Pub Date : 2022-07-30DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2106974
Deyona Rose Saji
{"title":"‘Public budgeting in India principles and practices’","authors":"Deyona Rose Saji","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2106974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2106974","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"283 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41561637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-18DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2100768
Jörg Broschek
ABSTRACT Regional units have emerged as actors seeking to shape international trade policy. Focusing on federal systems in North America and Europe, this special issue explores the patterns, causes and implication of constituent units’ participation in trade policy. This introductory article situates the case studies assembled in the special issue and outlines how they contribute to a nascent research agenda that brings together scholarship rooted in comparative federalism, regionalism and international political economy. The article distinguishes two basic patterns of involvement and discusses the relative weight of explanatory factors identified in the literature to explain how and with what consequences constituent units engage in the trade policy domain. The article concludes with a summary of key insights from the case studies and outlines their contribution for future research.
{"title":"Introduction: Federalism and international trade policy. The rise of constituent units’ engagement in North America and Europe","authors":"Jörg Broschek","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2100768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2100768","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Regional units have emerged as actors seeking to shape international trade policy. Focusing on federal systems in North America and Europe, this special issue explores the patterns, causes and implication of constituent units’ participation in trade policy. This introductory article situates the case studies assembled in the special issue and outlines how they contribute to a nascent research agenda that brings together scholarship rooted in comparative federalism, regionalism and international political economy. The article distinguishes two basic patterns of involvement and discusses the relative weight of explanatory factors identified in the literature to explain how and with what consequences constituent units engage in the trade policy domain. The article concludes with a summary of key insights from the case studies and outlines their contribution for future research.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"1 - 22"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41736062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-14DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2100358
Valentyna Romanova
ABSTRACT The election report explains the extent to which the 2020 regional contests were nationalized and regionalized. In 2020, turnout declined in each region, when compared to electoral participation in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The ruling party heavily underperformed, while parties in opposition enhanced their electoral performance. At the same time, the electoral scores of NSWPs in five regional councils were close to or above 30%. The comparative analysis of the 2020 regional elections with the previous regional contests reveals that the former demonstrates the most severe effects associated with both nationalization and regionalization. Nationalization of the 2020 regional elections is explained by weak regional authority, the decline of Ukraine’s regional diversity, and the de facto strengthening of the president’s powers, while regionalization of the 2020 regional contests is ascribed to the combination of non-simultaneity with national elections, simultaneity with local elections within the region, and decentralization to local government.
{"title":"The 2020 regional elections in Ukraine: Simultaneously nationalized and regionalized","authors":"Valentyna Romanova","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2100358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2100358","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 The election report explains the extent to which the 2020 regional contests were nationalized and regionalized. In 2020, turnout declined in each region, when compared to electoral participation in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The ruling party heavily underperformed, while parties in opposition enhanced their electoral performance. At the same time, the electoral scores of NSWPs in five regional councils were close to or above 30%. The comparative analysis of the 2020 regional elections with the previous regional contests reveals that the former demonstrates the most severe effects associated with both nationalization and regionalization. Nationalization of the 2020 regional elections is explained by weak regional authority, the decline of Ukraine’s regional diversity, and the de facto strengthening of the president’s powers, while regionalization of the 2020 regional contests is ascribed to the combination of non-simultaneity with national elections, simultaneity with local elections within the region, and decentralization to local government.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"525 - 541"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48895298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-23DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2085691
Clare A. G. Rice
{"title":"‘A troubled constitutional future: Northern Ireland after Brexit’","authors":"Clare A. G. Rice","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2085691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2085691","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"689 - 691"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42513867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hamza Benderradji, Anne-Laure Barbotin, Maryse Leroy-Billiard, Julie Prasivoravong, François Marcelli, Christine Decanter, Geoffroy Robin, Valérie Mitchell, Jean-Marc Rigot, Antonino Bongiovanni, Florent Sauve, Luc Buée, Claude-Alain Maurage, Maryse Cartigny, Arnauld Villers, Vincent Prevot, Sophie Catteau-Jonard, Nicolas Sergeant, Paolo Giacobini, Pascal Pigny, Clara Leroy
Background: Few studies to date have attempted to measure serum anti-Müllerian hormone (AMH) levels in adult men, and solid references ranges have not yet been defined in a large cohort.
Objective: In this study, we aimed, first, to establish the reference ranges for serum AMH and AMH-to-total testosterone ratio (AMH/tT) in adult males. Second, we investigated the relationship between serum AMH and both reproductive hormones and semen parameters.
Methods: This single-center retrospective study included 578 normozoospermic adult men. Serum AMH concentrations were determined with an automated sandwich chemiluminescent immunoassay.
Results: The median serum AMH was 43.5 pmol/L. The 2.5th and 97.5th percentile values for serum AMH and AMH/tT were 16.4 and 90.3 pmol/L and 0.45 and 3.43, respectively. AMH was positively correlated with inhibin B and sperm concentration and negatively correlated with age, follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), and progressive sperm motility. Interestingly, using immunofluorescence, we documented for the first time that AMH type II receptor (AMH-R2) is expressed in ejaculated human spermatozoa and gonadotrophic cells in the postmortem pituitary gland.
