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Bursting bubbles: outcomes of an intergroup contact intervention within the context of a community based violence intervention program 破裂的泡沫:基于社区的暴力干预计划背景下的群体间接触干预的结果
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1997851
Christopher St. Vil, Kwasi Boaitey
ABSTRACT Intergroup contact theory has received much quantitative support. However few efforts have attempted to apply qualitative methodologies to understand the perceptions of individuals who experience these contacts. we conducted 19 interviews to explore the perceptions of stakeholders of a community-based fitness program whose goal was to increase intergroup contact among its stakeholders. Participants reflected on the program reducing their social isolation, increasing opportunities for engagement outside one’s own group, and expanded world views.
群体间联系理论得到了大量的定量支持。然而,很少有人试图应用定性方法来理解经历这些接触的个人的看法。我们进行了19次访谈,以探讨利益相关者对社区健身计划的看法,该计划的目标是增加利益相关者之间的群体间联系。参与者反思了该项目,减少了他们的社交孤立,增加了在自己群体之外参与的机会,并扩大了世界观。
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引用次数: 0
Can preference policies advance racial justice? 优惠政策能促进种族正义吗?
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1992557
Amie Thurber, Lisa K. Bates, Susan E. Halverson
ABSTRACT Mitigating the harms of gentrification to communities of color is a pressing challenge. One promising approach is preference policies that enable long-term residents to remain in or return to gentrifying neighborhoods. This mixed-methods study evaluates the City of Portland’s “Preference Policy,” which provides targeted affordable rental housing to residents displaced from a historically Black neighborhood. This paper draws on survey, interview, and focus group data to explore resident motivations, changes to well-being, and recommendations for improving the policy. Findings suggest preference policies can enhance well-being, and underscore the need for comprehensive strategies to advance racial justice in gentrifying neighborhoods.
摘要减轻中产阶级化对有色人种社区的危害是一项紧迫的挑战。一个有前景的方法是优惠政策,使长期居民能够留在或返回绅士化社区。这项混合方法研究评估了波特兰市的“优惠政策”,该政策为从历史上的黑人社区流离失所的居民提供有针对性的经济适用房。本文利用调查、访谈和焦点小组数据,探讨居民的动机、幸福感的变化以及改善政策的建议。研究结果表明,优惠政策可以提高幸福感,并强调需要制定全面的战略来促进绅士化社区的种族正义。
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引用次数: 1
The enduring backlash against racial justice in the United States: mobilizing strategies for institutional change 美国对种族正义的持久反对:动员制度变革战略
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1998875
K. Patterson, A. Santiago, R. Silverman
This essay offers a framework for contextualizing racial injustice in contemporary Black and Brown communities. We argue that present-day racial injustice in the United States is a continuation of historical patterns of discrimination that have been institutionalized and reaffirmed for centuries (Gordon-Reed, 2021). At the same time, we underscore how racism and racial injustice have assumed distinctive forms during the post-civil rights era. While the passage of civil rights legislation in the 1960s represented a watershed moment in our history, it also triggered sustained backlash from opponents to racial justice in the United States (Glickman, 2020). This legislation and opposition during the post-civil rights era is significant because of the scope and magnitude of the policies adopted, as well as resistance to them. Legislation such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act, the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act, and the 1968 Fair Housing Act have been flashpoints for resistance (Boussac, 2021; Rieder, 1989). From its inception, opponents worked feverishly to dismantle these legislative acts which were encapsulated under the umbrella of the War on Poverty. Largely, their efforts have resulted in the curtailment and reversal of civil rights policies. It is notable that this opposition was built on a foundation of sustained discourse