the public shares their views.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"255 - 268"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939568","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49132532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1930328
Maria Shahid, Waseem Hassan, Lubaba Sadaf
This qualitative study responds to explicit calls for further research and explores the political co-brand management, positioning and negative image transference between the co-brand and the corpo...
{"title":"Exploring the Political Co-Brand Image & Positioning from External Stakeholder’s Perspective in Pakistan","authors":"Maria Shahid, Waseem Hassan, Lubaba Sadaf","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1930328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1930328","url":null,"abstract":"This qualitative study responds to explicit calls for further research and explores the political co-brand management, positioning and negative image transference between the co-brand and the corpo...","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1930328","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46796991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1939571
Jamil Scott, Melissa R. Michelson, Stephanie L. DeMora
Abstract Scholars and practitioners have long understood the importance of mobilization for increasing voter turnout, particularly the power of personal contact to increase voter participation in low-propensity communities of color. Compared to research focused on other communities, however, less is known about how Black voters respond to encouragements to vote. This lacuna in the literature can be attributed both to the political capture of Black voters by the Democratic Party and also to rational reluctance by many in the Black community to cooperate with outside researchers seeking to experiment on their communities. Seeking to add to this literature, in the weeks leading up to the 2018 midterm elections we conducted a set of focus groups that informed a subsequent get-out-the-vote (GOTV) effort in two majority-Black wards of Washington DC. The focus group conversations generated valuable insights into the way Black residents think about politics and voting; the GOTV effort yielded negligible effects.
{"title":"Getting out the Black Vote in Washington DC: A Field Experiment","authors":"Jamil Scott, Melissa R. Michelson, Stephanie L. DeMora","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1939571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939571","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Scholars and practitioners have long understood the importance of mobilization for increasing voter turnout, particularly the power of personal contact to increase voter participation in low-propensity communities of color. Compared to research focused on other communities, however, less is known about how Black voters respond to encouragements to vote. This lacuna in the literature can be attributed both to the political capture of Black voters by the Democratic Party and also to rational reluctance by many in the Black community to cooperate with outside researchers seeking to experiment on their communities. Seeking to add to this literature, in the weeks leading up to the 2018 midterm elections we conducted a set of focus groups that informed a subsequent get-out-the-vote (GOTV) effort in two majority-Black wards of Washington DC. The focus group conversations generated valuable insights into the way Black residents think about politics and voting; the GOTV effort yielded negligible effects.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"289 - 301"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939571","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47730120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-15DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1939579
Michael Cornfield
Abstract The presidential candidacy announcement or declaration speech represents a major political marketing effort. Much goes into its staging, text, and performance. Campaigns rely on this debut to stake out a strategic position with respect to their declared and expected competitors, one that will yield a prevailing share of votes from a coalition of voters the campaigns will try to assemble out of the eligible population. In this study I examine the rhetorical composition of these heralding events based on a quasi-literary analysis of speeches and debut alternatives (such as a video) by 37 major candidates who announced their candidacies in 2015 (for the 2016 nominations and election) and 2019 (for 2020). I review the historical development of the declaration speech and set out ten of its formal elements. I show how a rich sense of a candidate’s character –political orientation, style, and comparative strengths and weaknesses– can be discerned in these addresses. I contend that the choices behind and the qualities of the declaration speech reveal much about the aptness of a candidate for the office of president.
{"title":"Disclosures of Character: Formal Aspects of Presidential Campaign Announcement Speeches","authors":"Michael Cornfield","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1939579","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939579","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The presidential candidacy announcement or declaration speech represents a major political marketing effort. Much goes into its staging, text, and performance. Campaigns rely on this debut to stake out a strategic position with respect to their declared and expected competitors, one that will yield a prevailing share of votes from a coalition of voters the campaigns will try to assemble out of the eligible population. In this study I examine the rhetorical composition of these heralding events based on a quasi-literary analysis of speeches and debut alternatives (such as a video) by 37 major candidates who announced their candidacies in 2015 (for the 2016 nominations and election) and 2019 (for 2020). I review the historical development of the declaration speech and set out ten of its formal elements. I show how a rich sense of a candidate’s character –political orientation, style, and comparative strengths and weaknesses– can be discerned in these addresses. I contend that the choices behind and the qualities of the declaration speech reveal much about the aptness of a candidate for the office of president.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"317 - 339"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939579","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42109152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-15DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1939572
Tyler Johnson
Abstract From the beginning of his first presidential run in 2015, Donald Trump regularly used nicknames to deride his opponents’ appearances, demeanors, beliefs, or personal histories. Employing such nicknames defied norms of campaigning and captured media attention, but little is known about how these monikers penetrated public awareness, were perceived by the public, and shaped evaluations of those targeted. Examining Trump’s effort to label Joe Biden as “Sleepy Joe” offers a window through which to begin to answer such questions. Findings from an August 2020 survey experiment reveal that those who participate in politics are likely to contemporaneously know the nicknames Trump is using during the campaign. Perceptions of nickname accuracy were shaped by political beliefs. Amongst a random subset of survey participants asked to consider the use and intent of “Sleepy Joe” more deeply, those who knew it going in and also approved of how the President did his job were the only ones to look significantly more negatively upon Biden. Subsequent findings also reveal the extent to which Americans have forgotten Trump’s nicknames of past rivals, calling into question whether such a strategy leaves lasting legacies.
