This paper describes an exploratory approach to two related aspectual phenomena, non-culminating accomplishments and non-culminating construals of implied-result verbs, in the Bantu languages Xhosa and Nyakyusa. While documented for a diverse array of languages, leading to the identification of some cross-linguistic commonalities and axes of variation, these phenomena have so far not been studied for any continental African language. Both Xhosa and Nyakyusa license non-culminating accomplishments but differ regarding the felicity of such construals with different sub-types of accomplishments in relation to event progress, a decisive factor being that Nyakyusa possesses verbal partitive morphology. Concerning the non-culmination of implied-result verbs, both languages show such readings and support prior cross-linguistic findings that zero change readings are more readily available with agentive subjects. The data further point to the potential role of causative morphology as a parameter of variation to be considered in further comparative research on these verbs.
{"title":"Non-culmination in two Bantu languages","authors":"Bastian Persohn","doi":"10.1075/SL.20051.PER","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/SL.20051.PER","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper describes an exploratory approach to two related aspectual phenomena, non-culminating accomplishments\u0000 and non-culminating construals of implied-result verbs, in the Bantu languages Xhosa and Nyakyusa. While documented for a diverse\u0000 array of languages, leading to the identification of some cross-linguistic commonalities and axes of variation, these phenomena\u0000 have so far not been studied for any continental African language. Both Xhosa and Nyakyusa license non-culminating accomplishments\u0000 but differ regarding the felicity of such construals with different sub-types of accomplishments in relation to event progress, a\u0000 decisive factor being that Nyakyusa possesses verbal partitive morphology. Concerning the non-culmination of implied-result verbs,\u0000 both languages show such readings and support prior cross-linguistic findings that zero change readings are more readily available\u0000 with agentive subjects. The data further point to the potential role of causative morphology as a parameter of variation to be\u0000 considered in further comparative research on these verbs.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91079188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Tariana, an Arawak language from Brazil, has nominal markers which convey temporal and aspectual information about the noun phrase. Besides nominal future, there is a distinction between completed and non-completed nominal pasts. The completed nominal past has three meanings – decessive (‘late, gone’), temporal (‘former’), and commiserative or deprecatory (‘poor thing’). The latter is only applicable to humans and higher animates. The non-completed nominal past has a further semantic component of relevance of the state or property for the present time. The usage of the markers is governed by the principle of communicative necessity – in contrast to clausal, or propositional, tense-cum-evidentiality markers which are always obligatory. Having special means for expressing tense, aspect and relevance within a noun phrase – distinct from tense and aspect categories with clausal scope – constitutes a typologically rare feature of the language.
{"title":"Beyond nominal tense","authors":"A. Aikhenvald","doi":"10.1075/SL.20056.AIK","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/SL.20056.AIK","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Tariana, an Arawak language from Brazil, has nominal markers which convey temporal and aspectual information about the noun phrase. Besides nominal future, there is a distinction between completed and non-completed nominal pasts. The completed nominal past has three meanings – decessive (‘late, gone’), temporal (‘former’), and commiserative or deprecatory (‘poor thing’). The latter is only applicable to humans and higher animates. The non-completed nominal past has a further semantic component of relevance of the state or property for the present time. The usage of the markers is governed by the principle of communicative necessity – in contrast to clausal, or propositional, tense-cum-evidentiality markers which are always obligatory. Having special means for expressing tense, aspect and relevance within a noun phrase – distinct from tense and aspect categories with clausal scope – constitutes a typologically rare feature of the language.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81025353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with the restrictive (limitative) marker kə̄n ‘only’ in Ulcha (Southern Tungusic). This marker has nontrivial positional features: it can attach before inflectional suffixes (as a derivational affix) or after them (as an enclitic). One might see the process of affix reordering described in Haspelmath (1993) as “externalization of inflection”, when a former clitic becomes a derivational affix. However, there is evidence that the uses of kə̄n after inflection are innovative as compared to those before inflection, not vice versa, and this direction of diachronic development is very unexpected. In this paper, I propose an explanation for this nonstandard reordering pattern and show that in fact it has the same motivation and the same mechanisms as previously reported types of affix reordering.