drawing from right-wing ideologies supporting racism and oppression, racial microaggressions, stereotypes and tropes mobilized to block the implementation of civil rights policies, and reconstructed color lines in the United States (Boussac, 2021; Rieder, 1989). We offer this framework as a reference point for contextualizing the articles in this special issue on racial justice in Black and Brown communities. As the title of the special issue suggests, this framework is introduced in order to move beyond paying lip service to the topics covered in these articles. Understanding how racial discourse has been used (and misused) by opponents of civil rights is critical. We argue that opposition to civil rights legislation emerged as an organizing principle of the political right in the United States during the early 1960s. Although overlooked, this shift in political strategy is arguably one of the more successful policy agendas implemented during the contemporary period. Political conservatives, who constitute the
本文为当代黑人和棕色人种社区的种族不公正提供了一个背景框架。我们认为,当今美国的种族不公正是几个世纪以来被制度化和重申的历史歧视模式的延续(Gordon Reed,2021)。与此同时,我们强调种族主义和种族不公正是如何在后民权时代呈现出独特形式的。虽然20世纪60年代民权立法的通过代表了我们历史上的一个分水岭时刻,但它也引发了美国种族正义反对者的持续反弹(Glickman,2020)。这项立法和后民权时代的反对意义重大,因为所采取的政策的范围和规模,以及对这些政策的抵制。1964年《民权法》、1964年《经济机会法》、1965年《投票权法》、1968年《移民和归化法》和1968年《公平住房法》等立法一直是抵制的热点(Boussac,2021;Rieder,1989)。从一开始,反对者就狂热地试图废除这些被概括在反贫困战争保护伞下的立法法案。在很大程度上,他们的努力导致了民权政策的缩减和逆转。值得注意的是,这种反对建立在持续话语的基础上,这些话语来自支持种族主义和压迫的右翼意识形态、种族微侵犯、被动员起来阻止民权政策实施的刻板印象和比喻,以及重建美国的肤色线(Boussac,2021;里德,1989年)。我们提供这个框架作为参考点,将本期关于黑人和棕色人种社区种族正义的特刊文章置于背景中。正如特刊的标题所表明的那样,引入这一框架是为了超越对这些文章所涵盖的主题的口头承诺。了解民权反对者如何使用(和滥用)种族话语至关重要。我们认为,反对民权立法是20世纪60年代初美国政治权利的一项组织原则。尽管被忽视了,但这种政治战略的转变可以说是当代实施的更成功的政策议程之一。政治保守派,他们构成
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引用次数: 6
The struggle for justice in communities continues 争取社区正义的斗争仍在继续
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.2008708
A. Santiago, Richard J. Smith
As of December 31, 2021, Richard J. Smith and I who currently serve as the editors of the Journal of Community Practice (JCP) will hand over our ScholarOne editor log in passwords to a new editorial team and free up some space in our respective Dropbox folders. While these mundane digital exercises might evoke an abrupt discontinuity, our inner reality shaped by critical consciousness tells us that the struggle for justice in communities continues and both of us will remain active in advancing efforts in that struggle. When we assumed the editorial responsibility for the journal in January of 2018, little did we know how tumultuous the next four years would be for communities across the globe. Nor did we envision how important journals like JCP would be in amplifying community scholarship in pursuit of social, economic, ecological and racial justice. If we have learned anything from the past two years with the COVID-19 pandemic, it is that the work of bringing justice to communities will perdure into the foreseeable future. We would like to thank the Association for Community Organization and Social Action (ACOSA), the organizational sponsor of the journal, for allowing us to steward JCP for four short years. When Professor Marie Weil founded the journal, she not only wanted it to be a place to publish about community practice but also to serve as a developmental journal – a space for emerging scholars to write with and about communities. We are grateful that we could continue to extend this vision. When we began our editorship four years ago, we identified a series of goals for the journal. First, we wanted to restructure the Editorial Board to reflect the interdisciplinary and international characteristics of our readership and the larger field of macro practice. Intentionality and extending the invitation were key elements to facilitating those changes. The 32 members of the current Editorial Board reflect the