Pub Date : 2022-01-18DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2022.2026793
Ryan Bell
ABSTRACT Measures of prejudice like racial resentment and modern sexism neglect how systems of power intersect and shape individuals' attitudes towards others. If these measures depend on which racial, gender, or sexuality subgroup of Black people or women are asked about, prejudice towards these overarching groups cannot be quantified and understood without analyzing the connections between (hetero)sexism and racism. I use a question wording experiment to test whether changing the subject of these batteries affects respondents' answers. Reported prejudice varies by the subgroups asked about and respondents' own ascribed identities. Racial attitudes are relatively fixed; reported sexism towards white and Black women changes by respondent race; heterosexism is pervasive; and the strength of the association between resentment and sexism varies based on the mentioned (sub)groups. These measures should be updated by applying the insights from the work on intersectionality to account for how individuals constitute groups to capture this variation in attitudes.
{"title":"Terms and conditions apply: symbolic prejudice at the intersections of race, gender, and sexuality","authors":"Ryan Bell","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2022.2026793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2026793","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Measures of prejudice like racial resentment and modern sexism neglect how systems of power intersect and shape individuals' attitudes towards others. If these measures depend on which racial, gender, or sexuality subgroup of Black people or women are asked about, prejudice towards these overarching groups cannot be quantified and understood without analyzing the connections between (hetero)sexism and racism. I use a question wording experiment to test whether changing the subject of these batteries affects respondents' answers. Reported prejudice varies by the subgroups asked about and respondents' own ascribed identities. Racial attitudes are relatively fixed; reported sexism towards white and Black women changes by respondent race; heterosexism is pervasive; and the strength of the association between resentment and sexism varies based on the mentioned (sub)groups. These measures should be updated by applying the insights from the work on intersectionality to account for how individuals constitute groups to capture this variation in attitudes.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"4 1","pages":"685 - 709"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80914557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-09DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2019068
Sigrid Van Trappen
ABSTRACT This study examines a potential source of party selector discrimination against ethnic minority aspirants: stereotypes. By means of an original survey experiment conducted among Flemish local party chairs, it is tested whether some party selectors are more likely to adopt negative stereotypes about ethnic minority aspirants’ political characteristics. The results show that it is party selectors’ ideological position rather than their socio-demographic profile (in terms of gender, education, and age) that predicts how they view ethnic minority aspirants vis-à-vis ethnic majority aspirants. Whereas rightist party selectors perceived ethnic minority aspirants as ideologically more distant from themselves, less competent, and less trustworthy than the ethnic majority aspirants, leftist party selectors held opposite views. Party selectors’ stereotypes about ethnic minority aspirants’ political characteristics thus help to better understand why ethnic minorities are underrepresented in rightist parties.
{"title":"Biased expectations? An experimental test of which party selectors are more likely to stereotype ethnic minority aspirants as less favorable than ethnic majority aspirants","authors":"Sigrid Van Trappen","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2019068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2019068","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study examines a potential source of party selector discrimination against ethnic minority aspirants: stereotypes. By means of an original survey experiment conducted among Flemish local party chairs, it is tested whether some party selectors are more likely to adopt negative stereotypes about ethnic minority aspirants’ political characteristics. The results show that it is party selectors’ ideological position rather than their socio-demographic profile (in terms of gender, education, and age) that predicts how they view ethnic minority aspirants vis-à-vis ethnic majority aspirants. Whereas rightist party selectors perceived ethnic minority aspirants as ideologically more distant from themselves, less competent, and less trustworthy than the ethnic majority aspirants, leftist party selectors held opposite views. Party selectors’ stereotypes about ethnic minority aspirants’ political characteristics thus help to better understand why ethnic minorities are underrepresented in rightist parties.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"97 1","pages":"600 - 618"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77955912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-06DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2016448
C. Kim