Conclusions: We establish a new age-specific reference range for serum AMH and AMH/tT. Moreover, AMH-R2 expression in human spermatozoa and gonadotrophic cells, together with the relationship between serum AMH levels and sperm motility or mean FSH levels, highlight new potential functions of AMH in regulating sperm motility or FSH secretion in adult men.
{"title":"Defining Reference Ranges for Serum Anti-Müllerian Hormone on a Large Cohort of Normozoospermic Adult Men Highlights New Potential Physiological Functions of AMH on FSH Secretion and Sperm Motility.","authors":"Hamza Benderradji, Anne-Laure Barbotin, Maryse Leroy-Billiard, Julie Prasivoravong, François Marcelli, Christine Decanter, Geoffroy Robin, Valérie Mitchell, Jean-Marc Rigot, Antonino Bongiovanni, Florent Sauve, Luc Buée, Claude-Alain Maurage, Maryse Cartigny, Arnauld Villers, Vincent Prevot, Sophie Catteau-Jonard, Nicolas Sergeant, Paolo Giacobini, Pascal Pigny, Clara Leroy","doi":"10.1210/clinem/dgac218","DOIUrl":"10.1210/clinem/dgac218","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Few studies to date have attempted to measure serum anti-Müllerian hormone (AMH) levels in adult men, and solid references ranges have not yet been defined in a large cohort.</p><p><strong>Objective: </strong>In this study, we aimed, first, to establish the reference ranges for serum AMH and AMH-to-total testosterone ratio (AMH/tT) in adult males. Second, we investigated the relationship between serum AMH and both reproductive hormones and semen parameters.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This single-center retrospective study included 578 normozoospermic adult men. Serum AMH concentrations were determined with an automated sandwich chemiluminescent immunoassay.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>The median serum AMH was 43.5 pmol/L. The 2.5th and 97.5th percentile values for serum AMH and AMH/tT were 16.4 and 90.3 pmol/L and 0.45 and 3.43, respectively. AMH was positively correlated with inhibin B and sperm concentration and negatively correlated with age, follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH), and progressive sperm motility. Interestingly, using immunofluorescence, we documented for the first time that AMH type II receptor (AMH-R2) is expressed in ejaculated human spermatozoa and gonadotrophic cells in the postmortem pituitary gland.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>We establish a new age-specific reference range for serum AMH and AMH/tT. Moreover, AMH-R2 expression in human spermatozoa and gonadotrophic cells, together with the relationship between serum AMH levels and sperm motility or mean FSH levels, highlight new potential functions of AMH in regulating sperm motility or FSH secretion in adult men.</p>","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"1878-1887"},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9202722/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81902910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-13DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2085690
Julio Ascarrunz
ABSTRACT Bolivia has held elections to departmental governments in 2010, 2015, and in 2021. This election report starts with an overview of the electoral systems applied in the nine regions and subsequently discusses the election outcomes for the three elections. Regional elections in Bolivia can be conceived to be both regionalised – suggested by increasing vote shares for regional parties – as well as to be third-order elections – suggested by having lower turnout rates than local and national elections. First, this election report will explore the extent to which regional elections are regionalised by looking at dissimilarity between party vote shares between elections and at the strength of regional parties. The question of whether regional elections are second or third-order is explored by looking at valid voting rates and vote share losses for the party in the national government.
{"title":"Departmental elections in Bolivia (2010–2021): Between regionalised and third-order elections1","authors":"Julio Ascarrunz","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2085690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2085690","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Bolivia has held elections to departmental governments in 2010, 2015, and in 2021. This election report starts with an overview of the electoral systems applied in the nine regions and subsequently discusses the election outcomes for the three elections. Regional elections in Bolivia can be conceived to be both regionalised – suggested by increasing vote shares for regional parties – as well as to be third-order elections – suggested by having lower turnout rates than local and national elections. First, this election report will explore the extent to which regional elections are regionalised by looking at dissimilarity between party vote shares between elections and at the strength of regional parties. The question of whether regional elections are second or third-order is explored by looking at valid voting rates and vote share losses for the party in the national government.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"459 - 470"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42933568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-10DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2018681
H. Kleider, Simon Toubeau
ABSTRACT While there is a cumulative research programme on the causes of decentralization to regional and local governments, research on its policy consequences is less integrated. This article takes stock of the existing research on the policy consequences of decentralisation. It highlights the existence of disparate lines of investigation while pointing to ways in which they can connect. To do so, we review 102 articles from 20 top generalist and subfields journals, from 1998-2018. We find that there is an important geographical divide in research traditions: US scholars tend to focus the pressures of competitive ‘race-to-the-bottom’ dynamics or on mechanisms of policy diffusion; comparative and non-US scholars instead emphasise institutional diversity across decentralized countries and drivers of variation in subnational policy choices, including structural and cultural factors, partisanship and vertical and horizontal linkages. In the conclusion, we develop five conclusions that highlight how this sub-field can develop a coherent research programme.