disciplinary, methodological, theoretical and geographic diversity of community practice. We thank all of our Editorial Board members across the globe who graciously accepted the invitation to serve the journal during our editorship. Your expertise and service contributed significantly to the growth and visibility of the journal. Given that JCP prides itself as an interdisciplinary journal grounded in social work, our second goal was to expand our interdisciplinary pool of manuscript reviewers, particularly in areas of emerging interest in the field of community practice and to reviewers familiar with communities or populations new to JCP. During our tenure, we added an additional 300 new JOURNAL OF COMMUNITY PRACTICE 2021, VOL. 29, NO. 4, 329–333 https://doi.org/10.1080/10705422.2021.2008708
截至2021年12月31日,Richard J. Smith和我(目前担任《社区实践杂志》(JCP)的编辑)将把我们的ScholarOne编辑登录密码交给一个新的编辑团队,并在我们各自的Dropbox文件夹中释放一些空间。虽然这些平凡的数字练习可能会引起突然的中断,但我们由批判意识塑造的内心现实告诉我们,在社区中争取正义的斗争仍在继续,我们都将继续积极地推进这场斗争。当我们在2018年1月担任该杂志的编辑时,我们几乎不知道接下来的四年对全球社区来说将是多么动荡。我们也没有想到像JCP这样的期刊会在追求社会、经济、生态和种族正义的过程中扩大社区学术的重要性。如果说我们从过去两年的COVID-19大流行中学到了什么的话,那就是在可预见的未来,为社区伸张正义的工作将持续下去。我们要感谢社区组织和社会行动协会(ACOSA),该杂志的组织赞助商,允许我们管理JCP短短四年。当Marie Weil教授创立该杂志时,她不仅希望它成为一个发表社区实践的地方,而且希望它成为一个发展期刊——一个新兴学者与社区一起写作和讨论社区的空间。我们很感激我们能够继续扩展这一愿景。当我们四年前开始担任编辑时,我们确定了该杂志的一系列目标。首先,我们希望重组编辑委员会,以反映我们读者的跨学科和国际特征,以及宏观实践的更大领域。意向和发出邀请是促进这些变化的关键因素。目前编委会的32名成员反映了社区实践的学科、方法、理论和地域多样性。我们感谢全球所有的编辑委员会成员,他们慷慨地接受了邀请,在我们的编辑期间为期刊服务。你们的专业知识和服务对期刊的发展和知名度做出了重大贡献。鉴于JCP以其作为一个基于社会工作的跨学科期刊而自豪,我们的第二个目标是扩大我们的跨学科手稿审稿人库,特别是在社区实践领域的新兴兴趣领域,以及熟悉社区或JCP新人群的审稿人。在我们任职期间,我们增加了额外的300个新的社区实践杂志2021,卷29,NO。4,329 - 333 https://doi.org/10.1080/10705422.2021.2008708
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引用次数: 0
Toward authentic university-community engagement 走向真正的大学社区参与
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1992556
Mark G. Chupp, A. Fletcher, James P. Graulty
ABSTRACT University-community engagement (UCE) tends to be unequal, yielding greater benefits to the university. This creates mistrust, particularly between the university and African American neighborhoods. We propose a model of authentic UCE that builds reciprocity and trust between members of the community and university and increases their capacity to collaboratively problem solve. Through experiential learning, participants confront implicit biases, and develop empathy and stamina to confront systemic racism. Through five training workshops and action circles, participants developed strategies for using their learning to address real-life issues. Lessons learned from this model might be instructive for other universities seeking more authentic UCE.
摘要大学社区参与(UCE)往往是不平等的,为大学带来了更大的利益。这造成了不信任,尤其是在大学和非裔美国人社区之间。我们提出了一个真实的UCE模型,在社区成员和大学之间建立互惠和信任,并提高他们合作解决问题的能力。通过体验式学习,参与者面对隐性偏见,并培养同理心和耐力来对抗系统性种族主义。通过五次培训讲习班和行动圈,参与者制定了利用学习来解决现实问题的策略。从这种模式中学到的经验教训可能对其他寻求更真实的UCE的大学有指导意义。
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引用次数: 8
Beyond community policing: centering community development in efforts to improve safety in Latinx immigrant communities 超越社区治安:以社区发展为中心,努力改善拉丁裔移民社区的安全
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1997850
Willow Lung-Amam, Nohely Alvarez, R. Green
ABSTRACT Recent uprisings have led to calls to defund police and invest in Black and Brown communities. This article explores the lessons learned about community safety from a four-year effort to reduce crime and improve safety in a predominately Latinx suburb of Washington, DC. It shows that programs that invested in building trust and rapport between police and community had little impact. Alternatively, efforts that built community, resourced and engaged residents, and invested in neighborhood infrastructure were more effective. The case highlights the critical role of community-based organizations in helping residents imagine and execute programs that improve community safety without relying on police.
