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TRUST AS A CORE PRINCIPLE OF THE CONSTITUTION 信任是宪法的核心原则
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000290
H. Hooper
assumptions” (at [41]–[42]). One of such assumptions – derived from R. v Secretary of State for Social Security, ex parte Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants [1996] EWCA Civ 1293, [1997] 1 W.L.R. 275 – was that “statutory rights are not to be cut down by subordinate legislation passed under the vires of a different Act” (at [34], [39], [41]–[42]). The court stressed that when the decision maker was empowered by the 2014 Act to set the level of the fee, there was no express “criterion of affordability”. Rather, she was allowed to set the fee in a way that (inter alia) “subsidised the wider immigration and nationality system” (at [45]– [46], [49]). The “appropriateness of imposing the [impugned] fee” was a “question of policy which is for political determination”, but not that for the court (at [51]). This reasoning seemed to have ignored the abovementioned assumption in statutory interpretation. The 2014 Act states that the impugned fee may go beyond the costs for processing the application, but the question of affordability does not seem to have been directly addressed. The 2014 Act does not expressly rule out the potential relevance of affordability, when (say) the decision maker examines the “fees charged by or on behalf of governments of other countries in respect of comparable functions”: see the 2014 Act, s. 68(9)(e). There are two ways to read this legislative silence: either the decision maker can impose any fee she wants, or she must impose it in a way that must not be entirely unaffordable, albeit exceeding the costs for processing the application. The absence of an express criterion of affordability (per Lord Hodge) is logically consistent with either reading. Critically, the abovementioned assumption would suggest that the latter reading should be taken, and this matter should not be reduced to purely one of political determination.
假设”(在100亿美元至100亿美元之间)。其中一个假设——来自R. v .国务秘书,移民福利联合委员会[1996]EWCA Civ 1293, [1997] 1 W.L.R. 275——是“法定权利不会被在不同法案的权力下通过的附属立法所削减”(见[34],[39],[41]-[42])。法院强调,当2014年法案授权决策者设定费用水平时,并没有明确的“负担能力标准”。相反,她被允许以一种(除其他外)“补贴更广泛的移民和国籍体系”的方式设定费用(在1亿英镑至2亿英镑,10亿英镑之间)。“征收[被质疑的]费用的适当性”是一个“政治决定的政策问题”,而不是法院的问题(b[51])。这种推理似乎忽略了法定解释中的上述假设。2014年的法案规定,被质疑的费用可能超出处理申请的成本,但负担能力的问题似乎没有得到直接解决。2014年法案没有明确排除可负担性的潜在相关性,当(例如)决策者审查“由其他国家政府或代表其他国家政府就可比功能收取的费用”时:见2014年法案第68(9)(e)条。有两种方式来解读这种立法沉默:要么决策者可以征收任何她想要的费用,要么她必须以一种不能完全负担不起的方式征收,尽管超出了处理申请的成本。没有明确的负担能力标准(根据霍奇勋爵的说法),从逻辑上讲,这两种解读都是一致的。至关重要的是,上述假设表明,应采取后一种解读,而不应将这个问题简化为纯粹的政治决定问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Intricacies of Dicta and Dissent. By Neil Duxbury. [Cambridge University Press, 2021. xxv + 260 pp. Paperback £29.99. ISBN 978-1-108-79488-6.] 政令与异议的错综复杂。尼尔·达克斯伯里著。剑桥大学出版社,2021年。25 + 260页,平装本29.99英镑。ISBN 978-1-108-79488-6。)
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000356
M. Leeming
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引用次数: 0
ESTABLISHING DAMAGES FOR MASS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS 确定大规模侵犯人权行为的损害赔偿
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000277
Veronika Fikfak
Declaration, Legality centred on an allegation that states engaging in the use of force were committing genocide through their use of force. In contrast, the claim in Ukraine is whether actions taken purportedly to prevent and punish genocide were lawful under the GC. Robinson explicitly linked this to the question of false claims of international law, pointing out that Ukraine has not asked the court a general question about Russia’s force; rather, it is arguing that Russia cannot lawfully rely on a false claim to act to prevent genocide under the Convention. The court’s Order is a clear win for Ukraine, even though Russia is highly unlikely to comply. The way in which Ukraine relies on the idea of falsity to characterise its rights – the right “not to be subject to a false claim of genocide” (at [52]) and for military action not to be “launched on a pretext of genocide” (at [68]) – is perhaps the most remarkable aspect of the case. Although the court stops short of directly embracing the idea of a right not to be subject to false claims of international law, it does conclude that Ukraine has “a plausible right not to be subject to military operations by the Russian Federation for the purpose of preventing and punishing an alleged genocide in the territory of Ukraine” (at [60]). While jurisdiction is clearly based on the existence of a dispute as to whether genocide is taking place and what actions Russia may lawfully take in response, the court nevertheless signalled that Article I GC must be carried out in good faith and in a way that is compatible with general international law. At the merits stage, it may have to grapple with what this means in practice, including what it means to make “bad faith” and pre-textual claims about law and fact as opposed to making claims that are plausible but wrong. Drawing these distinctions and characterising the impact that deception has on the validity of international legal arguments is a perennial challenge for international law, as too many past examples of unilateral force have shown.