{"title":"Public policy in multi-level systems: A new research agenda for the study of regional-level policy","authors":"H. Kleider, Simon Toubeau","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2021.2018681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2021.2018681","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While there is a cumulative research programme on the causes of decentralization to regional and local governments, research on its policy consequences is less integrated. This article takes stock of the existing research on the policy consequences of decentralisation. It highlights the existence of disparate lines of investigation while pointing to ways in which they can connect. To do so, we review 102 articles from 20 top generalist and subfields journals, from 1998-2018. We find that there is an important geographical divide in research traditions: US scholars tend to focus the pressures of competitive ‘race-to-the-bottom’ dynamics or on mechanisms of policy diffusion; comparative and non-US scholars instead emphasise institutional diversity across decentralized countries and drivers of variation in subnational policy choices, including structural and cultural factors, partisanship and vertical and horizontal linkages. In the conclusion, we develop five conclusions that highlight how this sub-field can develop a coherent research programme.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"277 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47088315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-22DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2066083
Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet
{"title":"Comparative federalism and Covid-19. Combating the pandemic","authors":"Marc Sanjaume‐Calvet","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2066083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2066083","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"133 - 135"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45656835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-17DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2063846
John Polga-Hecimovich
ABSTRACT While explanations of democratic backsliding in Venezuela have focused on a host of national-level processes, few scholars have considered subnational drivers of democratic decay. This paper explains how Venezuelan leaders used electoral manipulation in regional elections, targeted punishment of subnational authorities, and creation of parallel subnational political-administrative bodies to undermine democracy and aid in the consolidation of authoritarianism in the 2010s. During the presidency of Hugo Chávez, the government sought to win elections under relatively free conditions but pursued highly partisan attacks on opposition governors and mayors, limiting their autonomy and authority, while centralizing power. Then, as the Nicolás Maduro government faced threats to its hegemony at the ballot box, electoral manipulation gave way to outright fraud. The study highlights novel forms of subnational control and shows how regional elections and center-subnational relations helped push Venezuela from an electoral democracy in 2010 to an electoral authoritarian regime by decade’s end.
{"title":"Venezuelan regional elections, democratic backsliding, and autocratization in the 2010s","authors":"John Polga-Hecimovich","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2063846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2063846","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While explanations of democratic backsliding in Venezuela have focused on a host of national-level processes, few scholars have considered subnational drivers of democratic decay. This paper explains how Venezuelan leaders used electoral manipulation in regional elections, targeted punishment of subnational authorities, and creation of parallel subnational political-administrative bodies to undermine democracy and aid in the consolidation of authoritarianism in the 2010s. During the presidency of Hugo Chávez, the government sought to win elections under relatively free conditions but pursued highly partisan attacks on opposition governors and mayors, limiting their autonomy and authority, while centralizing power. Then, as the Nicolás Maduro government faced threats to its hegemony at the ballot box, electoral manipulation gave way to outright fraud. The study highlights novel forms of subnational control and shows how regional elections and center-subnational relations helped push Venezuela from an electoral democracy in 2010 to an electoral authoritarian regime by decade’s end.","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"437 - 458"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41469752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-10DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2047940
D. Arter
ABSTRACT For an electorate numbering under 21,000 persons, voters in the autonomous Åland islands are remarkably well represented. They vote in Finnish general elections, presidential elections and European Parliament elections; they vote for a 30-seat regional assembly, the Lagting; and they vote for one of the 16 municipal councils on the islands. For Lagting elections there is one MP for barely seven-hundred voters. This low MP-voter ratio, when taken together with open-list PR electoral rules enabling citizens to cast a personal vote, and a broad consensus over Åland’s self-governing status, would appear to militate against the need for party representation. Yet Ålanders are today served by an institutionalised party system which, while reflecting Scandinavian influences, is distinctive in its own right. Accordingly, this report poses three basic questions: (i) When and why did an Åland party system emerge? (ii) To what extent does it resemble the classical ‘Scandinavian party system model’? (iii) What does the most recent 2019 Lagting election indicate about the balance between personal representation and party representation?
{"title":"Personal representation or party representation? Elections in the autonomous Åland Islands","authors":"D. Arter","doi":"10.1080/13597566.2022.2047940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2022.2047940","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For an electorate numbering under 21,000 persons, voters in the autonomous Åland islands are remarkably well represented. They vote in Finnish general elections, presidential elections and European Parliament elections; they vote for a 30-seat regional assembly, the Lagting; and they vote for one of the 16 municipal councils on the islands. For Lagting elections there is one MP for barely seven-hundred voters. This low MP-voter ratio, when taken together with open-list PR electoral rules enabling citizens to cast a personal vote, and a broad consensus over Åland’s self-governing status, would appear to militate against the need for party representation. Yet Ålanders are today served by an institutionalised party system which, while reflecting Scandinavian influences, is distinctive in its own right. Accordingly, this report poses three basic questions: (i) When and why did an Åland party system emerge? (ii) To what extent does it resemble the classical ‘Scandinavian party system model’? (iii) What does the most recent 2019 Lagting election indicate about the balance between personal representation and party representation?","PeriodicalId":46657,"journal":{"name":"Regional and Federal Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"511 - 524"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49438477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：