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‘Public budgeting in India principles and practices’ “印度的公共预算原则和实践”
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-30 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2106974
Deyona Rose Saji
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Federalism and international trade policy. The rise of constituent units’ engagement in North America and Europe 导论:联邦制与国际贸易政策。在北美和欧洲,组成单位的参与度上升
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-18 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2100768
Jörg Broschek
ABSTRACT Regional units have emerged as actors seeking to shape international trade policy. Focusing on federal systems in North America and Europe, this special issue explores the patterns, causes and implication of constituent units’ participation in trade policy. This introductory article situates the case studies assembled in the special issue and outlines how they contribute to a nascent research agenda that brings together scholarship rooted in comparative federalism, regionalism and international political economy. The article distinguishes two basic patterns of involvement and discusses the relative weight of explanatory factors identified in the literature to explain how and with what consequences constituent units engage in the trade policy domain. The article concludes with a summary of key insights from the case studies and outlines their contribution for future research.
摘要区域单位已成为寻求制定国际贸易政策的行动者。本期特刊以北美和欧洲的联邦制度为中心,探讨了组成单位参与贸易政策的模式、原因和含义。这篇介绍性文章介绍了特刊中的案例研究,并概述了它们如何为一个新生的研究议程做出贡献,该议程汇集了植根于比较联邦制、区域主义和国际政治经济的学术。文章区分了两种基本的参与模式,并讨论了文献中确定的解释因素的相对权重,以解释组成单位如何参与贸易政策领域以及产生何种后果。文章最后总结了案例研究的关键见解,并概述了它们对未来研究的贡献。
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引用次数: 1
The 2020 regional elections in Ukraine: Simultaneously nationalized and regionalized 2020年乌克兰地区选举:同时国有化和区域化
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-14 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2100358
Valentyna Romanova
ABSTRACT The election report explains the extent to which the 2020 regional contests were nationalized and regionalized. In 2020, turnout declined in each region, when compared to electoral participation in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The ruling party heavily underperformed, while parties in opposition enhanced their electoral performance. At the same time, the electoral scores of NSWPs in five regional councils were close to or above 30%. The comparative analysis of the 2020 regional elections with the previous regional contests reveals that the former demonstrates the most severe effects associated with both nationalization and regionalization. Nationalization of the 2020 regional elections is explained by weak regional authority, the decline of Ukraine’s regional diversity, and the de facto strengthening of the president’s powers, while regionalization of the 2020 regional contests is ascribed to the combination of non-simultaneity with national elections, simultaneity with local elections within the region, and decentralization to local government.
选举报告解释了2020年地方选举的国家化和区域化程度。与2019年议会选举的投票率相比,2020年每个地区的投票率都有所下降。执政党的表现严重不佳,而反对党的选举表现有所改善。与此同时,新社民党在五个地区议会的选举得分接近或超过30%。通过对2020年地方选举与历次地方选举的对比分析,发现2020年地方选举在民族化和区域化方面的影响最为严重。2020年地区选举的国家化可以解释为地区权威的薄弱、乌克兰地区多样性的下降以及总统权力的事实上的加强,而2020年地区选举的区域化可以解释为与全国选举的非同时性、与地区内地方选举的同时性以及向地方政府分权的结合。
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引用次数: 0
‘A troubled constitutional future: Northern Ireland after Brexit’ “陷入困境的宪法未来:脱欧后的北爱尔兰”
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2085691
Clare A. G. Rice
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引用次数: 2
Departmental elections in Bolivia (2010–2021): Between regionalised and third-order elections1 玻利维亚省选举(2010-2021):在区域化选举和三级选举之间1
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2085690
Julio Ascarrunz
ABSTRACT Bolivia has held elections to departmental governments in 2010, 2015, and in 2021. This election report starts with an overview of the electoral systems applied in the nine regions and subsequently discusses the election outcomes for the three elections. Regional elections in Bolivia can be conceived to be both regionalised – suggested by increasing vote shares for regional parties – as well as to be third-order elections – suggested by having lower turnout rates than local and national elections. First, this election report will explore the extent to which regional elections are regionalised by looking at dissimilarity between party vote shares between elections and at the strength of regional parties. The question of whether regional elections are second or third-order is explored by looking at valid voting rates and vote share losses for the party in the national government.