《合法性宣言》集中于一项指控,即使用武力的国家通过使用武力犯下了种族灭绝罪。相比之下,在乌克兰的主张是,据称是为了防止和惩罚种族灭绝而采取的行动,在《联合国宪章》下是否合法。罗宾逊明确地将这一点与国际法的虚假主张问题联系起来,指出乌克兰并没有向法院提出有关俄罗斯军队的一般性问题;相反,它辩称,俄罗斯不能合法地依靠一种虚假的说法,根据《公约》采取行动防止种族灭绝。法院的命令对乌克兰来说是一个明显的胜利,尽管俄罗斯极不可能遵守。乌克兰依靠虚假的概念来描述其权利的方式——“不受种族灭绝的虚假指控”的权利(见b[52])和“不以种族灭绝为借口发动军事行动”的权利(见[68])——可能是本案中最引人注目的方面。虽然法院没有直接接受不受国际法虚假主张影响的权利,但它确实得出结论,认为乌克兰有“不受俄罗斯联邦为防止和惩罚据称在乌克兰境内发生的种族灭绝而采取军事行动的合理权利”(见[60])。虽然管辖权显然是基于是否发生种族灭绝以及俄罗斯可以采取何种合法行动作为回应的争议的存在,但法院仍然表示,第一条公约必须以真诚的方式执行,并以符合一般国际法的方式执行。在案情阶段,它可能不得不努力解决这在实践中的含义,包括对法律和事实提出“恶意”和文本前主张的含义,而不是提出看似合理但错误的主张。正如过去太多单方面使用武力的例子所表明的那样,指出这些区别并描述欺骗对国际法论点有效性的影响是国际法面临的长期挑战。
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引用次数: 0
FALSE CLAIMS OF GENOCIDE HAVE REAL EFFECTS: ICJ INDICATES PROVISIONAL MEASURES IN UKRAINE'S PROCEEDINGS AGAINST RUSSIA 关于种族灭绝的虚假指控具有实际影响:国际法院在乌克兰对俄罗斯的诉讼中提出了临时措施
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000265
A. Sanger
DAYS after the Russian invasion began, Ukraine instituted proceedings before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) under the 1948 Genocide Convention (GC), arguing that Russia cannot lawfully rely on false claims of genocide to justify military action in Ukrainian territory. Russia did not appear at the oral proceedings but sent a document asserting the ICJ’s lack of jurisdiction. On 16 March 2022, the ICJ delivered its Order on Provisional Measures, akin to an injunction in national law. A 13:2 majority concluded that the court had prima facie jurisdiction to rule on the merits of the dispute, and ordered Russia to suspend its military operations, and to ensure that persons directed, supported, and/or controlled by Russia cease military operations (Judge Xue and Vice-President Gevorgian dissenting in part). By a unanimous vote, the court also required both states to refrain from actions that might aggravate, extend or otherwise make the dispute difficult to resolve. The court’s application of the law on provisional measures is relatively straightforward. What is remarkable is that, so far at least, Ukraine has been successful in converting false claims that it has breached international law into a basis for the court’s jurisdiction – a feat which raises important and difficult questions about the potential broader applicability of such jurisdictional manoeuvres, and the standards by which the court should assess whether states are acting in good faith in cases that are less clear cut than the present one. The court may indicate provisional measures only if the provisions relied upon by the applicant afford a prima facie basis on which jurisdiction to decide the dispute could be founded but it “need not satisfy itself in a definitive manner” (at [24]), leaving open the possibility that it may Cambridge Law Journal, 81(2), July 2022, pp. 217–248 © The Authors, 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Faculty of Law, University of Cambridge
