Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000172
Wm. G. Bennett, Natalie DelBusso
Work in Optimality Theory on the constraint set, Con, has often raised the question of whether certain types of constraints have multiple specific versions or are single general constraints that effectively sum the violations of specific variants. Comparing and evaluating analyses that differ in this way requires knowing the effect of this kind of summing on the full typology, which itself depends on the relationship of summands in the full system. Such relationships can be difficult to ascertain from inspecting violation profiles alone. This paper uses Property Theory to analyse the systematic effects of summing constraints in two distinct kinds of relationships: (i) across distinct properties, and (ii) within a constraint class in a single property. The results show how these two types collapse the typology in different, yet predictable, ways. Property Analysis provides a key to identifying constraint relationships and so to delineating the effect of summing.
{"title":"Summing constraints in and across properties","authors":"Wm. G. Bennett, Natalie DelBusso","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000172","url":null,"abstract":"Work in Optimality Theory on the constraint set, Con, has often raised the question of whether certain types of constraints have multiple specific versions or are single general constraints that effectively sum the violations of specific variants. Comparing and evaluating analyses that differ in this way requires knowing the effect of this kind of summing on the full typology, which itself depends on the relationship of summands in the full system. Such relationships can be difficult to ascertain from inspecting violation profiles alone. This paper uses Property Theory to analyse the systematic effects of summing constraints in two distinct kinds of relationships: (i) across distinct properties, and (ii) within a constraint class in a single property. The results show how these two types collapse the typology in different, yet predictable, ways. Property Analysis provides a key to identifying constraint relationships and so to delineating the effect of summing.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"367 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43247157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000202
S. Kawahara
An experiment showed that Japanese speakers’ judgement of Pokémons’ evolution status on the basis of nonce names is affected both by mora count and by the presence of a voiced obstruent. The effects of mora count are a case of counting cumulativity, and the interaction between the two factors a case of ganging-up cumulativity. Together, the patterns result in what Hayes (2020) calls ‘wug-shaped curves’, a quantitative signature predicted by MaxEnt. I show in this paper that the experimental results can indeed be successfully modelled with MaxEnt, and also that Stochastic Optimality Theory faces an interesting set of challenges. The study was inspired by a proposal made within formal phonology, and reveals important previously understudied aspects of sound symbolism. In addition, it demonstrates how cumulativity is manifested in linguistic patterns. The work here shows that formal phonology and research on sound symbolism can be mutually beneficial.
{"title":"A wug-shaped curve in sound symbolism: the case of Japanese Pokémon names","authors":"S. Kawahara","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000202","url":null,"abstract":"An experiment showed that Japanese speakers’ judgement of Pokémons’ evolution status on the basis of nonce names is affected both by mora count and by the presence of a voiced obstruent. The effects of mora count are a case of counting cumulativity, and the interaction between the two factors a case of ganging-up cumulativity. Together, the patterns result in what Hayes (2020) calls ‘wug-shaped curves’, a quantitative signature predicted by MaxEnt. I show in this paper that the experimental results can indeed be successfully modelled with MaxEnt, and also that Stochastic Optimality Theory faces an interesting set of challenges. The study was inspired by a proposal made within formal phonology, and reveals important previously understudied aspects of sound symbolism. In addition, it demonstrates how cumulativity is manifested in linguistic patterns. The work here shows that formal phonology and research on sound symbolism can be mutually beneficial.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"383 - 418"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000202","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41903192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000160
Michael Becker, P. Jurgec
We analyse the distribution of vowel laxness and stress alternations in Slovenian nouns (for example in the nominative and genitive forms of the masculine noun [ˈjɛzik ~ jeˈzika] ‘tongue’), showing that stress shifts away from mid lax vowels in initial syllables. A stress shift of this sort is predicted by positional faithfulness (Beckman 1997). We show that this prediction is correct, contra McCarthy (2007, 2010) and Jesney (2011). The productivity of the pattern is confirmed in a large-scale nonce-word task. Stress shift in Slovenian is a result of the markedness of mid lax vowels and, perhaps counterintuitively, faithfulness to laxness in initial stressed position.