本文讨论了乌尔查语(南通古斯语)中限定(限定)标记k / n ' only。这个标记具有重要的位置特征:它可以附加在屈折后缀之前(作为派生词缀)或之后(作为隐式词缀)。Haspelmath(1993)将词缀重新排序的过程描述为“词形变化的外化”(externalization of inflection)，即原词缀变成派生词缀。然而，有证据表明，与拐点之前相比，拐点之后的k / n的使用是创新的，而不是相反，这种历时发展的方向是非常出乎意料的。在本文中，我对这种非标准重排模式提出了一种解释，并表明实际上它与之前报道的词缀重排类型具有相同的动机和机制。
{"title":"A nonstandard type of affix reordering","authors":"N. Stoynova","doi":"10.1075/sl.19070.sto","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.19070.sto","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper deals with the restrictive (limitative) marker kə̄n ‘only’ in Ulcha (Southern Tungusic). This\u0000 marker has nontrivial positional features: it can attach before inflectional suffixes (as a derivational affix) or after them (as an\u0000 enclitic). One might see the process of affix reordering described in Haspelmath (1993) as\u0000 “externalization of inflection”, when a former clitic becomes a derivational affix. However, there is evidence that the uses of\u0000 kə̄n after inflection are innovative as compared to those before inflection, not vice versa, and this direction of\u0000 diachronic development is very unexpected. In this paper, I propose an explanation for this nonstandard reordering pattern and show that in\u0000 fact it has the same motivation and the same mechanisms as previously reported types of affix reordering.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78963404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to explore the asymmetry in the expression of Goal and Source in spontaneous and caused motion events in Yuhup (Makú/Naduhup family). We examine the asymmetries at the semantic, morphological and syntactic levels. As this language does not have a specialized system of nominal morphology that distinguishes the ground constituents representing the Source or the Goal of a movement, an asymmetrical treatment of Source and Goal is not evident. However, verbal semantics make more distinctions for Goal than for Source, ground constituents are more frequent in the expression of motion to(wards) the Goal than the one (away) from the Source, and structural variety and complexity differentiate between Source and Goal expression. Also, the Goal bias is stronger in the descriptions of caused motion than in the ones of spontaneous motion. The data were collected using tools designed for elicitation of spontaneous and caused motion events.
{"title":"Exploring source/goal asymmetries in spontaneous and caused motion expression in Yuhup","authors":"Ana María Ospina-Bozzi, Caterine Cita-Triana","doi":"10.1075/sl.00015.osp","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.00015.osp","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The aim of this paper is to explore the asymmetry in the expression of Goal and Source in spontaneous and caused motion\u0000 events in Yuhup (Makú/Naduhup family). We examine the asymmetries at the semantic, morphological and syntactic levels. As this language does\u0000 not have a specialized system of nominal morphology that distinguishes the ground constituents representing the Source or the Goal of a\u0000 movement, an asymmetrical treatment of Source and Goal is not evident. However, verbal semantics make more distinctions for Goal than for\u0000 Source, ground constituents are more frequent in the expression of motion to(wards) the Goal than the one (away) from the Source, and\u0000 structural variety and complexity differentiate between Source and Goal expression. Also, the Goal bias is stronger in the descriptions of\u0000 caused motion than in the ones of spontaneous motion. The data were collected using tools designed for elicitation of spontaneous and caused\u0000 motion events.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77670320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the expression of Source and Goal in spontaneous motion events in Stieng (Cambodia, Vietnam). The analysis is based on data collected in Cambodia, using theTrajectoirevideo kit (Ishibashi et al. 2006). Regardless the type of Ground, Stieng data includes a wide range of constructions in describing motion events, combining lexical and grammatical tools (verbs and adnominals). While morphosyntactic resources available to express Source and Goal are formally similar, Stieng data shows that the Goal tends to be privileged compared to the Source, at the semantic, morphosyntactic, and syntactic levels. However, Source and Goal tend to be symmetrical with respect to the semantic distinctions of the verbs, and potential (a)symmetries with respect to the discourse level remain to be clarified. Instances of asymmetries in favor of the Goal tend to support previous studies that postulated a tendency for languages to privilege the Goal in the linguistic expression.