{"title":"Sleepy Joe? Recalling and Considering Donald Trump’s Strategic Use of Nicknames","authors":"Tyler Johnson","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1939572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939572","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract From the beginning of his first presidential run in 2015, Donald Trump regularly used nicknames to deride his opponents’ appearances, demeanors, beliefs, or personal histories. Employing such nicknames defied norms of campaigning and captured media attention, but little is known about how these monikers penetrated public awareness, were perceived by the public, and shaped evaluations of those targeted. Examining Trump’s effort to label Joe Biden as “Sleepy Joe” offers a window through which to begin to answer such questions. Findings from an August 2020 survey experiment reveal that those who participate in politics are likely to contemporaneously know the nicknames Trump is using during the campaign. Perceptions of nickname accuracy were shaped by political beliefs. Amongst a random subset of survey participants asked to consider the use and intent of “Sleepy Joe” more deeply, those who knew it going in and also approved of how the President did his job were the only ones to look significantly more negatively upon Biden. Subsequent findings also reveal the extent to which Americans have forgotten Trump’s nicknames of past rivals, calling into question whether such a strategy leaves lasting legacies.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"302 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1939572","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43680076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-05DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1910611
S. Gaynor, J. Gimpel
This research examines variation in response to mass email communications by a large and sophisticated political campaign over the course of the 2018 election cycle. Computational text analysis is ...
{"title":"Small Donor Contributions in Response to Email Outreach by a Political Campaign","authors":"S. Gaynor, J. Gimpel","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1910611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1910611","url":null,"abstract":"This research examines variation in response to mass email communications by a large and sophisticated political campaign over the course of the 2018 election cycle. Computational text analysis is ...","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-25"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1910611","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49144667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-08DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2021.1910610
Nyarwi Ahmad
{"title":"What Drive Marketization and Professionalization of Campaigning of Political Parties in the Emerging Democracy? Evidence from Indonesia in the Post-Soeharto New Order","authors":"Nyarwi Ahmad","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2021.1910610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2021.1910610","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-28"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2021.1910610","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43242861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-03DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2018.1457591
Amanda Wintersieck, K. Fridkin, P. Kenney
Fact-checks have become prolific in U.S. campaigns over the last ten years. As a result, fact-checks have become one of the easiest ways for individuals to analyze the truthfulness of politicians’ statements. The increase in both fact-checking and its accessibility to voters led us to ask whether fact-checks influence individuals’ attitudes and evaluations of political candidates and campaign messages. To examine the impact of fact-checking, we conduct two original experiments using the 2012 Ohio Senate race between Republican challenger Josh Mandel and Democratic incumbent Sherrod Brown. The first experiment utilized a sample of over 300 students during the fall of 2013. The second experiment is a crowdsourced Amazon Mechanical Turk Sample in the fall of 2014. We find the content of fact-check messages are influential in altering assessments of candidates’ advertisements. We also find the source of the fact-check only modestly impacts assessments. The findings illustrate the potential power of fact-checks to influence the effectiveness of candidates’ messages and reaffirm the important role the news media plays in validating candidate claims and arguments during political campaigns.
{"title":"The Message Matters: The Influence of Fact-Checking on Evaluations of Political Messages","authors":"Amanda Wintersieck, K. Fridkin, P. Kenney","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2018.1457591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2018.1457591","url":null,"abstract":"Fact-checks have become prolific in U.S. campaigns over the last ten years. As a result, fact-checks have become one of the easiest ways for individuals to analyze the truthfulness of politicians’ statements. The increase in both fact-checking and its accessibility to voters led us to ask whether fact-checks influence individuals’ attitudes and evaluations of political candidates and campaign messages. To examine the impact of fact-checking, we conduct two original experiments using the 2012 Ohio Senate race between Republican challenger Josh Mandel and Democratic incumbent Sherrod Brown. The first experiment utilized a sample of over 300 students during the fall of 2013. The second experiment is a crowdsourced Amazon Mechanical Turk Sample in the fall of 2014. We find the content of fact-check messages are influential in altering assessments of candidates’ advertisements. We also find the source of the fact-check only modestly impacts assessments. The findings illustrate the potential power of fact-checks to influence the effectiveness of candidates’ messages and reaffirm the important role the news media plays in validating candidate claims and arguments during political campaigns.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"93 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2018.1457591","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49098664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-29DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1869845
N. Tsvetkova, Dmitry Rushchin
Abstract Russian public diplomacy has recently minimized its traditional approach of soft power and cultural diplomacy in favor of strategic communication involving political marketing and sharp power. This article discusses the theoretical implications of soft power, political marketing, and strategic communication for public diplomacy and reviews Russia’s conspicuous projects of public diplomacy in the domains of traditional and digital communication. It shows that Russia’s public diplomacy has recently exploited strategic communication and political marketing more often than soft power, dialogue, and engagement. As a consequence, despite new reforms and financial support from the government, Russia’s public diplomacy can neither win over target audiences nor improve its brand via foreign aid.
{"title":"Russia’s Public Diplomacy: From Soft Power to Strategic Communication","authors":"N. Tsvetkova, Dmitry Rushchin","doi":"10.1080/15377857.2020.1869845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2020.1869845","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Russian public diplomacy has recently minimized its traditional approach of soft power and cultural diplomacy in favor of strategic communication involving political marketing and sharp power. This article discusses the theoretical implications of soft power, political marketing, and strategic communication for public diplomacy and reviews Russia’s conspicuous projects of public diplomacy in the domains of traditional and digital communication. It shows that Russia’s public diplomacy has recently exploited strategic communication and political marketing more often than soft power, dialogue, and engagement. As a consequence, despite new reforms and financial support from the government, Russia’s public diplomacy can neither win over target audiences nor improve its brand via foreign aid.","PeriodicalId":46259,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Marketing","volume":"20 1","pages":"50 - 59"},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/15377857.2020.1869845","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48499056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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