我们分析了斯洛文尼亚语名词中元音松弛的分布和重音的变化(例如在阳性名词的主格和属格形式中[[j] zik ~ je [zika]] ' tongue ')，结果表明重音从开头音节的中间松弛元音转移。这种类型的压力转移是由位置忠诚预测的(Beckman 1997)。与麦卡锡(2007年、2010年)和杰斯尼(2011年)相比，我们证明这一预测是正确的。该模式的生产力在大规模的无字任务中得到证实。斯洛文尼亚语的重音转移是由于中间松弛元音的显著性，也许与直觉相反，是对初始重音位置松弛的忠实。
{"title":"Positional faithfulness drives laxness alternations in Slovenian","authors":"Michael Becker, P. Jurgec","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000160","url":null,"abstract":"We analyse the distribution of vowel laxness and stress alternations in Slovenian nouns (for example in the nominative and genitive forms of the masculine noun [ˈjɛzik ~ jeˈzika] ‘tongue’), showing that stress shifts away from mid lax vowels in initial syllables. A stress shift of this sort is predicted by positional faithfulness (Beckman 1997). We show that this prediction is correct, contra McCarthy (2007, 2010) and Jesney (2011). The productivity of the pattern is confirmed in a large-scale nonce-word task. Stress shift in Slovenian is a result of the markedness of mid lax vowels and, perhaps counterintuitively, faithfulness to laxness in initial stressed position.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"335 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000160","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48944245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000123
C. Oakden
This paper employs a computational framework to demonstrate that two competing feature-geometric models of tonal representation are notationally equivalent. A model-theoretic analysis of these structures using a low-complexity logic yields two main results. First, the current study demonstrates that the models do not differ in their empirical coverage of assimilatory tone-sandhi processes in Chinese dialects, contrary to previous claims. Second, the models are shown to be bi-interpretable (using a more restrictive definition of bi-interpretability than earlier studies), thus providing a formally rigorous demonstration that the differences between the structures of the models are superficial, rather than substantive. The computational characterisation pursued here is well suited to questions of notational equivalence, because it allows for a principled comparison of the empirical coverage and structural content of two models using a single formalism.
{"title":"Notational equivalence in tonal geometry","authors":"C. Oakden","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000123","url":null,"abstract":"This paper employs a computational framework to demonstrate that two competing feature-geometric models of tonal representation are notationally equivalent. A model-theoretic analysis of these structures using a low-complexity logic yields two main results. First, the current study demonstrates that the models do not differ in their empirical coverage of assimilatory tone-sandhi processes in Chinese dialects, contrary to previous claims. Second, the models are shown to be bi-interpretable (using a more restrictive definition of bi-interpretability than earlier studies), thus providing a formally rigorous demonstration that the differences between the structures of the models are superficial, rather than substantive. The computational characterisation pursued here is well suited to questions of notational equivalence, because it allows for a principled comparison of the empirical coverage and structural content of two models using a single formalism.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"257 - 296"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000123","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42915795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000135
P. Staroverov
Based on primary data from Tundra Nenets, this paper explores phonological patterns which seem to require restrictions on the input, and thus present a particular challenge to Optimality Theory. In these patterns, a contrastive segment appears only in the environments where it is also derived by active alternations in the language. I illustrate this with the behaviour of Tundra Nenets /k/, and argue that these patterns can be analysed as distributional generalisations that hold only at early derivational levels. A Stratal OT analysis is proposed. Tundra Nenets also presents a pattern which appears to involve unnatural classes, but is reanalysed with only natural class alternations in my account.
{"title":"Opaque distributional generalisations in Tundra Nenets","authors":"P. Staroverov","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000135","url":null,"abstract":"Based on primary data from Tundra Nenets, this paper explores phonological patterns which seem to require restrictions on the input, and thus present a particular challenge to Optimality Theory. In these patterns, a contrastive segment appears only in the environments where it is also derived by active alternations in the language. I illustrate this with the behaviour of Tundra Nenets /k/, and argue that these patterns can be analysed as distributional generalisations that hold only at early derivational levels. A Stratal OT analysis is proposed. Tundra Nenets also presents a pattern which appears to involve unnatural classes, but is reanalysed with only natural class alternations in my account.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"297 - 328"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000135","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42263843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000111
Laura McPherson
This volume is a collection of twelve articles on the topic of syllable weight, drawing on mostly primary data from African languages. African languages have contributed enormously to the development of phonological theory over the decades (see e.g. Odden 1995, Hyman 2003), but this is the first volume dedicated specifically to what they can teach us about syllable weight. As Paul Newman points out in his introduction, African languages are also an appropriate testing ground, given the formative role played especially by Afro-Asiatic languages in the development of the theory of syllable weight. The sample of languages in the current volume is genealogically and geographically diverse. It comprises Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic languages from all across the continent, and the selection is exemplary in demonstrating the many roles that syllable weight can play in morphophonology. The papers range in length from 14 to 20 pages. While all of them address the question of syllable structure, some feel as though they circle around the question of syllable weight, without addressing it directly. That said, every chapter is rich in data, often novel, making the volume an excellent resource for future theoretical work, as well as pedagogical materials. The authors represent a diverse group of voices, including a number of African scholars, and range in rank from graduate students to well-established senior and emeritus scholars. The gender distribution, however, is heavily skewed towards male authors (two-to-one). Syllable weight in African languages will be of interest to specialists and nonspecialists alike. Paul Newman’s introduction and the reprint in Chapter 1 of his seminal 1972 paper ‘Syllable weight as a phonological variable’, together with Matthew Gordon’s overview paper in Chapter 2, provide a solid, accessible introduction to issues surrounding syllable weight and existing literature on the topic (including data from non-African languages). The remaining chapters present new scholarship that advances our understanding of the languageand process-specific nature of syllable weight. The most common topics addressed include tone, stress, minimality and reduplication. The role of syllable weight in contour-tone distribution is discussed for Hausa (Newman; Chapter 1), the Nilo-Saharan Sara-Bagirmi languages (Keegan; Chapter 7), Southern Kenyan Maa (Griscom & Payne; Chapter 9) and Kusaal (Musah; Chapter 11), representing languages from all three major phyla, while other tonal phenomena sensitive to weight are covered for other Chadic languages (Newman; Chapter 1) and theMara