本研究探讨了柬埔寨、越南Stieng地区自发运动事件中Source和Goal的表达。该分析基于在柬埔寨收集的数据，使用了trajectory irevideo工具包(Ishibashi et al. 2006)。无论Ground的类型如何，Stieng数据都包含了描述运动事件的广泛结构，结合了词汇和语法工具(动词和副词)。虽然用于表达源和目标的形态句法资源在形式上是相似的，但Stieng数据显示，在语义、形态句法和句法层面，目标往往比源更有优势。然而，就动词的语义区别而言，源和目的往往是对称的，而就语篇层面而言，潜在的(a)对称性仍有待澄清。支持目标的不对称实例倾向于支持先前的研究，即语言倾向于在语言表达中优先考虑目标。
{"title":"Expression of spontaneous motion events in Stieng","authors":"Noëllie Bon","doi":"10.1075/sl.18030.bon","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.18030.bon","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the expression of Source and Goal in spontaneous motion events in Stieng (Cambodia, Vietnam). The analysis is based on data collected in Cambodia, using theTrajectoirevideo kit (Ishibashi et al. 2006). Regardless the type of Ground, Stieng data includes a wide range of constructions in describing motion events, combining lexical and grammatical tools (verbs and adnominals). While morphosyntactic resources available to express Source and Goal are formally similar, Stieng data shows that the Goal tends to be privileged compared to the Source, at the semantic, morphosyntactic, and syntactic levels. However, Source and Goal tend to be symmetrical with respect to the semantic distinctions of the verbs, and potential (a)symmetries with respect to the discourse level remain to be clarified. Instances of asymmetries in favor of the Goal tend to support previous studies that postulated a tendency for languages to privilege the Goal in the linguistic expression.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76863198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ilja A. Seržant, Katarzyna Janic, Darja Dermaku, Oneg Ben Dror
Abstract Frequency asymmetries within a minimal grammatical domain create offline associations that languages tend to exploit for a more efficient encoding. We explore cross-linguistic coding patterns of antipassives. We first argue that antipassive markers tend to have properties of derivational markers. Secondly, we show that antipassives are considerably rarer than the basic transitive constructions. The lower frequency correlates with the length of coding: antipassives tend to be coded with longer forms than basic transitive verbs. Thirdly, we explore frequency associations of different lexical input types and find that it is the rare input types that tend to select the antipassive, if the marking is differential, while the frequent ones correlate with the unmarked verb (A-lability). We, furthermore, show that the rarer argument types and argument scenarios correlate stronger with antipassives than the more frequent argument types and scenarios.
{"title":"Typology of coding patterns and frequency effects of antipassives","authors":"Ilja A. Seržant, Katarzyna Janic, Darja Dermaku, Oneg Ben Dror","doi":"10.1075/sl.20049.ser","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20049.ser","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Frequency asymmetries within a minimal grammatical domain create offline associations that languages tend to exploit for a more efficient encoding. We explore cross-linguistic coding patterns of antipassives. We first argue that antipassive markers tend to have properties of derivational markers. Secondly, we show that antipassives are considerably rarer than the basic transitive constructions. The lower frequency correlates with the length of coding: antipassives tend to be coded with longer forms than basic transitive verbs. Thirdly, we explore frequency associations of different lexical input types and find that it is the rare input types that tend to select the antipassive, if the marking is differential, while the frequent ones correlate with the unmarked verb (A-lability). We, furthermore, show that the rarer argument types and argument scenarios correlate stronger with antipassives than the more frequent argument types and scenarios.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75643836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines a comparative construction in the Oceanic language Äiwoo and argues that it differs from those known in the typological literature on comparatives on two counts. It is similar to a so-called ‘exceed’ comparative in involving a morpheme meaning ‘go far’; but unlike canonical exceed comparatives, the construction is intransitive, and the standard of comparison is expressed as an oblique. Moreover, the standard is indicated not only by this oblique phrase but also by a directional marker on the verb, in an extension of the frequent use of directionals in Äiwoo to indicate peripheral participants. This construction thus, on the one hand, expands the established typology of comparative constructions; and on the other, shows that the use of directional morphemes to indicate peripheral participants, otherwise attested e.g. for recipients of give verbs, may extend to the standard in comparative constructions, pointing to an avenue for further typological exploration.
{"title":"Äiwoo wâtu and the typology of comparatives","authors":"Åshild Næss","doi":"10.1075/sl.20022.nae","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20022.nae","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines a comparative construction in the Oceanic language Äiwoo and argues that it differs from those known\u0000 in the typological literature on comparatives on two counts. It is similar to a so-called ‘exceed’ comparative in involving a\u0000 morpheme meaning ‘go far’; but unlike canonical exceed comparatives, the construction is intransitive, and the standard of\u0000 comparison is expressed as an oblique. Moreover, the standard is indicated not only by this oblique phrase but also by a directional marker\u0000 on the verb, in an extension of the frequent use of directionals in Äiwoo to indicate peripheral participants. This construction thus, on\u0000 the one hand, expands the established typology of comparative constructions; and on the other, shows that the use of directional morphemes\u0000 to indicate peripheral participants, otherwise attested e.g. for recipients of give verbs, may extend to the standard in\u0000 comparative constructions, pointing to an avenue for further typological exploration.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73028333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We investigate a rich but less studied component of the relative clause system in Teramano, one of the Upper Southern Italian languages. We focus on light-headed relative clauses⎯relative clauses that lack a full nominal head and are introduced by only a Determiner-like or pronominal “light head.” We also briefly describe headed relative clauses in Teramano since the morphosyntactic features they exhibit are relevant for the investigation of light-headed relative clauses. Last, we highlight commonalities and differences between light-headed relative clauses in Teramano and Italian. Our paper provides the first systematic in-depth description of light-headed relative clauses in an Upper Southern Italian language that we are aware of, contributes to the knowledge of Teramano, the study of light-headed relative clauses crosslinguistically, and the ongoing investigation of microvariation among Italian and Italian languages.