在俄罗斯入侵开始几天后,乌克兰根据1948年的《种族灭绝公约》(Genocide Convention)向国际法院(ICJ)提起诉讼,认为俄罗斯不能合法地依靠虚假的种族灭绝指控来为在乌克兰领土上的军事行动辩护。俄罗斯没有出席口头诉讼,但提交了一份文件,声称国际法院缺乏管辖权。2022年3月16日,国际法院发布了临时措施令,类似于国内法中的禁令。以13:2的多数得出结论,法院对争端的是非曲性具有初步管辖权,并命令俄罗斯暂停其军事行动,并确保受俄罗斯指挥、支持和/或控制的人员停止军事行动(薛法官和格沃尔格安副总统部分反对)。经一致表决,法院还要求两国避免采取可能加剧、扩大或以其他方式使争端难以解决的行动。法院对临时措施的法律适用相对简单。值得注意的是,至少到目前为止,乌克兰已经成功地将其违反国际法的错误主张转化为法院管辖权的基础——这一壮举提出了一些重要而困难的问题,即这种管辖权操作的潜在更广泛适用性,以及法院应以何种标准来评估各国在比当前案件更不明确的情况下是否本着诚意行事。只有当申请人所依赖的条款提供了决定争议的管辖权可以成立的初步基础时,法院才可以指示临时措施,但“不需要以确定的方式满足自己”(at[24]),这就留下了可能的可能性,剑桥法律杂志,81(2),2022年7月,pp. 217-248©作者,2022。剑桥大学出版社代表剑桥大学法学院出版
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引用次数: 0
A GAIN IS AS GOOD AS A LOSS … TO A BOUND FIDUCIARY 对受约束的受托人来说,赚了等于赔了
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000319
J. Grower
by the parties – lower courts would do well to heed the warning. While the judgment in ZXC could be described as a “win” for privacy interests, a “general principle” or “starting point” of a reasonable expectation of privacy in respect of information relating to pre-charge criminal investigations does not preclude journalists from conducting their own inquiries into a person’s alleged misconduct and reporting the outcome of those inquiries. As the trial judge, Court of Appeal and Supreme Court emphasised, the article at the centre of the proceedings in ZXC merely repeated the content of the LoR. If, instead, the article concerned ZXC’s alleged wrongdoing based on Bloomberg’s own investigations, this would have been a “distinct and separate situation” (at [78]). Given that law enforcement authorities have themselves adopted a uniform policy of not disclosing information regarding pre-charge investigations, the approach espoused by the lower courts and endorsed by the Supreme Court in ZXC is an eminently reasonable compromise between the conflicting Article 8 and 10 interests in such cases. Any contention that the decision unjustifiably curtails expression that is in the public interest ignores the very clear message from the Supreme Court that each case turns on its own facts and independent investigations by journalists may well fall outside the remit of the general rule.