{"title":"Paul Newman (ed.) (2017). Syllable weight in African languages. (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 338.) Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Pp. x + 219.","authors":"Laura McPherson","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000111","url":null,"abstract":"This volume is a collection of twelve articles on the topic of syllable weight, drawing on mostly primary data from African languages. African languages have contributed enormously to the development of phonological theory over the decades (see e.g. Odden 1995, Hyman 2003), but this is the first volume dedicated specifically to what they can teach us about syllable weight. As Paul Newman points out in his introduction, African languages are also an appropriate testing ground, given the formative role played especially by Afro-Asiatic languages in the development of the theory of syllable weight. The sample of languages in the current volume is genealogically and geographically diverse. It comprises Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan and Afro-Asiatic languages from all across the continent, and the selection is exemplary in demonstrating the many roles that syllable weight can play in morphophonology. The papers range in length from 14 to 20 pages. While all of them address the question of syllable structure, some feel as though they circle around the question of syllable weight, without addressing it directly. That said, every chapter is rich in data, often novel, making the volume an excellent resource for future theoretical work, as well as pedagogical materials. The authors represent a diverse group of voices, including a number of African scholars, and range in rank from graduate students to well-established senior and emeritus scholars. The gender distribution, however, is heavily skewed towards male authors (two-to-one). Syllable weight in African languages will be of interest to specialists and nonspecialists alike. Paul Newman’s introduction and the reprint in Chapter 1 of his seminal 1972 paper ‘Syllable weight as a phonological variable’, together with Matthew Gordon’s overview paper in Chapter 2, provide a solid, accessible introduction to issues surrounding syllable weight and existing literature on the topic (including data from non-African languages). The remaining chapters present new scholarship that advances our understanding of the languageand process-specific nature of syllable weight. The most common topics addressed include tone, stress, minimality and reduplication. The role of syllable weight in contour-tone distribution is discussed for Hausa (Newman; Chapter 1), the Nilo-Saharan Sara-Bagirmi languages (Keegan; Chapter 7), Southern Kenyan Maa (Griscom & Payne; Chapter 9) and Kusaal (Musah; Chapter 11), representing languages from all three major phyla, while other tonal phenomena sensitive to weight are covered for other Chadic languages (Newman; Chapter 1) and theMara","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"329 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000111","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44656806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S0952675720000093
Karthik Durvasula, Adam Liter
How exactly do learners generalise in the face of ambiguous data? While there has been a substantial amount of research studying the biases that learners employ, there has been very little work on what sorts of biases are employed in the face of data that is ambiguous between phonological generalisations with different degrees of complexity. In this article, we present the results from three artificial language learning experiments that suggest that, at least for phonotactic sequence patterns, learners are able to keep track of multiple generalisations related to the same segmental co-occurrences; however, the generalisations they learn are only the simplest ones consistent with the data.
{"title":"There is a simplicity bias when generalising from ambiguous data","authors":"Karthik Durvasula, Adam Liter","doi":"10.1017/S0952675720000093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0952675720000093","url":null,"abstract":"How exactly do learners generalise in the face of ambiguous data? While there has been a substantial amount of research studying the biases that learners employ, there has been very little work on what sorts of biases are employed in the face of data that is ambiguous between phonological generalisations with different degrees of complexity. In this article, we present the results from three artificial language learning experiments that suggest that, at least for phonotactic sequence patterns, learners are able to keep track of multiple generalisations related to the same segmental co-occurrences; however, the generalisations they learn are only the simplest ones consistent with the data.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"177 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S0952675720000093","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46903062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-01DOI: 10.1017/S095267572000010X
Adam G. McCollum, Eric Bakovic, Anna Mai, Eric Meinhardt
We present an empirical challenge to Jardine's (2016) assertion that only tonal spreading patterns can be unbounded circumambient, meaning that the determination of a phonological value may depend on information that is an unbounded distance away on both sides. We focus on a demonstration that the ATR harmony pattern found in Tutrugbu is unbounded circumambient, and we also cite several other segmental spreading processes with the same general character. We discuss implications for the complexity of phonology and for the relationship between the explanation of typology and the evaluation of phonological theories.
{"title":"Unbounded circumambient patterns in segmental phonology","authors":"Adam G. McCollum, Eric Bakovic, Anna Mai, Eric Meinhardt","doi":"10.1017/S095267572000010X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S095267572000010X","url":null,"abstract":"We present an empirical challenge to Jardine's (2016) assertion that only tonal spreading patterns can be unbounded circumambient, meaning that the determination of a phonological value may depend on information that is an unbounded distance away on both sides. We focus on a demonstration that the ATR harmony pattern found in Tutrugbu is unbounded circumambient, and we also cite several other segmental spreading processes with the same general character. We discuss implications for the complexity of phonology and for the relationship between the explanation of typology and the evaluation of phonological theories.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"37 1","pages":"215 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2020-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S095267572000010X","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46442098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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