摘要玻利维亚于2010年、2015年和2021年举行了部门政府选举。本选举报告首先概述了九个地区的选举制度,随后讨论了三次选举的选举结果。玻利维亚的地区选举既可以被认为是地区化的——这是通过增加地区政党的选票份额来实现的——也可以被视为三级选举——这是因为投票率低于地方和全国选举。首先,本选举报告将通过观察选举之间政党选票份额的差异以及地区政党的实力,探讨地区选举的区域化程度。通过观察该党在国家政府中的有效投票率和选票份额损失,探讨了地区选举是二级还是三级的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Public policy in multi-level systems: A new research agenda for the study of regional-level policy 多层次系统中的公共政策:区域层面政策研究的新研究议程
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2018681
H. Kleider, Simon Toubeau
ABSTRACT While there is a cumulative research programme on the causes of decentralization to regional and local governments, research on its policy consequences is less integrated. This article takes stock of the existing research on the policy consequences of decentralisation. It highlights the existence of disparate lines of investigation while pointing to ways in which they can connect. To do so, we review 102 articles from 20 top generalist and subfields journals, from 1998-2018. We find that there is an important geographical divide in research traditions: US scholars tend to focus the pressures of competitive ‘race-to-the-bottom’ dynamics or on mechanisms of policy diffusion; comparative and non-US scholars instead emphasise institutional diversity across decentralized countries and drivers of variation in subnational policy choices, including structural and cultural factors, partisanship and vertical and horizontal linkages. In the conclusion, we develop five conclusions that highlight how this sub-field can develop a coherent research programme.
摘要:虽然有一个关于向区域和地方政府下放权力的原因的累积研究计划,但对其政策后果的研究却不太全面。本文总结了现有的关于权力下放政策后果的研究。它强调了不同调查路线的存在,同时指出了它们之间的联系方式。为此,我们回顾了1998年至2018年20种顶级多面手和子领域期刊的102篇文章。我们发现,在研究传统中存在着一个重要的地理鸿沟:美国学者倾向于关注竞争性“自下而上”动态的压力或政策扩散机制;相反,比较学者和非美国学者强调权力下放国家的制度多样性,以及国家以下政策选择变化的驱动因素,包括结构和文化因素、党派偏见以及纵向和横向联系。在结论中,我们得出了五个结论,强调了该子领域如何制定连贯的研究计划。
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引用次数: 1
Comparative federalism and Covid-19. Combating the pandemic 联邦制与新冠肺炎的比较。抗击疫情
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-22 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2066083
Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet
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引用次数: 9
Venezuelan regional elections, democratic backsliding, and autocratization in the 2010s 委内瑞拉地区选举、民主倒退和2010年代的独裁
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-17 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2063846
John Polga-Hecimovich
ABSTRACT While explanations of democratic backsliding in Venezuela have focused on a host of national-level processes, few scholars have considered subnational drivers of democratic decay. This paper explains how Venezuelan leaders used electoral manipulation in regional elections, targeted punishment of subnational authorities, and creation of parallel subnational political-administrative bodies to undermine democracy and aid in the consolidation of authoritarianism in the 2010s. During the presidency of Hugo Chávez, the government sought to win elections under relatively free conditions but pursued highly partisan attacks on opposition governors and mayors, limiting their autonomy and authority, while centralizing power. Then, as the Nicolás Maduro government faced threats to its hegemony at the ballot box, electoral manipulation gave way to outright fraud. The study highlights novel forms of subnational control and shows how regional elections and center-subnational relations helped push Venezuela from an electoral democracy in 2010 to an electoral authoritarian regime by decade’s end.