Scholarship is less about producing or revealing everlasting, universal truth than it is about engaging the ever-changing world around us in a critical and open-ended way. Revisiting scholarship from an earlier period allows us to reconsider academic research in relation to the specific political context in which it emerged, as well as the unfolding political contexts in which it continues to be read and put to use. It is an opportunity to think through the temporality of the ideas in question. Are they still relevant, less relevant, or perhaps differently relevant, in a new age? I am grateful for this chance to revisit “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans” (1999), and I thank the editors, Christian Hosam and Sonya Chen, for conceiving and executing this project with dedication, insight, and skill. We live in the shadow cast by recent political events, whose flagrancy and intensity have surprised even the most pessimistic among us. From the police murder of George Floyd to the racially disparate impacts of COVID-19 to the rise of anti-Asian hate to the white nationalist insurrection at the Capitol to the assault on voting rights, we are reminded what a central role race plays in organizing U.S. social and political life. White resentment, briefly shamed into disguising itself after the civil rights era, has lost its shame and is stalking the land again like a rageful, hungry ghost. The preexisting fissures in the foundations of our democracy widen. When the Black Lives Matter movement called for a response to George Floyd’s murder—and to policing, racial capitalism, and the carceral system more broadly—an estimated 15–26 million Americans took to the streets. It was the nation’s largest and most multiracial protest in history. But how will these historic events be understood and remembered? Whoever controls the narrative controls the future. One Republican-led state legislature after another is now prohibiting the teaching of “critical race theory,” defined as anything that suggests racism has been integral to U.S. history. The ideological fix is in. Simply trying to understand race is now, more than ever, an act of political resistance. We must undertake it with a new sense of urgency. I thank the authors in this Dialogues section for approaching their charge in this spirit. Together, they note racial triangulation’s contributions to our understanding while also offering thoughtful and rigorous criticisms of where the theory is underspecified, where its conceptual focus is too narrow, and where it simply gets things wrong. All of the authors convey a sense of how important it is to get our understanding of racial dynamics
{"title":"Asian Americans and Anti-Blackness","authors":"C. Kim","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2016448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2016448","url":null,"abstract":"Scholarship is less about producing or revealing everlasting, universal truth than it is about engaging the ever-changing world around us in a critical and open-ended way. Revisiting scholarship from an earlier period allows us to reconsider academic research in relation to the specific political context in which it emerged, as well as the unfolding political contexts in which it continues to be read and put to use. It is an opportunity to think through the temporality of the ideas in question. Are they still relevant, less relevant, or perhaps differently relevant, in a new age? I am grateful for this chance to revisit “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans” (1999), and I thank the editors, Christian Hosam and Sonya Chen, for conceiving and executing this project with dedication, insight, and skill. We live in the shadow cast by recent political events, whose flagrancy and intensity have surprised even the most pessimistic among us. From the police murder of George Floyd to the racially disparate impacts of COVID-19 to the rise of anti-Asian hate to the white nationalist insurrection at the Capitol to the assault on voting rights, we are reminded what a central role race plays in organizing U.S. social and political life. White resentment, briefly shamed into disguising itself after the civil rights era, has lost its shame and is stalking the land again like a rageful, hungry ghost. The preexisting fissures in the foundations of our democracy widen. When the Black Lives Matter movement called for a response to George Floyd’s murder—and to policing, racial capitalism, and the carceral system more broadly—an estimated 15–26 million Americans took to the streets. It was the nation’s largest and most multiracial protest in history. But how will these historic events be understood and remembered? Whoever controls the narrative controls the future. One Republican-led state legislature after another is now prohibiting the teaching of “critical race theory,” defined as anything that suggests racism has been integral to U.S. history. The ideological fix is in. Simply trying to understand race is now, more than ever, an act of political resistance. We must undertake it with a new sense of urgency. I thank the authors in this Dialogues section for approaching their charge in this spirit. Together, they note racial triangulation’s contributions to our understanding while also offering thoughtful and rigorous criticisms of where the theory is underspecified, where its conceptual focus is too narrow, and where it simply gets things wrong. All of the authors convey a sense of how important it is to get our understanding of racial dynamics","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"15 1","pages":"503 - 510"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84341355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.1992288
Ahu Sumbas, P. Dinçer
ABSTRACT By reviewing the parliamentary debate surrounding a bill reforming maternity leave and part-time work, we demonstrate that women members of the religious-conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey emphasized women’s motherhood duties within the family and childcare rather than highlighting the shared responsibilities of parents. Particularly, they perceive women as the core unit of family. Women members of AKP follow the religious-conservative claims of the party and perpetuate women’s traditional location in the society. In this sense, women’s substantive representation in the AKP is inherently limited to the gendered claim-making leaving little room for the presence of diverse interests, particularly feminist claim-making demanding gender equality.