由各方决定,下级法院最好注意这一警告。虽然ZXC的判决可以被描述为隐私利益的“胜利”,但就与指控前刑事调查有关的信息而言,合理期望隐私的“一般原则”或“起点”并不妨碍记者对某人涉嫌的不当行为进行自己的调查,并报告调查结果。正如主审法官、上诉法院和最高法院所强调的那样,ZXC诉讼中心的文章只是重复了LoR的内容。相反,如果这篇文章根据彭博社自己的调查涉及ZXC涉嫌的不当行为,这将是一个“独特而独立的情况”(见[78])。鉴于执法当局自己也采取了不披露指控前调查信息的统一政策,下级法院支持并得到最高法院在ZXC中认可的方法是在此类案件中第8条和第10条利益冲突之间的一种非常合理的妥协。任何关于该决定不合理地限制了符合公众利益的言论的论点都忽视了最高法院发出的非常明确的信息,即每个案件都有自己的事实和记者的独立调查,这很可能不在一般规则的范围内。
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引用次数: 0
EU Private Law: Anatomy of a Growing Legal Order. By Jürgen Basedow. [Cambridge: Intersentia, 2021. cxxviii + 788 pp. Hardback €149.00. ISBN 978-1-839-70121-4.] 欧盟私法:一个成长中的法律秩序的剖析。作者:j<s:1> rgen Basedow。[剑桥:Intersentia, 2021.]cxxviii + 788页。精装本€149.00。ISBN 978-1-839-70121-4。)
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S000819732200037X
Birke Häcker
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引用次数: 2
MAINTAINING THE ELEGANT FAÇADE OF THE ACTS–OMISSIONS DISTINCTION 保持作为与不作为的区别
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000344
Jonathan Morgan
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引用次数: 0
CITIZENSHIP, CHARGES AND COMMON LAW CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS 公民身份、指控与普通法宪法权利
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000289
Kelly Chong Yan Chan, Edward Lui
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引用次数: 0
ADDRESSING VACCINE INEQUITY DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: THE TRIPS INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY WAIVER PROPOSAL AND BEYOND 在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间解决疫苗不公平问题:trips知识产权豁免提案及其他
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-16 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000241
S. Thambisetty, Aisling McMahon, Luke McDonagh, Hyo Yoon Kang, G. Dutfield
Abstract This article examines global vaccine inequity during the COVID-19 pandemic. We critique intellectual property (IP) law under the 1994 WTO TRIPS Agreement, and specifically, the role that IP has played in enabling the inequities of production, distribution and pricing in the COVID-19 vaccine context. Given the failure of international response mechanisms, including COVAX and C-TAP, to address vaccine inequity, we argue the TRIPS waiver proposal should be viewed as offering a necessary and proportionate legal measure for clearing IP barriers that cannot be achieved by existing TRIPS flexibilities. Finally, we reflect on the waiver debate in the wider context of TRIPS and the need to boost global pandemic preparedness.
本文探讨了COVID-19大流行期间全球疫苗不公平现象。我们根据1994年世界贸易组织《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》对知识产权法进行批评,特别是知识产权在COVID-19疫苗生产、分销和定价方面发挥的不公平作用。鉴于国际应对机制,包括covid - 19全球疫苗获取机制和C-TAP未能解决疫苗不平等问题,我们认为,应将《与贸易有关的知识产权协议》豁免提案视为一种必要和相称的法律措施,以清除现有的《与贸易有关的知识产权协议》灵活性无法实现的知识产权障碍。最后,我们在更广泛的《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》和加强全球大流行病防备的必要性的背景下思考豁免辩论。
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引用次数: 3
PARLIAMENTARY SOVEREIGNTY AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY IN THE UK CONSTITUTION 英国宪法中的议会主权与民众主权
IF 1.5 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008197322000022
J. Goldsworthy
Abstract Rivka Weill claims that in the nineteenth century the foundation of the UK constitution changed from parliamentary sovereignty to popular sovereignty, originally as a matter of constitutional convention but today as a matter of law. I argue, to the contrary, that parliamentary sovereignty as a legal principle and popular sovereignty as a political principle are perfectly compatible. Constitutional conventions are essentially political not legal requirements. Therefore, a constitutional convention requiring popular approval of constitutional change, if it ever existed, would not have violated parliamentary sovereignty. But if it did exist, it was displaced by the Parliament Act 1911 and has not been revived since. Moreover, there is no evidence that courts today have legal authority to enforce any requirement, conventional or legal, requiring such approval.
摘要:里夫卡·威尔认为,在19世纪,英国宪法的基础从议会主权转变为人民主权,最初作为制宪会议的问题,但今天作为法律的问题。相反,我认为议会主权作为一项法律原则和人民主权作为一项政治原则是完全相容的。宪法公约本质上是政治要求,而不是法律要求。因此,制宪会议要求民众同意修宪,如果它曾经存在过,就不会侵犯议会主权。但是,即使它确实存在,它也被1911年的议会法案所取代,从那以后就再也没有恢复过。此外,没有证据表明,今天的法院有法律权力强制执行任何要求,无论是传统的还是法律上的,都需要这样的批准。
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引用次数: 0
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