最近的暴动已经引发了撤资警察和投资黑人和布朗社区的呼声。这篇文章探讨了在华盛顿特区一个以拉丁裔为主的郊区,四年来在减少犯罪和提高安全方面所取得的经验教训。它表明,投资于在警察和社区之间建立信任和融洽关系的项目收效甚微。另外,建设社区、为居民提供资源和参与,以及投资社区基础设施的努力更为有效。该案例突出了社区组织在帮助居民设想和执行不依赖警察改善社区安全的项目方面的关键作用。
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引用次数: 1
From the archives: the African American community’s challenge to social work in 1971 来自档案:1971年非裔美国人社区对社会工作的挑战
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.2013721
P. Stuart
ABSTRACT This “From the Archives” article provides the text of Billy J. Tidwell’s article, ”The Black Community’s Challenge to Social Work,” which was published in the Journal of Education for Social Work, vol. 7, no. 3 (Fall 1971).
摘要这篇“来自档案”的文章提供了Billy J.Tidwell的文章《黑人社区对社会工作的挑战》的文本,该文章发表在《社会工作教育杂志》第7卷第3期(1971年秋季)上。
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引用次数: 1
Minority Political Leadership Institute: a model for developing racial equity leadership 少数民族政治领导研究所:发展种族平等领导的模式
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1994503
Nakeina E. Douglas-Glenn, Shabana Shaheen, Elizabeth P. Marlowe, Kiara S. Faulks
ABSTRACT Building leadership capacity centered on the interests and needs of racial and ethnic minoritized communities is critical and complex. This exploratory qualitative case study examined the Minority Political Leadership Institute and its novel approach to developing racial equity leaders in a community context. The findings outline the effective strategies used to engage participants and communities and provide insight into the lessons learned in program design and delivery.
摘要建立以少数民族和少数民族社区的利益和需求为中心的领导能力至关重要,也很复杂。这项探索性的定性案例研究考察了少数群体政治领导力研究所及其在社区背景下培养种族公平领导者的新方法。研究结果概述了用于吸引参与者和社区的有效策略,并深入了解在项目设计和交付中吸取的经验教训。
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引用次数: 1
From the archives: the Los Angeles riot study 档案资料:洛杉矶暴乱研究
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.2010508
P. Stuart
The 1960s was a consequential decade for race relations in the United States. At mid-decade, it seemed that the long struggle to achieve the goal of racial integration would soon be achieved. Congress enacted a series of federal civil rights laws that ended de jure racial segregation and promised to achieve the major goals of the “second reconstruction” – the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Yet less than a week after the signing of the Voting Rights Act, a riot broke out in South Los Angeles neighborhood of Watts, following the arrest of a 21-year-old African American driver, Marquette Frye, for suspected drunk driving. Like the Harlem Riots of 1964, which followed the police shooting of 15-year-old Jerome Powell, the Watts Riots differed from many earlier “race riots.” While “race-related collective violence is a recurrent, periodic theme in American history,” riots in the first half of the 20 century “were characterized by violent interracial clashes between blacks and whites, usually initiated by whites” while the disorders of the 1960s “featured clashes between blacks and law enforcement officials” (Lipsky & Olson, 1977, p. 37). Many argued that the riot, now called by some an uprising, reflected frustration at the continuing challenges of police brutality and segregation during a period of superficial progress. Years later, Frye, who had resisted arrest, told a reporter, “All I knew that day is that I was tired of being treated bad by a policeman” (Szymanski, 1990, para. 15). Immediately after the riot, the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) initiated the Los Angeles Riot Study (LARS). The study, funded by a grant from the Office of Economic Opportunity, was staffed by faculty members from a variety of social science disciplines. Nathan E. Cohen, a national social work leader who had joined the faculty of the UCLA School of Social Welfare in 1964, served as study coordinator. The Institute of Government and Public Affairs issued a preliminary report in 1967; the final report was issued five years after the riot (N. Cohen, 1970), after more than 300 other American cities had experienced serious riots (Lipsky & Olson, 1977, p. 10).