{"title":"The substantive representation of women parliamentarians of the AKP: the case of maternity leave and part-time work","authors":"Ahu Sumbas, P. Dinçer","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.1992288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.1992288","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT By reviewing the parliamentary debate surrounding a bill reforming maternity leave and part-time work, we demonstrate that women members of the religious-conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey emphasized women’s motherhood duties within the family and childcare rather than highlighting the shared responsibilities of parents. Particularly, they perceive women as the core unit of family. Women members of AKP follow the religious-conservative claims of the party and perpetuate women’s traditional location in the society. In this sense, women’s substantive representation in the AKP is inherently limited to the gendered claim-making leaving little room for the presence of diverse interests, particularly feminist claim-making demanding gender equality.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"66 1","pages":"146 - 151"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72812940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-19DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2008992
Yalidy Matos, Stacey A. Greene, Kira Sanbonmatsu
ABSTRACT The political term “women of color” (WOC) emerged in the late 1970s in Black feminist organizing spaces as a rejection of a singular emphasis on a woman identity. At that time, a WOC identity signaled a political commitment to solidarity politics. Currently, the term “women of color” (WOC) is used by the media and among politicians but without much explicit discussion of its history. Given WOC’s continued presence in American politics, the question remains, who identifies as a WOC today and does the identity continue to hold political meaning? We examine Black women and Latinas and find the majority of Latinas and Black women self-identify as WOC and see it as an important part of their identity. Consistent with our expectations, the WOC identity is more likely to be taken up and regarded as important by native-born Latinas and Afro-Latinas compared with other Latinas. While past research has examined racial and gender consciousness, ours is the first public opinion study to examine whether there is continued utility in a WOC identity.
“有色人种女性”(women of color, WOC)这个政治术语出现在20世纪70年代末的黑人女权主义组织空间中，是对单一强调女性身份的拒绝。当时，WOC的身份标志着对团结政治的政治承诺。目前，“有色人种女性”(women of color, WOC)一词被媒体和政界人士使用，但对其历史却没有太多明确的讨论。考虑到WOC在美国政治中的持续存在，问题仍然存在，今天谁被认定为WOC，这种身份是否继续具有政治意义?我们调查了黑人妇女和拉丁裔妇女，发现大多数拉丁裔和黑人妇女自我认同为WOC，并将其视为其身份的重要组成部分。与我们的预期一致，与其他拉丁裔相比，本土出生的拉丁裔和非洲裔拉丁裔更有可能接受并认为WOC身份很重要。虽然过去的研究已经考察了种族和性别意识，但我们的研究是第一个考察WOC身份是否有持续效用的民意研究。
{"title":"The politics of “women of color”: a group identity worth investigating","authors":"Yalidy Matos, Stacey A. Greene, Kira Sanbonmatsu","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2008992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2008992","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The political term “women of color” (WOC) emerged in the late 1970s in Black feminist organizing spaces as a rejection of a singular emphasis on a woman identity. At that time, a WOC identity signaled a political commitment to solidarity politics. Currently, the term “women of color” (WOC) is used by the media and among politicians but without much explicit discussion of its history. Given WOC’s continued presence in American politics, the question remains, who identifies as a WOC today and does the identity continue to hold political meaning? We examine Black women and Latinas and find the majority of Latinas and Black women self-identify as WOC and see it as an important part of their identity. Consistent with our expectations, the WOC identity is more likely to be taken up and regarded as important by native-born Latinas and Afro-Latinas compared with other Latinas. While past research has examined racial and gender consciousness, ours is the first public opinion study to examine whether there is continued utility in a WOC identity.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"1 1","pages":"549 - 570"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89911497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-16DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2010575
Nicole Kalaf-Hughes, D. Leiter
ABSTRACT The competence, integrity, and experience of political candidates, i.e., their character valence, play an important role in voter decision-making. As character valence reflects the ability of a candidate to govern effectively and honestly – traits all voters generally value regardless of partisanship – candidates with higher valence should have an advantage in elections, yet 2016 saw candidates struggle to capitalize on their valence. Further, rhetoric in 2016 focused on the politics of resentment, the idea some groups were getting more than they deserve. We suspect the increased saliency of resentment in political campaigns affects valence evaluations of candidates, particularly when the candidates are a member of groups outside of power in our political system, including racial and ethnic minorities and women. Leveraging data from the American National Election Study, we find individuals with higher levels of resentment will more negatively assess the valence of candidates associated with the non-dominant groups, even among co-partisans, overriding their partisan tendency to view their candidate’s traits more favorably. These results suggest if resentment renders us unable to assess quality with any objectivity, candidates with less experience, acumen, and integrity may ride a wave of resentment sweeping more competent challengers away.
