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“The Late Leader”: Influence of Political Leader’s Death on Their Evaluation “已故领袖”:政治领袖之死对其评价的影响
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-02-18 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724410
M. Drzewiecka, W. Cwalina
Of the dead, nothing unless good—has this Latin quote practical implications for political marketers? We tend to view dead people (especially leaders) more favorably than their living equivalents. ...
这句拉丁名言对政治营销者有什么实际意义吗?我们倾向于把死去的人(尤其是领导)看得比活着的人更有好感. ...
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引用次数: 1
Policy and Political Marketing: Promoting Conflict as Policy 政策与政治营销:以冲突为政策
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724426
G. Simons
This paper is an attempt to try and understand the processes and interactions that take place in society when a group attempts to lobby in favor of contentious forms of public policy, which may not...
本文试图理解当一个团体试图游说支持有争议的公共政策形式时,社会中发生的过程和互动,而这些形式可能不会。。。
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引用次数: 6
Consistency and change in political marketing 政治营销的一致性与变化
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2020.1724408
G. Simons
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引用次数: 0
Exploring Personal Political Brands of Iceland’s Parliamentarians 冰岛议员个人政治品牌探析
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1680931
G. Armannsdottir, S. Carnell, C. Pich
This paper focuses on an under-researched and under-developed typology of political branding and conceptualizes politicians as personal political brands. Further, this study answers explicit calls for more research devoted to exploring the development of intended brand identity particularly from a brand creator perspective. Members of Parliament from the Republic of Iceland contextualizes this study. This qualitative case-study approach reveals how personal political brands create, construct and communicate their identity. Personal political brand identities were established and managed via a clear brand mantra and offline-online communication tools, which in turn revealed a degree of alignment with their party-political brand. However, this paper also demonstrates the challenges of managing the identities of personal political brands in terms of authenticity and integration particularly with coalition partners. Our paper builds on the six-staged analytical process of personal branding and proposes the Personal Political Brand Identity Appraisal Framework as an operational tool to introspectively evaluate personal political brand identity. This framework can be used by political actors across different settings and contexts to assess personal political brands from multiple perspectives.
本文关注的是一种研究不足和发展不足的政治品牌类型,并将政治家概念化为个人政治品牌。此外,本研究明确呼吁进行更多的研究,特别是从品牌创造者的角度来探索预期品牌身份的发展。来自冰岛共和国的国会议员对这项研究进行了分析。这种定性的案例研究方法揭示了个人政治品牌是如何创造、构建和传播其身份的。个人政治品牌身份是通过明确的品牌口号和线下在线沟通工具建立和管理的,这反过来又揭示了他们与政党政治品牌的一致性。然而,本文也展示了在真实性和整合方面管理个人政治品牌身份的挑战,尤其是与联盟伙伴的整合。本文建立在个人品牌六阶段分析过程的基础上,提出了个人政治品牌身份评价框架,作为反思性评价个人政治品牌认同的操作工具。该框架可供不同环境和背景下的政治行为者使用,从多个角度评估个人政治品牌。
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引用次数: 9
I Can Feel What You Feel: Emotion Exchanges in Twitter Conversations between Candidates and the Public 我能感受到你的感受:候选人和公众在推特对话中的情感交流
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1684419
Newly Paul, Mingxiao Sui
Twitter offers politicians a direct path of communication to the public, and by its very nature, encourages tweets that are often heavy on emotions. Given the rise of Twitter and emotional appeals in politics, this paper investigates two important questions: How “emotional” are political candidates on Twitter, and, how does the public respond to candidates’ tweets containing emotional appeals such as joy, fear, anger, and disgust? Based on Crimson Hexagon’s sentiment analysis of over 500,000 tweets for 541 members of the 115th Congress and the public’s corresponding replies, we find that the tone of candidates’ tweets and the public’s reactions is primarily positive. We also find congruence in the emotions between a political tweet and its reply.
推特为政客们提供了一条与公众沟通的直接途径,而且就其本质而言,它鼓励了那些往往充满情感的推文。鉴于Twitter和情感诉求在政治中的兴起,本文研究了两个重要问题:政治候选人在Twitter上的“情感”程度如何,以及公众如何回应候选人包含喜悦、恐惧、愤怒和厌恶等情感诉求的推文?Crimson Hexagon对第115届国会541名议员的50多万条推文以及公众的相应回复进行了情绪分析,我们发现候选人的推文基调和公众的反应以积极为主。我们还发现,一条政治推文与其回复之间的情感是一致的。
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引用次数: 13
Evolution of Political Branding: Typologies, Diverse Settings and Future Research 政治品牌的演变:类型学、多元背景与未来研究
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1680932
C. Pich, B. Newman
Political branding has developed into an established and vibrant sub-discipline of political marketing. Indeed, political branding research continues to push boundaries by critically applying consumer based branding theories, concepts and frameworks to the political environment. Recently, political branding scholars have segmented research into different categories such as corporate, candidate, leader, local-regional, internal or external in orientation. Despite this development, there continues to be limited research on alternative or different typologies of political brands. This study reaffirms political branding as a distinct area of research and discusses how political brands can be conceptualised and operationalised. Further, drawing on seven empirical and conceptual papers, which focus on different typologies of political brands from a range of international contexts including Canada, USA, Iceland, Indonesia and India, we reflect on the current political branding environment. We conclude that there are multiple relationships and numerous interconnected political brands, which represent an intricate environment or ecosystem. This study offers academics and political actors guidance on how to conceptualise political brands and provides a starting point to map out the ecosystems of political brands. Finally, this study provides explicit calls for further research in political branding.