20世纪60年代是美国种族关系的重要十年。在十年中期,为实现种族融合的目标而进行的长期斗争似乎很快就会实现。国会颁布了一系列联邦民权法律,结束了法律上的种族隔离,并承诺实现“第二次重建”的主要目标——1964年和1968年的《民权法案》和1965年的《投票权法案》。然而,在《选举权法案》签署后不到一周,洛杉矶南部瓦茨社区爆发了一场骚乱,起因是21岁的非裔美国司机马奎特·弗莱(Marquette Frye)涉嫌酒后驾车被捕。就像1964年警察枪杀15岁少年杰罗姆·鲍威尔(Jerome Powell)之后发生的哈莱姆骚乱(Harlem Riots)一样,瓦茨骚乱与许多早期的“种族骚乱”不同。虽然“与种族有关的集体暴力是美国历史上反复出现的周期性主题,”20世纪上半叶的骚乱“以黑人和白人之间的种族间暴力冲突为特征,通常由白人发起”,而20世纪60年代的骚乱“以黑人和执法官员之间的冲突为特征”(Lipsky & Olson, 1977,第37页)。许多人认为,这场被一些人称为起义的骚乱,反映了在表面上取得进步的时期,人们对警察暴行和种族隔离的持续挑战感到沮丧。多年后,拒捕的弗莱对记者说:“那天我所知道的就是我厌倦了被警察粗暴对待”(Szymanski, 1990,第18段)。15)。暴乱发生后,加州大学洛杉矶分校(UCLA)政府与公共事务研究所立即发起了洛杉矶暴乱研究(LARS)。这项研究由经济机会办公室(Office of Economic Opportunity)拨款资助,研究人员来自不同的社会科学学科。1964年加入加州大学洛杉矶分校社会福利学院的全国社会工作领袖内森·e·科恩(Nathan E. Cohen)担任研究协调员。政府和公共事务研究所于1967年发表了一份初步报告;最终报告是在暴乱发生五年后发布的(N. Cohen, 1970),而在此之前,美国已有300多个城市经历了严重的暴乱(Lipsky & Olson, 1977, p. 10)。
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引用次数: 0
Data justice: social work and a more just future 数据公正:社会工作和更公正的未来
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10705422.2021.1984354
Lauri Goldkind, Lea Wolf, W. LaMendola
ABSTRACT As new forms of data proliferate, data are increasingly used as a tool to determine access to resources, levels of sanction, and vulnerability to surveillance. Although the use of data to implement systematically biased policy is not new, the contemporary primacy of data across core institutions imposes disproportionate harms on already marginalized communities. Activist-proposed conceptual frameworks informed by the notion of data justice provide a basis to operationalize human rights in an evolving technoculture. This article urges social workers to recognize new data driven forms of inequality across individual, organizational, and community levels of practice, offering concrete examples of data harms and of just data practices that embody transparency, accountability, nondiscrimination, dignity, and participation.
摘要随着新形式的数据的激增,数据越来越多地被用作确定资源获取、制裁级别和监控脆弱性的工具。尽管使用数据来实施有系统偏见的政策并不是什么新鲜事,但当代核心机构中数据的首要地位对已经被边缘化的社区造成了不成比例的伤害。活动家提出的以数据公正概念为基础的概念框架为在不断发展的技术文化中落实人权提供了基础。这篇文章敦促社会工作者认识到个人、组织和社区实践层面新的数据驱动的不平等形式,提供数据危害和体现透明度、问责制、非歧视性、尊严和参与性的数据实践的具体例子。
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引用次数: 4
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Journal of Community Practice
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