{"title":"Nasty women and bad hombres: the effect of racial and gender resentment on evaluations of presidential candidate valence","authors":"Nicole Kalaf-Hughes, D. Leiter","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2010575","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2010575","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The competence, integrity, and experience of political candidates, i.e., their character valence, play an important role in voter decision-making. As character valence reflects the ability of a candidate to govern effectively and honestly – traits all voters generally value regardless of partisanship – candidates with higher valence should have an advantage in elections, yet 2016 saw candidates struggle to capitalize on their valence. Further, rhetoric in 2016 focused on the politics of resentment, the idea some groups were getting more than they deserve. We suspect the increased saliency of resentment in political campaigns affects valence evaluations of candidates, particularly when the candidates are a member of groups outside of power in our political system, including racial and ethnic minorities and women. Leveraging data from the American National Election Study, we find individuals with higher levels of resentment will more negatively assess the valence of candidates associated with the non-dominant groups, even among co-partisans, overriding their partisan tendency to view their candidate’s traits more favorably. These results suggest if resentment renders us unable to assess quality with any objectivity, candidates with less experience, acumen, and integrity may ride a wave of resentment sweeping more competent challengers away.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"23 1","pages":"571 - 599"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80406393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2008991
Carrie LeVan, Stacey A. Greene
ABSTRACT American politics has entered, what Michael Tesler calls, a “most racial period,” causing racial attitudes to be increasingly salient. This shift provides an opportunity to examine the consequences to white Americans’ political behavior when their racial attitudes are easily activated. In this paper, we examine the influence of racial attitudes on (1) white Americans’ presidential vote choice and (2) how racial attitudes, in this period, may undercut the influence of partisanship on vote choice. We use data from the American National Election Studies Time Series Survey conducted from 2004 to 2020 to explore these questions. First, we find that anti-Black attitudes increasingly predict white vote choice. Next, we find that during this period, racially resentful, white Democrats became less likely to vote for the Democrat. This was not the same for white Republicans who, regardless of their racial attitudes, did not shift to the Democratic party. Finally, we find that white Republicans appear to hunker down and become significantly less likely to split their vote as they express more anti-Black attitudes. White Democrats become significantly more likely to jump ship as they endorse more anti-Black attitudes, revealing that racial attitudes were influential enough to overcome party loyalties during this period.
{"title":"Undermining the party: anti-black attitudes, presidential vote choice, and split-ticket voting among white voters","authors":"Carrie LeVan, Stacey A. Greene","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2008991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2008991","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT American politics has entered, what Michael Tesler calls, a “most racial period,” causing racial attitudes to be increasingly salient. This shift provides an opportunity to examine the consequences to white Americans’ political behavior when their racial attitudes are easily activated. In this paper, we examine the influence of racial attitudes on (1) white Americans’ presidential vote choice and (2) how racial attitudes, in this period, may undercut the influence of partisanship on vote choice. We use data from the American National Election Studies Time Series Survey conducted from 2004 to 2020 to explore these questions. First, we find that anti-Black attitudes increasingly predict white vote choice. Next, we find that during this period, racially resentful, white Democrats became less likely to vote for the Democrat. This was not the same for white Republicans who, regardless of their racial attitudes, did not shift to the Democratic party. Finally, we find that white Republicans appear to hunker down and become significantly less likely to split their vote as they express more anti-Black attitudes. White Democrats become significantly more likely to jump ship as they endorse more anti-Black attitudes, revealing that racial attitudes were influential enough to overcome party loyalties during this period.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"22 1","pages":"526 - 548"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76130731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-08DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2010576
Bianca V. Vicuña, Efrén O. Pérez
ABSTRACT Groups use labels to define what communities stand for. Yet sometimes multiple labels refer to the same group (e.g., Hispanic, Latino). Do different labels generate distinct political opinions? Some work suggests that assorted labels evoke substantively similar views, since the attributes that define group members are highly correlated across categories. Other work, though, implies that varied labels can alter the configuration of group attributes in a way that elicits unique attitudes. We use these insights to evaluate Latinx: a new pan-ethnic label said to imply more gender-inclusive views. In three experiments, we randomly allocated Latino adults to report attributes that make them unique individuals (control) versus Latinx, Latino, or Hispanic. Assignment to the Latinx condition consistently increased participants’ support for pro-LGBTQ policies, an effect that was most precisely estimated in a meta-analysis of all three experiments. These results suggest that Latinx yields meaningful shifts in gender-inclusive opinions, consistent with claims about this label’s nature. We discuss our results’ implications for ongoing debates about Latinos’ self-designations.