政治品牌化已经发展成为政治营销中一个成熟而充满活力的分支学科。事实上,政治品牌研究通过批判性地将基于消费者的品牌理论、概念和框架应用于政治环境,不断突破界限。近年来,政治品牌学者将研究分为企业、候选人、领导者、地方-区域、内部或外部等不同的类别。尽管有了这样的发展,但对政治品牌的替代或不同类型的研究仍然有限。本研究重申了政治品牌作为一个独特的研究领域,并讨论了如何将政治品牌概念化和操作化。此外,借鉴七篇实证和概念性论文,这些论文关注的是来自加拿大、美国、冰岛、印度尼西亚和印度等一系列国际背景下政治品牌的不同类型,我们反思了当前的政治品牌环境。我们的结论是,存在多种关系和众多相互关联的政治品牌,它们代表了一个复杂的环境或生态系统。这项研究为学者和政治行为者提供了如何概念化政治品牌的指导,并为绘制政治品牌生态系统提供了一个起点。最后,本研究对政治品牌化的进一步研究提出了明确的呼吁。
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引用次数: 16
Effects of Priming on Campaign Volunteer Canvasing Performance: Exploratory Analysis of Four Field Experiments 启动对运动志愿者输精管结扎效果的影响——四个现场实验的探索性分析
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1666077
Brandon W. Lenoir, C. Matthews
Volunteers are one of the most valuable resources for a political campaign. Little scholarly attention, however, has been dedicated to understanding ways to motivate a campaign volunteer. With limited time, campaigns strive to get the most efficient output from their volunteers. Working in collaboration with two mayoral candidates, four city council candidates, and a candidate for the State House of Representatives, the authors implemented four field experiments to test the effects of a subconscious primed goal on the performance of 158 political campaign volunteers. Applying the findings of prior research on the effects of photo primes in a call center, the authors tested achievement and task-oriented photo primes compared to the absence of a photo prime on the volunteer productivity within the context of door-to-door canvasing. The results indicate that the photo prime intended to instill general achievement statistically outperformed the absence of a photo prime, resulting in more address contact attempts (doors knocked), and may serve as a low to no cost option to maximize volunteer productivity.
志愿者是政治竞选中最宝贵的资源之一。然而,很少有学术关注致力于了解如何激励竞选志愿者。在有限的时间内,活动力求从志愿者那里获得最有效的产出。作者与两位市长候选人、四位市议会候选人和一位州众议院候选人合作,实施了四项实地实验,以测试潜意识启动目标对158名政治竞选志愿者表现的影响。应用先前对呼叫中心中照片启动效应的研究结果,作者在挨家挨户拉票的背景下测试了成就和任务导向的照片启动与没有照片启动对志愿者工作效率的影响。结果表明,旨在灌输一般成就的照片启动在统计上优于没有照片启动,导致更多的地址联系尝试(敲门),并且可能作为一个低成本或无成本的选择,以最大限度地提高志愿者的生产力。
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引用次数: 3
Who Are the Political Leaders We Are Looking for? Candidate Positioning in Terms of Leadership Style. A Cross-Cultural Study in Goleman’s Typology 我们在寻找什么样的政治领袖?候选人在领导风格方面的定位。戈尔曼类型学的跨文化研究
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1678908
W. Cwalina, M. Drzewiecka
In the “age of manufactured images” recognition and response to voters’ needs might be crucial. Candidate positioning requires from political marketers constant monitoring of electorate’s perception and preferences. The aim of the study was to find the profile of ideal president in terms of his leadership style. The study was conducted in two countries of different democracy maturity (Poland and Georgia). The results show voters’ perception regarding real political figures and preferences of ideal president’s style on two dimensional perceptual map, built by agency and communion. Discussed issues broaden research on the role of leadership features in candidate image creation.