摘要尽管对委内瑞拉民主倒退的解释主要集中在一系列国家层面的进程上,但很少有学者考虑到国家以下各级民主衰退的驱动因素。本文解释了委内瑞拉领导人如何在2010年代利用地区选举中的选举操纵、有针对性地惩罚地方当局以及建立平行的地方政治行政机构来破坏民主并帮助巩固威权主义。在乌戈·查韦斯担任总统期间,政府试图在相对自由的条件下赢得选举,但对反对派州长和市长进行了高度党派化的攻击,限制了他们的自主权和权威,同时集中了权力。然后,当尼古拉斯·马杜罗政府在投票箱中的霸权面临威胁时,选举操纵让位给了彻头彻尾的欺诈。该研究强调了新形式的国家以下控制,并展示了地区选举和中央-国家以下关系如何帮助委内瑞拉在十年结束时从2010年的选举民主政体转变为选举独裁政权。
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引用次数: 2
Personal representation or party representation? Elections in the autonomous Åland Islands 个人代表还是政党代表?奥兰群岛自治区的选举
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2047940
D. Arter
ABSTRACT For an electorate numbering under 21,000 persons, voters in the autonomous Åland islands are remarkably well represented. They vote in Finnish general elections, presidential elections and European Parliament elections; they vote for a 30-seat regional assembly, the Lagting; and they vote for one of the 16 municipal councils on the islands. For Lagting elections there is one MP for barely seven-hundred voters. This low MP-voter ratio, when taken together with open-list PR electoral rules enabling citizens to cast a personal vote, and a broad consensus over Åland’s self-governing status, would appear to militate against the need for party representation. Yet Ålanders are today served by an institutionalised party system which, while reflecting Scandinavian influences, is distinctive in its own right. Accordingly, this report poses three basic questions: (i) When and why did an Åland party system emerge? (ii) To what extent does it resemble the classical ‘Scandinavian party system model’? (iii) What does the most recent 2019 Lagting election indicate about the balance between personal representation and party representation?
摘要奥兰群岛自治区的选民人数不到21000人,他们的代表性非常好。他们在芬兰大选、总统选举和欧洲议会选举中投票;他们投票支持一个拥有30个席位的地区议会——拉廷;他们投票给岛上16个市议会中的一个。在滞后选举中,只有一名议员只代表700名选民。这种低议员选民比例,再加上允许公民进行个人投票的公开名单公共关系选举规则,以及对奥兰自治地位的广泛共识,似乎不利于政党代表的必要性。然而,奥兰人今天由一个制度化的政党体系服务,这个体系虽然反映了斯堪的纳维亚的影响,但本身就很独特。因此,本报告提出了三个基本问题:(i)奥兰党制度是何时以及为什么出现的?(ii)它在多大程度上类似于经典的“斯堪的纳维亚政党制度模式”?(iii)最近的2019年滞后选举表明了个人代表和政党代表之间的平衡?
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引用次数: 0
Interconnected multilevel governance: Regional governments in Europe and beyond 相互关联的多层次治理:欧洲及其他地区的地区政府
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2059471
Kent Eaton, A. Schakel
ABSTRACT This article introduces the special issue on the rise of substate regional governments within and beyond Europe. Drawing on the Regioznal Authority Index (RAI) and the Measure of International Authority (MIA), we trace the increase in authority ‘above and below’ the state and argue that it is important to study the differential impacts – as well as the interconnectedness – of the main sub-dimensions of regional (i.e. self-rule and shared rule) and international authority (i.e. delegation and pooling). Turning from the empirical to the conceptual, we also critically examine Multilevel Governance (MLG) as a framework that can be applied to the global south. While MLG helps to illuminate the often non-formal and non-hierarchical nature of territorial politics and the key role of supranational actors in the global south, other factors may limit its applicability including capacity deficits, institutional instability, and conflictual dynamics between levels of government.
摘要本文介绍了欧洲内外亚州地区政府崛起的特刊。借鉴区域权威指数(RAI)和国际权威测度(MIA),我们追踪了国家之上和之下权力的增加,并认为重要的是研究区域(即自治和共享规则)和国际权力(即授权和汇集)主要子维度的差异影响以及相互联系。从实证转向概念,我们还批判性地研究了多层治理(MLG)作为一个可以应用于全球南方的框架。虽然MLG有助于阐明领土政治的非正式和非等级性质,以及超国家行为者在全球南方的关键作用,但其他因素可能会限制其适用性,包括能力赤字、制度不稳定和各级政府之间的冲突动态。
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Regional and Federal Studies
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