{"title":"New label, different identity? Three experiments on the uniqueness of Latinx","authors":"Bianca V. Vicuña, Efrén O. Pérez","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2010576","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2010576","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Groups use labels to define what communities stand for. Yet sometimes multiple labels refer to the same group (e.g., Hispanic, Latino). Do different labels generate distinct political opinions? Some work suggests that assorted labels evoke substantively similar views, since the attributes that define group members are highly correlated across categories. Other work, though, implies that varied labels can alter the configuration of group attributes in a way that elicits unique attitudes. We use these insights to evaluate Latinx: a new pan-ethnic label said to imply more gender-inclusive views. In three experiments, we randomly allocated Latino adults to report attributes that make them unique individuals (control) versus Latinx, Latino, or Hispanic. Assignment to the Latinx condition consistently increased participants’ support for pro-LGBTQ policies, an effect that was most precisely estimated in a meta-analysis of all three experiments. These results suggest that Latinx yields meaningful shifts in gender-inclusive opinions, consistent with claims about this label’s nature. We discuss our results’ implications for ongoing debates about Latinos’ self-designations.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"9 1","pages":"677 - 684"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72851072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-02DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2003828
Amanda M. Roberti
ABSTRACT Conservative women in US state legislatures outpace their male colleagues in introducing anti-abortion policies. In doing so, they often frame anti-abortion policy standpoints in feminist terms. They assert abortion physically and emotionally damages women, and abortion providers fail to inform women. By centering women’s welfare, conservative women seek to enhance their representation, and wrest the mantle of being “pro-woman” from feminists. In this article, I analyse the use of feminist framing of anti-abortion bills by conservative women representatives. Their words signify a rise in the cooption of feminist language by conservative women and challenge the notion of representation.
{"title":"Empowering women by regulating abortion? Conservative women lawmaker’s cooptation of feminist language in US abortion politics","authors":"Amanda M. Roberti","doi":"10.1080/21565503.2021.2003828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2021.2003828","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Conservative women in US state legislatures outpace their male colleagues in introducing anti-abortion policies. In doing so, they often frame anti-abortion policy standpoints in feminist terms. They assert abortion physically and emotionally damages women, and abortion providers fail to inform women. By centering women’s welfare, conservative women seek to enhance their representation, and wrest the mantle of being “pro-woman” from feminists. In this article, I analyse the use of feminist framing of anti-abortion bills by conservative women representatives. Their words signify a rise in the cooption of feminist language by conservative women and challenge the notion of representation.","PeriodicalId":46590,"journal":{"name":"Politics Groups and Identities","volume":"15 1","pages":"139 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87766941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-25DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2021.2003827
Kimberly B. Cowell-Meyers, Lori Younissess
ABSTRACT This project examines the puzzle posed by different types of quotas, which both seem to be part of similar gender equality policies and yet differ; legislative and corporate board quotas regulate sectors with different patterns of state intervention and play different roles in the democratic process, have different practical and political dynamics and tend not to occur in the same places. We use parliamentary debates in five European nation-states to analyze how policy-makers use conceptualizations of equality and democracy in these different policies and how these differ across quota types and cases. We determine that the two policies reflect similar conceptualizations of equality and democracy that are shared across the cases, although the understanding in the later CBQ debates is more expansive than in the earlier LQ ones, especially among MPs on the right. It takes women’s equal qualifications to participate in decision-making bodies as a given and expands the agenda for dismantling unequal power structures. These new norms derive their legitimacy from the experience of other comparator nation-states with quotas and concern for the state’s international reputation. Thus, CBQs are extensions of LQs but the mechanism of their relationship arises as much through international diffusion as domestic policy expansion.
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