{"title":"Light-headed relative clauses in Teramano","authors":"Iara Mantenuto, Ivano Caponigro","doi":"10.1075/sl.20037.man","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.20037.man","url":null,"abstract":"We investigate a rich but less studied component of the relative clause system in Teramano, one of the Upper Southern Italian languages. We focus on light-headed relative clauses⎯relative clauses that lack a full nominal head and are introduced by only a Determiner-like or pronominal “light head.” We also briefly describe headed relative clauses in Teramano since the morphosyntactic features they exhibit are relevant for the investigation of light-headed relative clauses. Last, we highlight commonalities and differences between light-headed relative clauses in Teramano and Italian. Our paper provides the first systematic in-depth description of light-headed relative clauses in an Upper Southern Italian language that we are aware of, contributes to the knowledge of Teramano, the study of light-headed relative clauses crosslinguistically, and the ongoing investigation of microvariation among Italian and Italian languages.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85453019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Ideophones and direct quotations are “depictive” signs, or vivid re-enactments of what they signify. Pursuing the typology of linguistic depiction, the current study proposes a three-way classification of depiction marking strategies: framing, foregrounding, and backgrounding. While well-known formal characteristics of ideophones, such as prosodic prominence and quotative constructions, illustrate framing and foregrounding, this paper discusses low-pitched quotative indexes in Japanese as backgrounding-type depiction markers. These quotatives immediately follow ideophones and exclamatory quotations and set them off. They also underlie the exceptional pitch pattern of heavy syllables in ideophones.
{"title":"A typology of depiction marking","authors":"K. Akita","doi":"10.1075/sl.17029.aki","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.17029.aki","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Ideophones and direct quotations are “depictive” signs, or vivid re-enactments of what they signify. Pursuing the typology of linguistic depiction, the current study proposes a three-way classification of depiction marking strategies: framing, foregrounding, and backgrounding. While well-known formal characteristics of ideophones, such as prosodic prominence and quotative constructions, illustrate framing and foregrounding, this paper discusses low-pitched quotative indexes in Japanese as backgrounding-type depiction markers. These quotatives immediately follow ideophones and exclamatory quotations and set them off. They also underlie the exceptional pitch pattern of heavy syllables in ideophones.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73819303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Despite extensive research on Ryukyuan languages, relatively few attempts have been made to describe Ryukyuan nominalization. This paper sets out the agenda for exploring Ryukyuan nominalization with special reference to Yoron Ryukyuan, which, we propose, has four nominalizers: -si, hutu, munu, and O (zero). We divide nominalization into GB (Gap-Based) and GL (Gap-Less) nominalization. Firstly, -si is the most productive; it realizes GB/GL nominalization and derives clefts, relatives, and stance constructions. Secondly, hutu is less productive; its use in GB nominalization is restricted, and it derives only stance constructions. Thirdly, munu is viewed as a formal noun in that it encodes the general meaning ‘person, thing’ and usually requires a modifying element. Finally, O is the least productive, found only in fixed constructions. Based on these observations, we propose a non-discrete view of nominalizer and formal noun and a cline of their productivity.
{"title":"Grammatical nominalization in Yoron Ryukyuan","authors":"Tohru Seraku, Nana Tohyama","doi":"10.1075/sl.19057.ser","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.19057.ser","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite extensive research on Ryukyuan languages, relatively few attempts have been made to describe Ryukyuan nominalization. This paper sets out the agenda for exploring Ryukyuan nominalization with special reference to Yoron Ryukyuan, which, we propose, has four nominalizers: -si, hutu, munu, and O (zero). We divide nominalization into GB (Gap-Based) and GL (Gap-Less) nominalization. Firstly, -si is the most productive; it realizes GB/GL nominalization and derives clefts, relatives, and stance constructions. Secondly, hutu is less productive; its use in GB nominalization is restricted, and it derives only stance constructions. Thirdly, munu is viewed as a formal noun in that it encodes the general meaning ‘person, thing’ and usually requires a modifying element. Finally, O is the least productive, found only in fixed constructions. Based on these observations, we propose a non-discrete view of nominalizer and formal noun and a cline of their productivity.","PeriodicalId":46377,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72863091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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