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State and Nation in the United Kingdom: The Fractured Union 联合王国的国家与民族:分裂的联盟
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2060207
L. Whitten
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引用次数: 7
Nationalism, Secessionism and Autonomy 民族主义、分裂主义与自治
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-19 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2040991
Daniel Cetrà
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引用次数: 0
The 2020 subnational elections in Uruguay: The consolidation of the Right-Wing Electoral Power in the territory 乌拉圭2020年地方选举:国内右翼选举权力的巩固
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-29 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2029850
Martín Freigedo
ABSTRACT This report analyses the subnational elections in Uruguay in 2020. The main findings show an important consolidation of the right-wing parties, particularly the Partido Nacional, both at the second and third level of government (departments and municipalities respectively). This electoral power is reflected in three events. Firstly, the victory claimed by such party in 15 out of the country’s 19 departmental governments, with cases in which electoral competition tends to be very low. A decreased electoral volatility between national and departmental elections is also associated with such power. Finally, there is the clear victory of the Partido Nacional at the municipal level, where it has managed to be elected in 90 out of the 125 local governments. In a country with one of the most consolidated democracies in the region, this paper raises the issue about the lack of competitiveness at the subnational level in several territories of the country.
本报告分析了乌拉圭2020年的地方选举。主要调查结果显示,右翼政党,特别是民族党,在第二级和第三级政府(分别为省和市)都有重要的巩固。这种选举权力反映在三个事件中。首先,该党在全国19个省级政府中的15个获胜,而在这些地方,选举竞争往往非常低。国家和省选举之间的选举波动减少也与这种权力有关。最后,国家党在市政一级取得了明显的胜利,在125个地方政府中的90个中成功当选。在一个拥有该地区最巩固的民主国家之一的国家,本文提出了该国几个地区在次国家一级缺乏竞争力的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Electoral decentralisation with weak parties. Analysis of Colombia’s subnational elections 软弱政党的选举权力下放。哥伦比亚地方选举分析
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-21 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2022.2028279
Juan Pablo Milanese, Juan Albarracín
ABSTRACT In this report, we analyse subnational electoral dynamics, reviewing some temporal patterns of both municipal and departmental elections in Colombia; however, we focus particularly on the most recent elections in 2019. Local and regional electoral dynamics are significantly decoupled from national politics and, despite the existence of the same party labels across all levels of government, we show that political parties are secondary actors in subnational elections whose central purpose is to satisfy legal requirements for candidate nomination. Leaders of political machines and other regional or local political organizations are the centre of subnational electoral politics. Therefore, parties are not the appropriate units of analysis to understand electoral (or post-electoral) subnational politics. In contrast, coalitions of variable composition that transcend parties shape processes of political cooperation and competition in local and regional electoral politics.
摘要在本报告中,我们分析了国家以下各级的选举动态,回顾了哥伦比亚市政和部门选举的一些时间模式;然而,我们特别关注2019年的最新选举。地方和地区选举动态与国家政治明显脱钩,尽管各级政府都存在相同的政党标签,但我们表明,政党是国家以下选举的次要参与者,其核心目的是满足候选人提名的法律要求。政治机器和其他区域或地方政治组织的领导人是国家以下选举政治的中心。因此,政党不是了解选举(或选举后)国家以下政治的适当分析单位。相比之下,超越政党的可变组成联盟形成了地方和地区选举政治中的政治合作和竞争过程。
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引用次数: 1
Autonomy à la carte: The creative claiming tactics of the Hungarian minority in Romania 单点自治:罗马尼亚匈牙利少数民族的创造性主张策略
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-17 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2007887
Susan Divald
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引用次数: 0
Handbook on Decentralization, Devolution and the State 权力下放、权力下放和国家手册
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-09 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2025048
Carles Ferreira
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引用次数: 0
Party competition during secession crises in advanced democracies 发达民主国家分裂危机期间的党派竞争
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2020.1824994
Ion Pagoaga Ibiricu
ABSTRACT This paper analyses party competition during secession crises in advanced democracies. It focuses on Quebec, Scotland and Catalonia to show how a party or parties use secession as a competition issue, how other parties respond and what are the consequences for regional party systems. Using quantitative text analysis of parliamentary debates, this work finds that during secession crises, most parties are forced to talk about territorial integrity and that party systems polarize in the territorial dimension. However, parties can adopt different strategies to alter their salience and position on the issue. Most surprisingly, this paper shows that secessionists are not always the ones that emphasize secession most and that parties do not always position at the poles of the territorial dimension.