在“人造图像时代”,识别和回应选民的需求可能至关重要。候选人定位要求政治营销人员不断监控选民的看法和偏好。这项研究的目的是从领导风格的角度来寻找理想总统的形象。这项研究是在两个民主成熟度不同的国家(波兰和格鲁吉亚)进行的。结果表明,选民对真实政治人物的感知和对理想总统风格的偏好是由代理和交流构建的二维感知地图。讨论的问题拓宽了领导特征在候选人形象塑造中的作用研究。
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引用次数: 2
Partisan Schemata in Biased Interpretation of Electoral Proposals and Political Candidate Evaluation 选举提案偏见解释与候选人评价中的党派图式
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1678912
A. Falkowski, W. Cwalina
Both a party proposals and the politician’s personality are among the important determinants of their success in the political market. Studies on the perception of the surrounding physical and social reality clearly demonstrate that the evaluation of experienced objects and events depends not only on the properties of the perceived stimulus but also on the external context, made up of the surrounding stimuli and events, and on the internal context, consisting of the cognitive schemata of the individuals. Two performed experiments covering the same political party proposals and the same personal profile of a politician demonstrate that the evaluation of that party and politician, if presented in different political contexts, depends on the politician’s party affiliation and the voters partisanship. The results of the research lead to the hypotheses on political tolerance which depends on the political orientation of the voters and is subject to modification by the political object evaluated, that is, the party (a formally organized group) or the politician (a person).
政党提案和政治家的个性都是他们在政治市场上取得成功的重要决定因素。对周围物理现实和社会现实的感知研究清楚地表明,对经验对象和事件的评价不仅取决于感知刺激的性质,还取决于由周围刺激和事件组成的外部情境,以及由个体认知图式组成的内部情境。两项涉及同一政党提案和同一政治家个人资料的实验表明,如果在不同的政治背景下出现,对该政党和政治家的评价取决于政治家的党派关系和选民的党派关系。研究结果导致了关于政治宽容的假设,政治宽容取决于选民的政治取向,并受到被评估的政治对象的修改,即政党(一个正式组织的团体)或政治家(一个人)。
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引用次数: 1
Exchanging Political Value: The Global Layer in Political Marketing 政治价值交换:政治营销的全球层面
IF 1.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2019-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/15377857.2019.1678903
C. Andrei
The Romanian presidential elections in 2014 have witnessed a large turnout to polls, an unexpected result but also two successful key-propositions on the winning side, the candidate Klaus Iohannis: “After 25 years, let’s say stop and restart everything from the beginning” and “We’re going to take our country back”. While the first is an original output of the campaign staff after both a data analysis of the race and a catch-phrase proposal from the author of this paper, the second one has more international history behind it. From Michael Dukakis in 1988, to Howard Dean in 1993 and also the Tea Party Movement in 2009–2010 or Donald Trump in 2016, “take back our country” or “take back America” have reemerged as powerful messages in US politics. More interesting, in recent years, the slogan has a polymorph and changing meaning in different international contexts: anti-immigration or anti-Muslims, anti-corporations, anti-elites or anti-politicians in general. Phenomena in politics like ideology contamination from a country context to another, exporting international political consultants, pollsters or strategists from one democracy’s electoral campaigns to another’s or just following some sort of “fashions” in campaigning style have been a long presence in western-like democratic systems. Yet, in the case of the 2014 message in Romania, there is more to the story than a simple copy-paste: a thin but visible new layer in understanding elections and public opinion. “Let’s take our country back” was at the moment in Romania more than a resurfaced message with a prior and ulterior tracking history, but also a descriptor for a wider spreading antiestablishment mood in societies and elections around the world. Eastern Europe alone provides other clarifying examples only the same year: Miro
2014年的罗马尼亚总统选举见证了大量的投票人数,这是一个意想不到的结果,但获胜一方的候选人克劳斯·约翰尼斯(Klaus johannis)提出了两个成功的关键主张:“25年后,让我们停止并从头开始一切”和“我们将夺回我们的国家”。第一个是竞选工作人员在对竞选数据进行分析和本文作者的一个口号提议之后的原创成果,而第二个则有更多的国际历史背景。从1988年的迈克尔·杜卡基斯(Michael Dukakis),到1993年的霍华德·迪安(Howard Dean),再到2009-2010年的茶党运动,再到2016年的唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump),“夺回我们的国家”或“夺回美国”已经重新成为美国政治中强有力的信息。更有趣的是,近年来,这一口号在不同的国际背景下具有多种多样和不断变化的含义:反移民或反穆斯林,反企业,反精英或反政治家。政治上的一些现象,比如意识形态从一个国家传播到另一个国家,将国际政治顾问、民意测验专家或战略家从一个民主国家的选举活动中输出到另一个民主国家,或者只是在竞选风格上遵循某种“时尚”,在类似西方的民主制度中长期存在。然而,在罗马尼亚2014年的选举信息中,除了简单的复制粘贴之外,还有更多的内容:在理解选举和公众舆论方面,有一个薄而明显的新层面。在罗马尼亚,“让我们夺回我们的国家”这句话不仅是一个重新浮出水面的信息,而且是对世界各地社会和选举中更广泛传播的反建制情绪的描述。仅东欧就在同一年提供了其他发人深省的例子:米罗
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Political Marketing
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