摘要本文分析了发达民主国家分裂危机中的政党竞争。它以魁北克、苏格兰和加泰罗尼亚为重点,展示一个或多个政党如何利用分裂作为竞争问题,其他政党如何应对,以及对地区政党制度的后果。通过对议会辩论的定量文本分析,本研究发现,在分裂危机期间,大多数政党被迫谈论领土完整,政党制度在领土维度上两极分化。然而,各方可以采取不同的策略来改变他们在这个问题上的突出程度和立场。最令人惊讶的是,这篇论文表明,分离主义者并不总是最强调分离主义的人,政党也并不总是处于领土维度的两极。
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引用次数: 2
Seizing the moment: Regional opportunity structures and Wallonia’s temporary veto of the EU–Canada bilateral trade agreement 抓住时机:区域机会结构和瓦隆尼亚对欧盟-加拿大双边贸易协定的临时否决权
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-24 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2007477
P. Bursens, Dirk De Bièvre
ABSTRACT Constitutionally, Belgium represents the most extreme case of regional entities wielding power over EU external trade policymaking. Formally, the Flemish, Walloon and Brussels regions can wield veto power over Belgian positions. Yet, only once has a Belgian region actually made use of this capacity, when Wallonia temporarily blocked the conclusion of the EU trade agreement with Canada in 2016 (CETA). We show that political actors – legislative and executive – could only activate this constitutional possibility in conjunction with other necessary conditions: a high degree of societal mobilization and, above all, inter-party competition across different levels of government. As the Walloon Parti Socialiste seized the moment, it reinforced the paradox of weakness and strengthened the EU’s trade bargaining power towards Canada. We finish by discussing the spill-over effects of the 2016 CETA episode into the shaping of future EU trade policies, as well as into future intra-Belgian EU policymaking.
摘要从宪法上讲,比利时代表了地区实体对欧盟对外贸易政策行使权力的最极端案例。从形式上讲,弗拉芒、瓦隆和布鲁塞尔地区可以对比利时的立场行使否决权。然而,只有一次比利时地区真正利用了这一能力,当时瓦隆尼亚在2016年暂时阻止了与加拿大达成欧盟贸易协议(CETA)。我们表明,政治行动者——立法者和行政者——只能在其他必要条件下激活这种宪法可能性:高度的社会动员,最重要的是,不同级别政府之间的党派间竞争。当瓦隆社会党抓住时机时,它强化了软弱的悖论,并加强了欧盟对加拿大的贸易议价能力。最后,我们讨论了2016年CETA事件对未来欧盟贸易政策的影响,以及对未来比利时欧盟内部政策制定的影响。
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引用次数: 9
The 2019 regional elections in Greece: Both regionalized and nationalized 2019年希腊地区选举:既有地区化,也有国有化
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-22 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.2000402
Yannis Tsirbas
ABSTRACT In May 2019, regional elections were held in Greece, simultaneously with municipal and European elections. The regional elections were placed right at the end of the national electoral cycle and national elections were planned to be held four months later. In general, the institutional and structural setting was favouring a nationalized, second-order character of the 2019 regional elections. Nevertheless, most of the patterns identified in the election outcomes point towards regionalization rather than nationalization. Hence, the 2019 regional elections in Greece were both regionalized and nationalized.
2019年5月,希腊举行了地区选举,同时举行了市政和欧洲议会选举。区域选举正好在全国选举周期结束时举行,全国选举计划在四个月后举行。总的来说,制度和结构环境有利于2019年地区选举的国有化、次要性质。然而,选举结果所确定的大多数模式都指向区域化,而不是国家化。因此,2019年希腊的地方选举既是区域化的,也是国家化的。
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引用次数: 0
Federalism in post-conflict Somalia: A critical review of its reception and governance challenges 冲突后索马里的联邦制:对其接受和治理挑战的批判性审查
IF 1.4 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/13597566.2021.1998005
Abdinor Dahir, Ali Yassin Sheikh Ali
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引用次数: 6
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Regional and Federal Studies
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